著者
日高 優
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.147-162, 2002-03

This paper aims to analyze the street as a topos in contemporary American photography. Historians of photography claim that contemporary American photography originated with the work of William Klein and Robert Frank, photographers who viewed American culture from an alien, critical perspective. In contrast, more recent photographers, who learned from these two pioneers how to use their cameras for more personal purposes, represent the street as a place to encounter people and to frame them extemporaneously. In this paper I will consider a representative of the new generation, Garry Winogrand, as a street photographer. As with his contemporaries, Winogrand never plans his photos in advance. After reading Winogrand's photographs from the perspective of photographic technique and content, I will discuss the meaning of his photographs both from his point of view and from that of the viewer. Photographs of streets become conduits not only of the photographer's but also of the viewer's memory. The memory of the photographer and the viewer passes back and forth through the medium of the image. Through visual stereotypes of experience, the memory of the photographer and of the viewer penetrates the photograph and is released into the image. Likewise, in the opposite direction, the image works upon their memories. Through the two-way circuit of the image and the viewer, images of the street reappear as a common topos of memory. The topos of street comes into being only through the photographic event.
著者
三牧 聖子
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.22-31, 2013-03

特集 : 太平洋関係のなかのアメリカと日本 : 歴史からの問い
著者
三吉 美加
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.183-201, 2002-03

Dancing is indispensable to Dominican life. At the same time, the popularity of Hip Hop has been influential to the youth in the Dominican neighborhood in New York City. This paper explores how the learning of Dominican dances has affected the youth in terms of the knowing of "how to move". I examine the developing desire of the youth for finding of African and Dominican styles in quotidian lives, as well as in Hip Hop and Dominican dance lessons, as a result of the learning of dances. The experiences as blacks in the US society are certainly implicated in their findings of "African" styles. Paying attentions to the achievements through the dance practices, such as self-esteem and sophisticated eyes towards bodily movements, I point out the subjective construction of being a person as Dominican and as black in their daily negotiations. Moreover, the bodily experience, characterized as "flow" invites them to learn more about the activities that involve their bodies, which in this case, dancing. In observing the people in the neighborhood, they have come to be aware of essential bodily styles that are expressed in behaviors and gestures. And they have implicitly studied it through the dances both in Dominican dances and Hip Hop. Through this whole process, they developed "bodily bilingualism", motivated by the dance lessons. The "bodily bilingualism" further promotes the adhesion to their living in the Hip Hop world in the Dominican neighborhood.
著者
黒柳 米司
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.157-171, 2001-03

Only one year after his globally-appreciated inauguration, President Abdurrahman been besieged by the hostile forces both in the parliament as well as on the streets. It was those same forces that hailed Wahid as the President of Indonesia in October 1999. The inter-national reputation of the President Wahid also waned to the critical extent that even the reevaluation of the stabilizing role of the Indonesian military becomes arguable, that was diametrically opposite to the political atmosphere in the wake of the downfall of the ex-President Soeharto. What made those radical changes take place? Gus Dur, as Wahid is widelly called, has been criticised for failures in three major tasks: promoting democratization, economic rehabilitation, and pacifying restive regions. His poor performance contravenes his overtly adamant attitudes toward increasingly antagonistic MPs, who issued the first memorandum of censure to the President in February 2001. Ironically enough, while there is no reason to doubt Gus Dur's commitment to democracy and reformasi, he is undeniably autocratic in his modus operandi. The trend of globalization or, to be more concrete, global pressures - influences those Indonesian developments in two ways. On the one hand, it may provide the democratic enthusiasts with incentives for as well as models of democratization. Internet technologies, among others, helps democratic NGOs in an unprecedented manner, for them to make their appeals heeded and find a trusty shield from possible sanctions by the regime. On the other hand, it may backfire by instigating nationalistic repercussions to external pressures perceived by the locals - both government and populace as biased and illegitimate interference. As a matter of fact, global standards, rather often than not, used to represent the views and values of the Western, developed nations which the developing nations, specially in Asia, are skeptical of and resentful of as well. he government of President Abdurrahman Wahid could be dubbed as a 'mezzanine regime'in the sense that it could climb up the stairs leading to a fully democratic Indonesia on he one hand, or descend downward to an autocratic military regime on the other. The international community, therefore, should not take democratization in Wahid's Indonesia for ranted. While the former President Soeharto has politically deceased, those pro-Soeharto elements are far from extinguished from positions of power in central and local governments. hey could make use of anti-Wahid momentum - both local and global - as an excuse to make a come-back.
著者
有賀 貞 砂田 一郎 佐藤 宏子
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, pp.165-185, 2008-03

上杉忍・巽孝之編著『アメリカの文明と自画像』Shinobu Uesugi and Takayuki Tatsumi. eds. American Civilization : Reflections on Self-Reflections (2006) : 紀平英作・油井大三郎編著『グローバリゼーションと帝国』Eisaku Kihira and Daizaburo Yui, eds. Globalization and Empire (2006)//古矢旬・山田史郎編著『権力と暴力』Jun Furuya and Shiro Yamada, eds. Power and Violence (2007) : 秋山英一・小塩和人編著『豊かさと環境』Eiichi Akimoto and Kazuto Oshio, eds. Affuence vs. Environment (2006)//久保文明・有賀夏紀編著『個人と国家の間(家族・団体・運動)』Fumiaki Kubo and Natsuki Aruga, eds. Between the Individual and the State : Families, Associations, and Movements (2007) : 荒このみ・生井英考編著『文化の受容と変貌』Konomi Ara and Eikoh Ikui, eds. Transcultural Relationship of Japan and US in Modern Era (2007)
著者
川口 悠子
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.227-242, 2006-03

本論文では、広島の原爆被害について、戦後日本ではどのような記憶が構築され浸透していったのかという問いを検討するため、1945年から1947年夏までの間の広島の状況と全国的な状況について、広島の地方紙と全国紙の記事の比較分析をおこなった。//第一節では、敗戦から占領軍の駐留開始までのあいだに、多くの日本人が原爆による被害の状況を知る機会があったことを示した。これは、敗戦によって日本政府の情報統制が緩み、原爆被害についての生々しい報道が数多くなされたためである。その後、占領軍(GHQ/SCAP)が到着し検閲を開始したため、原爆報道は急減していった。//第二節では広島の地方紙の記事とし当局者の発言の中で繰り返されたナラティヴの特徴を分析した。このナラティヴは、原爆投下によって軍事都市としての広島が消滅し、また世界平和が訪れたとして、広島はローカル・トランスナショナル双方の意味において「平和のシンボル」となったと主張するものだった。しかし、このような主張は必ずしも本心からなされたものではなく、むしろGHQ/SCAPの検閲の影響や復興資金獲得への動きなど、実際的な理由に基づくものだったと考えられる。//第三節では、前節で見た「平和のシンボル」論は、広島では報道はされたもののナショナルな文脈には位置づけられず、また全国紙は敗戦直後には原爆被害に多くの誌面を割いたにも関わらず、このような主張を報道することもほとんどなかったこと、すなわち原爆被害に対する関心にはローカルとナショナルなレベルでギャップがあったことを明らかにした。
著者
富澤 達三
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.31-40, 2005-03

1. Kawaraban in the Edo Period In the last days of the Tokugawa Shogunate, many kinds of Kawaraban (used as News sources of the commonalty) were published in the metropolis like Edo and Osaka. In the past, it was said that the oldest Kawaraban prints were published in the days of the Osaka War (1615), but the recent research has brought a new theory that they were made in earlier period. Kawaraban had several distinctive features. * news were their main contents * people paid money to read them * instant prints* publisher was anonymous * no fixed format and low quality prints There were many kinds of news printed in the Kawaraban such as catastrophe (fire, earthquake and eruption), murder cases (Katakiuchi (vengeance) or Shinju (double suicide)), strange incidents (appearance of monster or ghost), and the arrival of the foreign ships called Kurofune. The Edo-bakufu strictly prohibited production and selling of the prints that dealt with such topics. But in the end of Edo-era, enormous amount of public prints were produced for the mass while the censorships by Edo-bakufu became nominal, and Kawaraban were published openly. In particular, big fires broke out frequently in Edo and the Kawaraban often reported their damages. The disaster information of the Kawaraban was relatively credible, and therefore served to calm people's fears and also transmitted the situations of the damages from Edo to provinces. 2. Kawaraban of Black Ships (Kurofune Kawaraban) In 1853 (Kaei-6), Admiral Perry voyaged to Uraga, and urged Japan to start commerce. Edo was thrown into an uproar, and hundreds of Kawaraban which informed this incident were produced. These "Kurofune Kawaraban" told the people the circumstance by the stereotypical images and some fultual information. The Kurofune Kawaraban were non-censored illegal prints, and many of them were one-sheet-type. It was rare that such printings containing political information were published in a large quantity and were purchased by the general public. In this paper, I will analyze the image of the Kurofune Kawaraban, and examine their roles in the public world.
著者
松田 春香
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.135-152, 2005-03

Outpost Countries'in East Asia, such as South Korea and Taiwan, proposed to make 'anticommunist'security pacts in order to get U.S. military support and strengthen their security since the international environment surrounding them had changed. They suggested making a 'Pacific Pact'in 1949, to be followed with 'The Asian People Anti-communist League (APACL)'after the Korean War. But South Korea and Taiwan could not reach a consensus on Japanese participation. That is why APACL, establisehd in 1954, could not get any support from the U.S., so became far from a collective security pact. On the other hand, the U.S. changed its policy and entered into bilateral security pacts with East Asian countries because it felt threatened by China. Furthermore, because it had become impossible for France to win in the First Indochina War in 1954, the U.S. asked other countries, including Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, to cooperate in Indochina and tried to integrate this military cooperation into the collective security pacts. Eventually, the U.S. failed to develop a security pact among Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan due to worsening Japan-Korea relations. Consequently, the bilateral security pacts have been maintained and not been changed into a collective security pact in Northeast Asia. The proposals to make the collective security pacts by both 'Outpost Countries'in East Asia and U.S. had failed, but when the U.S. promoted close military relations among non-communist countries, the 'outpost countries'cooperated with them. APACL played a part in their cooperation.
著者
加治屋 健司
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.105-117, 2005-03

This paper investigates the ways in which American art critic Clement Greenberg transformed his art criticism in relation to the revival of figurative paintings among young artists in downtown New York in the 1950s. Greenberg has been considered to be a lifelong advocator of abstract art. In his early stage, Greenberg contended that advanced art should be abstract through emphasis on its own medium rather than on what it represents. The 1950s, however, saw the emergence of figurative painters who were inspired largely by Willem de Kooning's Woman I, the painting that broke away from the burden of abstraction. Their popularity urged Greenberg to reconsider the significance of abstract art, discovering the important role of visuality as a common ground between abstract and representational art. He thus came to recognize the importance of abstract art once again because it tells us more clearly how to apprehend the visual features of works of art than representational art does. Greenberg's propagation of abstract art in the 1960s should be considered not to be the extension of his reductionist position in the 1940s but rather to be the consequence of his attention to the visual function of abstract art which he discovered through his experience of figurative paintings in the 1950s
著者
入江 哲朗
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, pp.57-73, 2020-03

In marked contrast to his father Benjamin Peirce, a leading scientist in the nineteenth-century US, and his younger brother Charles Sanders Peirce, one of the greatest American philosophers, James Mills Peirce has seldom received substantial treatment in historical research, though he succeeded to his father's chair, Perkins Professor of Astronomy and Mathematics, at Harvard in 1885. Thus little attention has been paid to the fact that his 1893–94 lectures on quaternions were attended by a Japanese graduate student, Shunkichi Kimura. This paper sheds a new light on the achievements of J. M. Peirce through a close reading of Kimura's letter dated October 7, 1894, which described his life at Harvard to Aikitsu Tanakadate, professor of Imperial University, Japan.\n From his promotion to professor in 1869 until his death in 1906, particularly for the 1872–95 period when he was in charge of the incipient graduate education, Peirce had cooperated closely with President Charles William Eliot in the reform of Harvard aiming for its enlargement and professionalization. In the 1894 letter, however, Kimura suggested to Tanakadate that three Harvard professors of mathematical physics were of poor quality as professional scholars, whereas Peirce wrote in the following year an official report boasting the development of graduate education at Harvard. On the other hand, Kimura greatly admired Peirce's dedication to quaternions, in which latter-day Harvard mathematicians had little interest. Kimura's letter provides a valuable point of view for fully appreciating the administrative and academic career of Peirce.
著者
佃 陽子
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.142-159, 2009-03

論文Articlesカリフォルニア州サンフランシスコ市のジャパンタウンは20 世紀初頭に日本人移民の集住地域として誕生した。現在の日系人人口は郊外など各地に分散しているが、日系アメリカ人の多くにとってジャパンタウンはエスニシティの象徴として今なお重要とされている。本論文は近年の人文地理学の空間理論を援用し、1990 年代末から活発化したジャパンタウンの保護運動が日系アメリカ人のアイデンティティ形成に果たす役割を考察した。2006 年、一日本企業の撤退に伴いジャパンタウンのショッピング・モールやホテル等が一度に売却されることになった。これに危機感を募らせた日系コミュニティの指導者たちはサンフランシスコ市行政委員の支援を受けてロビー活動を展開し、ジャパンタウンを「Special Use District (SUD)」という土地利用が制限される特別地区に指定することに成功した。SUD制度は「場所」の境界線を定め、場所のアイデンティティを「日本・日系アメリカ文化」に限定した。本論文は場所の永続性と開放性という対照的な観点から、SUD制度の利点と問題点を指摘した。場所を永続的なものとみなした場合、SUDにより場所の境界とアイデンティティを再定義することはジャパンタウンの求心力低下に直面しているコミュニティ指導者たちにとって喫緊の問題であり、SUDの熱心なロビー活動は当然の行動だったといえる。SUDはジャパンタウンの経済的・文化的な発展を促すばかりでなく、多文化都市サンフランシスコの観光産業にも利益をもたらす可能性がある。しかし、場所を開放的なものとみなした場合、SUDはジャパンタウンに居住する非日系人グループらを周縁化し、「我々」と「他者」の境界を益々強固にするという危険性も孕むといえるであろう。
著者
Sumida Stephen H.
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.101-111, 2002-03

本稿では、1794年にハワイで起こったクキイアフという戦いを例に、抹消されていたネイティブ・ハワイアンの歴史上の出来事を再現し、その出来事を抹消した力がどれだけ強力なものであり続けてきたかを示していく。この作業は、サミュエル・マナイアカラニ・カマカウが著したRuling Chiefs of Hawai'i(1866)を基に行う。この本はネイティブ・ハワイアンが自らの土地を支配していた時代の著書であり、ネイティブ・ハワイアン中心の記述となっている。クキイアフとは、1794年にオアフ島で起こった、オアフ島の支配者カラニクプレと、カウアイ島・マウイ島・モロカイ島・ラナイ島の支配者であったカエオクラニとの間の戦いである。結果は、白人傭兵と彼らの軍艦の力を借りたカラニクプレの勝利に終わった。後のカメハメハ王のハワイ諸島統一にも影響を及ぼした、ネイティブ・ハワイアンの歴史上、重要な戦いである。戦いの舞台の一つとなったのは現在のパール・ハーバーであり、この地名はリリウオカラニの時代に別な事件で登場し、さらに1941年の日本軍の攻撃で有名になっているが、クキイアフについて知っている者は、今や殆どいない。歴史は誰のものなのか、誰が語り伝えていくのか、また誰が主体なのかが、その根底にある。ハワイの歴史が、ネイティブ・ハワイアンの手から別な者たちの手に移っていく過程で、クキイアフの抹消が起こった。本稿ではさらに、リリウオカラニの著書Hawaii's Story by Hawaii's Queen(1898)、ジョン・ドミニス・ホルトのWaimea Summer(1976)、ゲーリー・パクのThe Watcher of Waipuna and Other Stories(1992)、ロイス・アン・ヤマナカのWild Meat and the Bully Burgers(1996)を題材として、ハワイの文学作品を論じていくことで、植民地支配という状況下での文化的な作用、先住民の文化の喪失、自らの文化を取り戻していこうという試みなどについて明らかにしていく。また、多文化主義あるいはハワイの地元文化と、ネイティブ・ハワイアン中心の歴史抹消との関係についても検証する。
著者
富澤 達三
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.31-40, 2005-03

1. Kawaraban in the Edo Period In the last days of the Tokugawa Shogunate, many kinds of Kawaraban (used as News sources of the commonalty) were published in the metropolis like Edo and Osaka. In the past, it was said that the oldest Kawaraban prints were published in the days of the Osaka War (1615), but the recent research has brought a new theory that they were made in earlier period. Kawaraban had several distinctive features. * news were their main contents * people paid money to read them * instant prints* publisher was anonymous * no fixed format and low quality prints There were many kinds of news printed in the Kawaraban such as catastrophe (fire, earthquake and eruption), murder cases (Katakiuchi (vengeance) or Shinju (double suicide)), strange incidents (appearance of monster or ghost), and the arrival of the foreign ships called Kurofune. The Edo-bakufu strictly prohibited production and selling of the prints that dealt with such topics. But in the end of Edo-era, enormous amount of public prints were produced for the mass while the censorships by Edo-bakufu became nominal, and Kawaraban were published openly. In particular, big fires broke out frequently in Edo and the Kawaraban often reported their damages. The disaster information of the Kawaraban was relatively credible, and therefore served to calm people's fears and also transmitted the situations of the damages from Edo to provinces. 2. Kawaraban of Black Ships (Kurofune Kawaraban) In 1853 (Kaei-6), Admiral Perry voyaged to Uraga, and urged Japan to start commerce. Edo was thrown into an uproar, and hundreds of Kawaraban which informed this incident were produced. These ""Kurofune Kawaraban"" told the people the circumstance by the stereotypical images and some fultual information. The Kurofune Kawaraban were non-censored illegal prints, and many of them were one-sheet-type. It was rare that such printings containing political information were published in a large quantity and were purchased by the general public. In this paper, I will analyze the image of the Kurofune Kawaraban, and examine their roles in the public world.