著者
松園 万亀雄
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, no.2, pp.164-180, 1968-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

The ideology of descent has a career of its own, largely independent of internal contradictions in recruitment and "a descent doctrine does not express group composition but imposes itself upon the composition." This is the point succinctly stated by Sahlins (1963, 1965), which also underlies the Barnes' following observation. "A genealogy in the pre-literate society is in general a charter, in Malinowski's sense, for a given configuration of contemporary social relations. Where there is a dogma of descent, and in particular a dogma of agnatic solidarity, the genealogy must reflect the contemporary situation or some desired modification of it, in terms of the dogma." (Barnes 1962). Our analysis of pastoral societies aims at providing a certain quantification of the above thesis. The study of pastoral societies seems to allow a more or less radical formulation along this line of argument because of the elastic nature of group composition and the vigorous tendency to rationalize it in terms of the agnatic doctrine. The substantial body of materials have been drawn from the Somali (Lewis 1961), the Samburu (Spencer 1965), and the Baggara Arabs (Cunnison 1966), all of which are defined by the authors as societies with the agnatic lineage system. A herding camp generally is the basic. unit comprising a spatially compact lineage segment. The demographic surveys, however, revealed that there is a fairly high incidence of camps containing affinally and non-agnatically related persons and coming-in strangers without any kinship relations whatsoever (20-3096 among the Somali and the Samburu as against agnatic members). Since marriage is prohibited within the 'primary lineage' in the Somali and within the 'clan' in the Samburu (as a corollary within camps as well) , affinal and congatic impurities in camps are those who or whose ascendants came to be attached to their wives' groups by uxorilocal mode of residence. In the course of time, however, these accessory members become incorporated into their host groups and accorded fullfledged membership to agnatic descent groups. There exist certain required formalities that mark the point of incorporation: the Somali are required to cooperate with wives' agnates in camel herdings and blood-money payments: the Samburu must observe the exogamous restrictions of the clan in regard to the host groups. The Humr, a 'tribe' among the Baggara Arabs, give preference to FBD marriage, thus marriages are very frequently practiced within the surra that is the smallest agnatic lineage segment and the basis of a single camp.
著者
和辻 哲郎
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.4, pp.285-289, 1950 (Released:2018-03-27)

What makes the reviewer sceptical of the scientific value of The Chrysanthemum and the Sword consists not in the misunderstandings found in the data themselves which the author has used, but in the inadequate treatment of these data. The auther arrives at over-generalized conclusions on the basis of partial data, and very often makes judgements about the character of the Japanese people in general from such propaganda as the no-surrender principle or the superiority of spiritual to physical power, which were believed only by a small part of militarists for a definite time, or which these militarists made use of for their struggle within the country. Of course, there is another question, which Ruth Benedict has not fully taken into consideration, of why the Japanese people so meekly suc-cumbed to the dictatorship of a militarist clique. It is in this question that we should seek a key to the patterns of Japanese culture. The Japanese can perceive very clearly what elements in their culture are new and functional and what are antiquated and non-funtional, whereas to most foreigners these cultural elements appear to co-exist side by side with equal functional significance. Therefore it strikes the Japanese as queer that Benedict accepts certain nolonger-influential thoughts or customs of the past as characteristic of the present-day Japanese culture. For example, the reviewer's own experience for the past half-century contradicts both in social and family life what the author has called "the Japan's confidence in hierarchy".
著者
金田一 京助
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.1, pp.1-20, 1948 (Released:2018-03-27)

It has been contended by physical anthropologists and prehistoric archaeologists that Ezo and Emishi, whose names appear in ancient Japanese history, were distinct from the Ainu. The author, basing his case on documentary and linguistic materials, particularly on place names of Ainu origin in northeastern Honshu, concludes that the Ezo and Emishi were one and the same group with the Ainu, and that they had moved down from the north to settle in northeastern Honshu.
著者
鈴木 栄太郎
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.3, pp.A552-A558, 1963 (Released:2018-03-27)

The Kei association in Korea is very similar in structure and function to the Ko (講) group in Japan. The same is true of the Pumashi in Korea and the Yui in Japan. The Kei and the Ko assosications offer efficient and reasonable ways for financial cooperation when it is needed by the community, while the Pumashi and the Yui are applied to solveve the problem of labor cooperation. All four groups are apparently based on the supposition that all human beings are equal. How and when does the Kei association work? According to the rules of the Kei, each member is required to contribute a certain amount of property whenever it is needed by the community to accomplish any communal work; every person who satisfies the requirement is in turn guaranted a perfectly equal right. Thus the Kei group is undoubtedly financial in character. Whatever other object it may have, an association which is organized to meet the financial needs of the community falls in to the category of the Kei groups. The Ko association in Japan solves communal financial problems in exactly the same way, although some cultural differences may exist between the two growps. This argument applies with the same cogency to the relationship between the Pumashi and the Yui associations. Both represent a method of labor cooperation although are some cultural differences. According to the rules of Pumashi, if A offers his labor to B, B is required to return the equivalent labor to A. This principle extends to matual help among more than three members of the Pumashi group; the value of the labor is calculated in accordance with the differences in sex and years of age of the laborer.