著者

三成 美保 姫岡 とし子 小浜 正子 井野瀬 久美恵 久留島 典子 桜井 万里子 小川 眞里子 香川 檀 羽場 久美子 荻野 美穂 富永 智津子 桃木 至朗 成田 龍一

出版者

奈良女子大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2012-04-01

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本研究の主な成果は、以下の3つである。①三成・姫岡・小浜編『歴史を読み替えるージェンダーから見た世界史』2014年と長野・久留島・長編『歴史を読み替えるージェンダーから見た日本史』2015年の刊行。②前者(『読み替える(世界史編)』)の合評会を兼ねた公開シンポジウムの開催(2014年7月)。③科研費共同研究会(比較ジェンダー史研究会)独自のウェブサイト(http://ch-gender.jp/wp/)の開設。このウェブサイトは、『読み替える』の情報を補足すること及びジェンダー史WEB事典として活用されることをめざしている。また、高校教科書の書き換え案も提示している。

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.403-417, 1987

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.403-417, 1987-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

清水 政明 Le Thi Lien 桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.149-177, 1998-09

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This paper aims to introduce one piece of chu nom material, which Henri Maspero mentioned in his article of 1912 as one of the oldest chu nom materials, and the existence of which remained for a long time unconfirmed. This paper also aims to analyze the chu nom characters contained in it from the historical phonological point of view. This material was rediscovered and introduced by Le Thi Lien in her 1989 B. A. thesis. It is an inscription erected in 1343 on the Ho Thanh mountain (nui Non Nuoc) in the present Ninh Binh province, Vietnam. It concerns donations made by local inhabitants for the construction of a temple on the mountain. Before analyzing the chu nom characters in the inscription, we first review the traditional method of analyzing chu nom characters as proposed by Henri Maspero in 1912,for the purpose of demonstrating the limitations of his method in the analysis of our material. We then refer to recent Viet-Muong phonological studies based on the newly discovered and described groups of the Viet-Muong branch such as Arem. Chu't. Ma Lieng. Aheu, and Pong, most of which were not known when Maspero wrote his paper. One of the main phonological features that differentiate them from the Mu'o'ng dialects described by Maspero is the existence of the disyllabic structure : (C_0)vC_1V(C_2)/T. We also utilize newly discovered chu nom materials such as the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phat thuyet a ai bao phu mau an trong kinh, compiled in the 15th century, which also throws light on our analysis. The material contains 11 common words and 18 person or place names written in chu nom characters. The latter 18 proper nouns are the object of discussion. Their common characteristics are the use of two characters for the transcription of one proper noun and occurrence of the vowel /a/ as the first element. We claim for these examples to show (1) certain patterns of the initial consonantal cluster, and (2) the trace of the disyllabic morphemes still preserved in the 14th century Vietnamese. Concerning the former point, we can reconstruct such patterns as /^* bl-/, /^* ml-/, and /^* k'r-/ from our material. The latter point is of special importance. Nguyen Tai Can (1995) reconstructed the major members of the minor syllable ((C_0)v) in the disyllabic structure of Proto Viet-Muong as /^* pə/, /^* tə/, /^* cə/, /^* kə/, /^* sə/, /^* a/, and we can recognize four of them in our matelial : /^* pə/, /^* tə/, /^* kə/, /^* a/. The chu nom characters contained in the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phat thuyet d ai bao phu mau an trong kinh mentioned above, in turn, show all six of them, and the characters transcribing each of these minor syllables coincide with each other between these two materials, a fact that may reinforce the credibility of our analysis. In conclusion, the insertion of a non-distinctive schwa vowel/ə/ between each of the initial consonantal clusters seems to have been common in Vietnamese during the 14th-15th centuries, but not in all cases. And the disyllabic strucure of Vietnamese, or at least the trace of it, is recognized to have existed until as late as 15th century.

著者

清水 政明 Le Thi Lien 桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.149-177, 1998-09

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.210-212, 2008-07-25 (Released:2017-07-22)

著者

桃木 至朗 モモキ シロウ Shiro Momoki

出版者

立教大学史学会

雑誌

史苑 (ISSN:03869318)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.121-148, 2016-12

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

内陸アジア史学会

雑誌

内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.81-84, 2011-03-31 (Released:2017-10-10)

著者

三成 美保 粟屋 利江 村上 薫 小浜 正子 鈴木 則子 小野 仁美 長 志珠絵 山崎 明子 桃木 至朗 河上 麻由子 野村 鮎子 久留島 典子 井野瀬 久美惠 姫岡 とし子 永原 陽子 落合 恵美子

出版者

奈良女子大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2020-04-01

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「アジア・ジェンダー史」の構築に向けて、次の3つの課題を設定して共同研究を行う。①「アジア≪で≫問うジェンダー史」に関する史資料の収集・整理、②高校「歴史総合」のための「アジア≪を≫問うジェンダー史」教材の作成、③アジア諸国の研究者と協力して「アジア≪から≫問うジェンダー史」研究を発展させることである。研究成果は書籍として刊行するほか、比較ジェンダー史研究会HP(https://ch-gender.jp/wp/)を通じて広く国際社会に成果を公表する。とくに②については、高校教員との対話や共同作業を通じて、ジェンダー視点から歴史教育の発展をはかるためのテキスト・資料を作成・提供する。

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.464-497, 1992-12-31

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This paper aims to examine the history of Vietnam's "external" relations in a new perspective, especially with regard to its southern and western neighbors after its independence in the tenth century. As for its neighbor in the south, it has been said that Champa had suffered from constant and continual Vietnamese southward aggression or Nam-tien since the latter's independence. In my view, it was only in the latter years of the fourteenth century that the balance of power between Vietnam and Champa was definitely lost. Before then, their relations had rather followed the "Southeast Asian" pattern in which the two polities or mandalas often struggled with each other for hegemony on one hand while maintaining close relations with each other on the other. Concerning the western neighbors, its relations with the Yunnanese polities were central concerns of the Vietnamese polity in the early centuries after independence as they shared similar cultural traits and a comparable level of Sinicization. Later, when the Thai-Lao group became powerful on its western borders, rivalry within the Vietnamese realm between those in the non-Sinicized mountainous areas with Thai cultural traits and those in the Sinicized delta region became evident. In the early centuries after independence, Vietnam was not yet to show its arrogance of claiming to be the "unique Sinicized country with the central status in the Southeast Asia" for claiming preeminence over its southern and western neighbors. In the fourteenth century, however, the Vietnamese began to see their polity as the "Southern Country" or "Middle Kingdom of Southeast Asia" which was entitled to reign over the surrounding barbarians. Later, in the fifteenth century when Vietnam had more or less realized such a dominant position, especially in its relations with Champa and Laos, the country definitely established its self-image as the "Southern Country."

著者

桃木 至朗 Momoki Shiro

出版者

大阪大学大学院文学研究科

雑誌

待兼山論叢 (ISSN:03874818)

巻号頁・発行日

no.44, pp.1-29, 2010

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.p464-497, 1992-12

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This paper aims to examine the history of Vietnam's "external" relations in a new perspective, especially with regard to its southern and western neighbors after its independence in the tenth century. As for its neighbor in the south, it has been said that Champa had suffered from constant and continual Vietnamese southward aggression or Nam-tien since the latter's independence. In my view, it was only in the latter years of the fourteenth century that the balance of power between Vietnam and Champa was definitely lost. Before then, their relations had rather followed the "Southeast Asian" pattern in which the two polities or mandalas often struggled with each other for hegemony on one hand while maintaining close relations with each other on the other. Concerning the western neighbors, its relations with the Yunnanese polities were central concerns of the Vietnamese polity in the early centuries after independence as they shared similar cultural traits and a comparable level of Sinicization. Later, when the Thai-Lao group became powerful on its western borders, rivalry within the Vietnamese realm between those in the non-Sinicized mountainous areas with Thai cultural traits and those in the Sinicized delta region became evident. In the early centuries after independence, Vietnam was not yet to show its arrogance of claiming to be the "unique Sinicized country with the central status in the Southeast Asia" for claiming preeminence over its southern and western neighbors. In the fourteenth century, however, the Vietnamese began to see their polity as the "Southern Country" or "Middle Kingdom of Southeast Asia" which was entitled to reign over the surrounding barbarians. Later, in the fifteenth century when Vietnam had more or less realized such a dominant position, especially in its relations with Champa and Laos, the country definitely established its self-image as the "Southern Country."

著者

桃木至朗 [ほか] 編集

出版者

平凡社

巻号頁・発行日

2008

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.403-417, 1987-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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Society and state in pre-modern Vietnam were strongly influenced by those of China. Recent research indicates, however, that absolute rule supported by bureaucracy and Confucian ideology like that in the Chinese empire was not established until the 14th century. How, then, did earlier dynasties such as Lý become stabilized and gain control over semi-independent local powers?  The foundation of the Ly dynasty did not put an end to frequent regional rebellions outside the Red River Delta, sometimes involving an alliance with another country. The framework of political integration under this Vietnamese dynasty, in which the central government of the Red River Delta controlled the northern mountains and the southern provinces, was barely established in the latter half of the 11th century. Moreover, the integration of the Red River Delta itself collapsed in a struggle among local powers on the fall of the Lý dynasty.  Under these conditions, the central government could not dismantle the local military powers and construct a military bureaucracy. The submission of local powers, often symbolized by a ceremony of allegiance, was achieved only by means of personal demonstrations of power by the emperor or princes in expeditions or ritual travels to the local powers. Such demonstrations gradually came to be undertaken by persons close to the emperor and by the grand aristocrats.  Ultimately, the stability of the Lý dynasty rested on the military actions of the “mandala overlord” in the Red River Delta and their spread to the aristocracy.

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

文部省科学研究費補助金重点領域研究「総合的地域研究」総括班

雑誌

重点領域研究総合的地域研究成果報告書シリーズ : 総合的地域研究の手法確立 : 世界と地域の共存のパラダイムを求めて

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.28-39, 1996-01-31

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.3, pp.241-265, 1988-12-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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This essay discusses the local administrative system linking the central government to village society. The first section presents the basic materials and points out issues in earlier studies concerning this subject. The second section examines the naming and distribution of each kind of unit. Generally speaking, there were only two lanks: the upper units like phủ, châu etc. and basic units like hươhng, giáp etc. Basic units were communes which had not been reorganized by the central government. Upper units were nothing more than honorary titles conferred on important and strong basic units. In such a simple system, complicated Chinese ideas about local administrative organization gave rise to irregular naming and calling of the units, some of which, for example, lộ, were invalid. The third section analyzes the functions of governors of châu and phủ. There was no distant difference between châu mục or thủ līnh, local chieftains recognized by the central government, and trị châu, a governor temporarily appointed, either in ethnicity or in non-bureaucratic functions. However, some strategic positions outside the Red River delta, especially Thanh Hóa, were governed by subordinate officials who had given royal service in the first half of the 12th century.  In short, the local administrative system under the Lý dynasty was similar to that of muǎng states in Thai society, with a “feudal” relationship between the upper and lower units and, may be, “bureaucratic” administration inside the basic communes. In the last stage of Lý period in Vietnam, however, the germs of the bureaucratic local administration completed in the 15th century can be found, both in the Red River delta, where higher and wider units were formed, and in Thanh Hóa, where “patrimonial bureaucracy” was realized.

著者

清水 政明 Lê Thị Liên 桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.149-177, 1998-09-30 (Released:2018-01-31)

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This paper aims to introduce one piece of chữ nôm material, which Henri Maspéro mentioned in his article of 1912 as one of the oldest chữ nôm materials, and the existence of which remained for a long time unconfirmed. This paper also aims to analyze the chữ nôm characters contained in it from the historical phonological point of view. This material was rediscovered and introduced by Lê Thị Liên in her 1989 B. A. thesis. It is an inscription erected in 1343 on the Hộ Thành mountain (núi Non Nủớc) in the present Ninh Bình province, Vietnam. It concerns donations made by local inhabitants for the construction of a temple on the mountain. Before analyzing the chữ nôm characters in the inscription, we first review the traditional method of analyzing chữ nôm characters as proposed by Henri Maspéro in 1912, for the purpose of demonstrating the limitations of his method in the analysis of our material. We then refer to recent Viet-Muong phonological studies based on the newly discovered and described groups of the Viet-Muong branch such as Arem, Chứt, Mã Liềng, Aheu, and Pọng, most of which were not known when Maspéro wrote his paper. One of the main phonological features that differentiate them from the Mủờng dialects described by Maspéro is the existence of the disyllabic structure: (C0)vC1V(C2)/T. We also utilize newly discovered chữ nôm materials such as the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phật thuyết đại báo phụ mẫu ân trọng kinh, compiled in the 15th century, which also throws light on our analysis. The material contains 11 common words and 18 person or place names written in chữ nôm characters. The latter 18 proper nouns are the object of discussion. Their common characteristics are the use of two characters for the transcription of one proper noun and occurrence of the vowel /a/ as the first element. We claim for these examples to show (1) certain patterns of the initial consonantal cluster, and (2) the trace of the disyllabic morphemes still preserved in the 14th century Vietnamese. Concerning the former point, we can reconstruct such patterns as /*bl-/, /*ml-/, and /*k‘r-/ from our material. The latter point is of special importance. Nguyễn Tài Cẩn (1995) reconstructed the major members of the minor syllable ((C0)v) in the disyllabic structure of Proto Viet-Muong as /*pə/, /*tə/, /*cə/, /*kə/, /*sə/, /*a/, and we can recognize four of them in our matelial: /*pə/, /*tə/, /*kə/, /*a/. The chữ nôm characters contained in the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phật thuyết đại báo phụ mẫu ân trọng kinh mentioned above, in turn, show all six of them, and the characters transcribing each of these minor syllables coincide with each other between these two materials, a fact that may reinforce the credibility of our analysis. In conclusion, the insertion of a non-distinctive schwa vowel /ə/ between each of the initial consonantal clusters seems to have been common in Vietnamese during the 14th-15th centuries, but not in all cases. And the disyllabic strucure of Vietnamese, or at least the trace of it, is recognized to have existed until as late as 15th century.

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

九州歴史科学研究会

雑誌

九州歴史科学 (ISSN:13455761)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.89-97, 2014-12

著者

早瀬 晋三 加藤 剛 吉川 利治 桃木 至朗 弘末 雅士 深見 純生 渡辺 佳成

出版者

大阪市立大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

1999

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本研究では、つぎの3つの柱を中心に活動を進めた:1.日本における東南アジア史教育の現状と課題の把握、2.他分野・他地域との関連、3.外国史と自国史。それぞれ1年間の活動を目処におこない、3年目は平行して研究成果のとりまとめをおこなった。第1年度の「日本における東南アジア史教育の現状と課題の把握」では、長年東南アジア史研究・教育に従事してきた先達に、その経験から現状と課題を指摘してもらうと同時に、学生時代に戻って卒論・修論を書くなら、どのようなテーマを選び、どのような準備をするかなど、現在の学生の身になった具体的な論文構想を語ってもらった。また、近年各大学で取り上げられた東南アジア関係の卒論・修論のテーマを収集し、その傾向と問題点を探った。第2年度は、周辺領域分野・地域との関連で東南アジア史研究を考えた。東南アジア史研究に有効な関連分野の理論・手法を学ぶとともに、関連分野に東南アジア史研究で培った理論・手法がどのように活かせるかを考察した。関連分野の研究者との意見交換により、東南アジア史研究の幅を広げ、奥行きを深めることを目標とした。第3年度は、「自国史」と「外国史」の問題を考察した。具体的には、東南アジア各国の高校・大学で「自国史」として使用されている教科書やカリキュラムを検討した。また、各国を代表する歴史学研究者と意見交換した。以上、3年間の成果をふまえて、テキストづくりの作業が進んでいる。すでに、叩き台となるべき「フィリピン」の草稿ができている。また、この研究活動を通じて、テキストのほか、史料の目録・索引、史料の復刻、翻訳、モノグラフの刊行も必要であると感じた。その準備も着々と進められている。まずは、この研究の原成果ともいうべき、報告・報告要旨28篇をまとめて発行する。

著者

桃木 至朗 モモキ シロウ

出版者

大阪大学21世紀COEプログラム「インターフェイスの人文学」

巻号頁・発行日

2007-01

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大阪大学21世紀COEプログラム「インターフェイスの人文学」 / Osaka University the 21st Century COE Program Interface Humanities