著者

橋本 悟

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.170, pp.126-88, 2016-12

著者

影山 輝國

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.149, pp.1-42, 2006-03

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在《史記・漢興以来將相名臣年表》中,有數處上下倒寫的字列,這是在其它古籍中所不得見的。關于這個問題,自清初汪越最早言及以来,至今已有諸種解釋。一九九三年,在湖北省荊州市沙市區周家台三十號秦墓出土的《秦始皇三十四年曆譜》的竹簡上,發現有一處倒寫的字列。由此人們得知《將相年表》中的倒書並非司馬遷所獨創,並且以為這個問題會因此而迎刃而解。然而,有關《將相年表》的倒書至今仍有一些問題尚未得到解決。小論在整理以往各家之言的基礎上,試圖補充提出幾點愚見。

著者

鶴園 裕

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所 = The Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, pp.1-75, 1986-02-01

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The objectives of this article is to examine the traditional measuring laws and the character of the measuaring system reform at the end of Ri Dynasty.The results are as follows.1. From the viewpoint of the modern society, the system of weight and measures in Ri Dynasty appears to have been disorganized. However, in the context of the traditional measuring laws, the system is not necessarily said to be disorganized. At that time, the classical Chu scale (about 20cm) was well maintained. Yong-jo scale (about 31cm) and the weight system were commonly used in China, Korea and Japan.2. The traditional Korean society was so flexible that it could allow the dual measuring systems (the Original Korean system and the Chinese one), or sometimes the plural measuring systems. The Chinese system had spread widely by the early period of Ri Dynasty, and the Japanese one was also introduced at the end of Ri Dynasty.

著者

榊 和良

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.163, pp.108-80, 2013-03

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A number of Sanskrit works are attributed to Gorakṣanātha. Among them, the Gorakṣaśataka is considered as one of the authoritative texts that contain Nātha doctrines. With regard to the transmission of the Gorakṣaśataka, we have located some remarks on the number of verses and variety of manuscripts. Despite the varied number of verses in the text, only two versions have been found to have been published with different titles. One version has 101 verses as its name śataka indicates, and another version contains over 200 verses. The latter is the more prevalent text. Recently, another short version has been introduced as the original śataka. We can add two Persian manuscripts which contain the Gorakṣaśataka in the form of a conversat ion between Matsyendranātha and Gorakṣanātha. One is the Retention of Breath (Pās-i Anfās) and another is the Translation of Gorakh (Tarjumah-i Gorakh). Despite the different titles, different translation styles, omissions, and additions, they are supposed to have been based on almost identical texts or oral tradition that contain the same number of verses as the longer version. Thus far, the examination of Persian translations has clarified that the source text may have been some kind of compendium of Nātha doctrines. It may have been the Vivekamārtāṇḍa ascribed to Viśvarūpadeva, which fixes the longer version of the Gorakṣaśataka in the core and contains the part of the Śivasvarodaya. The introductory part of this book has common verses in the first chapter of the Haṭhapradīpikā with ten chapters. Since the date of the transmission of the Cistern of Life (Amṛtakuṇḍa) in the 13th century, the science of the breath (svarajñāna) has been prevailed among the Islamic intellectuals and the Sufi circles. They left indispensable materials for the study of the formation of Nātha literatures.

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.129-440, 1977-03

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In the previous two chapters (II & III), the author came to the conclusion that the scripts of local dramas had been differentiated into three kinds;(1) the classical type of scripts with naive expressions to be used for the performance of village community plays,(2) the new type of scripts with elegant expressions for landlord's clan plays, and (3) vulgar scripts with licentious and rebellious expressions for market plays. Under these circumstances, it would be natural to suppose that from one basic text there had come out variations of popular drama used for the performance of all kinds of plays. Sufficient clues to resolve this problem can be found in the critical notes of P‘an-k‘e-shih-jen 槃〓碩人 on P‘i-p‘a chi 琵琶記 and Hsi-hsiang chi 西廂記, in which the reviser described the differences in words and phrases as regional variants, such as Texts of Metropolitan Drama 京本, Min Drama 〓本, Hui Drama 徽本, Wu Drama 呉本, etc. These notes lead us to take note that regional variations corresponded with each of the abovementioned kinds of scripts according to the basis of social class. Thus, in the supplementary part of Chapter IV, the author makes a careful analysis of the variants of both P‘i-p‘a chi and Hsi-hsiang chi texts to examine the relation between regional and social divisions among local dramas. (1) The first group of texts with naive and unrefined expressions are identified with Wu Drama Texts (or Old Drama Texts 旧本). Their words and phrases might have originated from immature performances at the she-miao 社廟 plays, and thus they can be regarded as the scripts for village community plays. (2) The second group of texts, which corresponded with Min Drama Texts, would be used mainly for clan plays in landowners'residences, for crude and simple expressions of Wu Drama Texts were generally revised into elegant and noble ones in Min Drama Texts. But there were still found some unrefined words well suited for village community plays. Therefore we presume that this group were formed in the transitional stage of the development from village community plays to landlord's clan plays. (3) The third group of texts, which corresponded with Metropolitan Drama Texts, must be regarded as an ideal script for the performance of the clan plays of the landowner class. In these texts whole vulgar words were perfectly deleted or revised into the most elegant ones, which were used to flatter the establishment. We may say that this group were the final achievement in the process of revision on the side of landlord class. (4) The fourth group of texts having common expressions with Hui Drama Texts can be considered as market play scripts to be performed for peasants and merchants, because the most licentious and rebellious expressions were found in these texts, especially in parts of inserted speeches. So it may be said that this group was the achievement of the poor and lower classes. Generally speaking, the elegant scripts of landlord clan plays were written by the intellectuals in such urban places as Nan-king 南京, while the vulgar scripts had been developed at the hands of anonymous writers for the poor and lower classes in rural market places of Min and An-hui Provinces. From the viewpoint of the history of Chinese local drama, Hui Drama Texts would be estimated as the most important script among all groups. We can say from the analysis of words and phrases that the group of I-yang ch‘iang 弋陽腔 Texts came out from Hui Drama Texts and then were succeeded by Gao ch‘iang 高腔 Drama, which is one of the most popular local dramas in modern times. In the concluding chapter of this article, the auther will deal with the problem of what class of people made the An-hui-I-yang dramas popular throughout almost all the country in the Ming and Ch‘ing periods.

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.400-381, 2007-12-19

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The S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra nāma mahātantrarāja preserved in the Tibetan Kanjur has traditionally been classified as a Yoga Tantra and has been regarded as one of the longer versions of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Although there is no complete Chinese translation, it has long been known that the Jingangchang zhuangyan banruo boluomiduo jiao zhong yifen 金剛場荘厳般若波羅蜜多敎中一分 (Taishō no. 886), translated by Dānapāla, corresponds to the final section of the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra. Hitherto this tantra has received the attention of Japanese researchers primarily as an alternative version of either the shorter or longer version of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Through an examination of quotations in other texts and parallel passages shared with other tantras I have reached the conclusion that this tantra can be dated to the second half of the eighth century. Worthy of particular note is the existence of more than ten verses shared with the opening section of the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, one of the earliest Mother Tantras, and there is a strong possibility that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra has taken these verses from the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga. This indicates that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra, a Yoga Tantra, postdates the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, a Mother Tantra (albeit one of the earliest) belonging to the Highest Yoga Tantras. Although a large number of later Yoga Tantras are preserved in the Tibetan canon, the original Sanskrit text of none except the Sarvadurgatiparis´odhana-tantra has survived. Consequently their importance has been underestimated, but there is a need for further research on these tantras in order to elucidate the development of Indian Tantric Buddhism.

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.400-381, 2007-12

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The S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra nāma mahātantrarāja preserved in the Tibetan Kanjur has traditionally been classified as a Yoga Tantra and has been regarded as one of the longer versions of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Although there is no complete Chinese translation, it has long been known that the Jingangchang zhuangyan banruo boluomiduo jiao zhong yifen 金剛場荘厳般若波羅蜜多敎中一分 (Taishō no. 886), translated by Dānapāla, corresponds to the final section of the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra. Hitherto this tantra has received the attention of Japanese researchers primarily as an alternative version of either the shorter or longer version of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Through an examination of quotations in other texts and parallel passages shared with other tantras I have reached the conclusion that this tantra can be dated to the second half of the eighth century. Worthy of particular note is the existence of more than ten verses shared with the opening section of the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, one of the earliest Mother Tantras, and there is a strong possibility that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra has taken these verses from the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga. This indicates that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra, a Yoga Tantra, postdates the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, a Mother Tantra (albeit one of the earliest) belonging to the Highest Yoga Tantras. Although a large number of later Yoga Tantras are preserved in the Tibetan canon, the original Sanskrit text of none except the Sarvadurgatiparis´odhana-tantra has survived. Consequently their importance has been underestimated, but there is a need for further research on these tantras in order to elucidate the development of Indian Tantric Buddhism.

著者

石上 英一

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.103, pp.p115-161, 1987-03

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Gufuku-ji (Kawara-dera, 川原寺) was established in Asuka (飛鳥, 奈良) in the reign of Tenji (天智朝, 662-672) as a national temple.Since the 9th century Gufuku-ji had been declining to ask for the help of Tou-ji (東寺, 京都), which, one of the leading temples of Shingon-shuu (真言宗), was established in 799.On the other hand, Tou-ji wanted to expand its sphere of influence by acquiring branch temples.Finally Gufuku-ji became a branch temple of Tou-ji by the late llth century.The chief priest of Tou-ji (東寺長者) ruled Gufuku-ji and intended to utilize its manors.For that porpose, Tou-ji got the documents of Gu-fuku-ji (弘福寺文書), and has preserved them till now.Therefore the documents of Tou-ji (東寺文書) contain those of Gufuku-ji and other Gufuku-ji related documents, which amount to forty-eight pieces.Many of them are the documents of manors.For example, the inventory of manors in 709, the terriers of the manors in Yamashiro (山城), Oumi (近江) and Owari (尾張), and the map of the manor in Sanuki Yamada (讃岐国山田郡田図) in 735.It is generally thought that manors of ancient Japan broke out in the middle of the 8th century as a result of gradual decline of national landownership.However some of the manors of Gu-fuku-ji had been already established by the end of the 7th century or by the biginning of the 8th century.We are now prepared to study more about manors in these periods with the documents of Gufuku-ji.

著者

呂 静 程 博麗

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.536-564, 2011-12-22

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本文以20世紀70年代以來中國江蘇、江西、安徽、湖北、湖南等地所出土漢晉時期謁、刺簡牘實物為中心, 結合相關歷史文獻的記載, 對這一時期的名謁和名刺進行了嘗試性地探討。作為漢晉時期極其流行的社交工具, 謁和刺在形制大小、內容構成、用法特徵以及具體的使用場景等方面, 均存在著很大的區別 : 名謁流行於秦末至三國時期, 其形制規整、書寫規範、內容詳細的特點, 凸顯其在使用過程中的莊重、權貴和禮儀性特徵, 因此在官場社交中頗為流行 ; 名刺至少在東漢時期已經很常見, 這時的刺更為狹長輕巧, 內容趨於簡化和固定, 並且大量出現拜謁者的字, 反映了名刺使用中更加注重反映持有人的“自然”屬性和“私人”屬性, 使用的範圍也從官僚階層擴展到社會更下層的士人、庶民。這種下移的結果是人際關係在更為廣泛和基層的社會群體之間得到了實現, 從而使得士人、庶民階層登上社交政治舞臺, 推動更廣泛的社會變革。

著者

加藤 博

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.99, pp.p153-245, 1986-02

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Briefly speaking, the socio-economic history of modern Egypt from the mid-nineteenth century is characterized by the usually implicit, but occasio-nally explicit conflict between the following two categories of landlords both of which emerged from the collapse of the so-called "landholding system of state ownership" in the reign of Muhammad (Ali (ruled 1805-1848); the first is the ruling class of Turkish origin, and the second is the village notables. The aim of this article is to analize the background of the latter's authority, based on an unpublished document classified in the Egyptian National Archives (Dar al-Watha) iq al-Qawmiya) as "Mahafiz Ma (iya Saniya Turki, carton no. 5, document no. 300". This document is an investigation report from the Ministry of Treasury to the Legislative Committee (Majlis al-Ahkam), in respect to the three lawsuits against the chief ( (umda) of Village "Abu Sineta" in Menufiya Province on his illegal confiscation of the villagers'properties. Its description is so detailed that it is possible from it to reconstruct the social structure and human relations in the society of the above village, and to discuss the social, economic and political background of its (umda's authority, a typical village notable in the mid-nineteenth century Egypt, whose influence extended over the local and the central administration as well as the village administration.

著者

西嶋 定生

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.1-84, 1956-11

著者

林 義強

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.146, pp.1-39, 2004-12

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迄今為止,対章炳麟排满思想的研究幾乎都是以章的政論性文章為論証資料,以排満思想形成之後的時期為研究対象,而且大多沿襲章本人的説法,認定其排満思想与生倶来,根深蒂固。在這一前提下,章的排満言論不過是一種長大成人之後的自然流露而已,似乎無需経歴一個複雑曲折的形成過程。這種(常常隠而不露的)認識無形中削弱了各家研究這一形成過程的力度与深度。本文以解明章炳麟排満思想的形成過程為首要課題。従1896年離開詁経精舎到1901年発表第一篇以排満為主題的政論《正讐満論》為止的5年間,章炳麟先後旅居過上海、武漢、台湾、日本。本文通過分析的這5年間的詩作、書信、旅台期間的報紙専欄文章、旅日期間的言行、以及詩文的題名、筆名、文体、用語、諱称中的寓意等,力図捕捉其思想意識的微妙変化,並根拠這些痕跡追踪其排満思想的形成過程,重現早期章炳麟思想的真相。1898-1901年是章的認同意識動揺幅度最大的時期。離開中国本土以後,章開始従近代国際秩序与民族国家原理重新思考中国,並把清朝従中国身上剥離,逐漸確立起両者的対立論式。但即使是在這時期,他仍然没有放棄将両者結合起来重建国家与文化的努力。対章的各種不切実際的構想給与最後一撃的是1900年的八国聯軍。章不僅徹底否定了自己的清朝臣民的身分,也否定了現実以及支撑這一現実的文化。章的排満思想至此才正式確立,並在此之上開始模索通過光復重建認同意識的道路。

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.147, pp.192-141, 2005-03

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The Dēnkard is one of the most voluminous Zoroastrian Book Pahlavī literature, edited by Zoroastrian high priests, Ādurfarrōbay-ī Farroxzādān and Adurbād-ī Ēmēdān in the 9^<th> and 10^<th> centuries.Here presented is an annotated transcription and Japanese translation of its third volume, which consists of 420 polemics against bad religions-Manichaeism, Judaism and Islam.Our process of preparing this translation can be divided into two steps.1. The late Prof. Gikyō ITŌ made a Pahlavī letters' transcription and its Japanese translation preciously corresponding to Madan's Dēnkard edition. Unfortunately, however, he passed away before completion this work.2. After Gikyō ITŌ's death, Takeshi AOKI made his work up-to-date, and added ① linguistic commentaries on Pahlavī letters' transcription and ② religious commentaries on Japanese translation.This time we can print only the 10^<th> chapter to the 26^<th> chapter, but we hope publishing serially the whole transcription and translation of the Dēnkard Book III in this Memoirs.

著者

深尾 葉子 安冨 歩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.147, pp.402-342, 2005-03

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社會和環境是極為複雜的系統。因此,與這些複雜系統緊密相關的環境和開發項目必須具備一定的靈活性和自由度。一般認為實行大型項目或工程應事先做好嚴密的調査與計劃。但從複雜系科學的觀點看,這種「調査」→「計劃」→「實施」→「評價」的行動模式并不一定是最可行的。本文試圖從複雜系科學的觀點,對此過程提供理論依據,同時探討國際援助項目的新的實施方式。這種新方式我們稱之為「共创价値运动」。我們在中國内地的黄土高原,正在開展一系列「生態文化恢復運動」。這個活動的實行方式和活動原則是没有「固定的目的」,也没有「死的規定和計劃」。參加項目的人基本上是自願而來,在互相影響之下相對獨立活動。當然,參加者之間既没有上下之分,誰也不指揮誰,也不存在「責任」與「分擔」的概念。大家都是在自己能做到的範圍内自主地發揮作用。這一過程本身是自發性的「自組織」過程。目前在陝北黄土高原開展的具體活動有:引進糞尿無害化技術;盡量減少化肥和對人體有害的洗衣粉的使用以實現水資源和有機物的良性循環;建立「黄土高原國際民間緑色網絡」,支持當地農民自發組織起來的「廟會造林」;在一個村莊舉行了一對日本新婚夫婦的婚禮,重展陝北傳統的結婚儀式,使當地的固有文化得到了重新認識和應有的尊重。通過這些活動,我們試圖促進當地文化與生態的恢復和再生。

著者

谷垣 真理子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.155, pp.324-292, 2009-03

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在香港,民主化只有部分地进行着.而且民主化的过程也被香港特别行政区基本法所控制的.本稿按照香港的情况名之为'被控制的民主化(controlleddemocracy)'.二战后,中英两方面都警惕在香港进行民主化。但是,随着回归问题的抬头,1980年代香港政府才开始限定性的民主化。中方畏惧过快的民主化有可能破坏香港的繁荣和稳定。中英联合声明和基本法成为控制民主化的框架,特别是基本法载明了第三届立法会选举以前的发展过程,并定下了全部议员由普选产生的最终目标.2003年七一游行以后,所谓泛民主派开始主张实施普选,而香港的民主化再次成为热门话题.2004年4月,全人代常务委否定了2007年·2008年实施普选,但是2007年12月,它做出了2017年导入普通选举到行政长官选举中的決定.2008年立法会选举显示,泛民主派比亲政府派势力还盛.如果这个情况没有改变,2020年立法局选举全面实行普选的话,不可能否认的是,这一傾向将会导致泛民主派占半数以上议会的出现.

著者

小笠原 欣幸

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, pp.244-198, 2012-03

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2010年11月27日,台灣舉行五都市長選舉。中國國民黨與民主進步黨兩個大政黨在全體台灣激烈對抗成為台灣政治的日常情勢,但是在每個地方兩黨支持結構卻不同。由於地方首長選舉是中央的政黨支持結構與地方的政黨支持結構的交錯點,探討此政治現象將提供不同於探討總統選舉那樣全國性選舉,是進一步了解台灣政治的路徑。台灣五都之中,台北市擁有首都功能、新北市擁有台灣最多人口,都具有相當大的影響力,而且這次民進黨提名黨內最有實力的兩位候選人,使北二都市長選舉受到更高度關注。本文深入探討2010年台北市與新北市的市長選舉,描述此二都的政黨支持結構、兩黨候選人提名過程、選舉策略、以及分析此二都選民的投票行為。從台北市長選舉結果來看,蘇貞昌的有創意獨特的選舉策略卻未發輝其功能。台北市每個區的政黨支持結構長期以來相當穩定,沒有變化,也證明民進黨爭取中間選票的空間有限。但是從在同時舉行的市議員選舉結果看的出來泛藍陣營,儘管減少幅度很小,出現逐漸減少此基本支持率的現像。新北市長選舉也表示其政黨支持結構沒有變化。蔡英文展開不同於以前民進黨領導人的選戰以及個人魅力,雖然她選情不被看好,但是到最後階段表現出爆發力,足夠威脅朱立倫,並幫助拉抬民進黨議員候選人們的選情。此現象說明蔡英文在民進黨總統初選出線的理由,但是蔡英文跟蘇貞昌在北二都選舉過程中造成的心結難免對其有影響。

著者

李 英美

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.165, pp.288-246, 2014-03

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The Japanese authorities surveyed customs in Korea from 1906 to 1937, when the latter was a protectorate of Japan under the Japanese Resident-General of Korea, and the era of the Government General of Korea after Japan annexed the Korean Peninsula. The survey produced a huge volume of research reports on individual customs and the documents are now scattered in South Korea, Japan and the United States. The C.V. Starr East Asian Library of the University of California, Berkeley, owns 11 pieces of such survey as a rare book. There is no information about the documents other than the librar y's bibliographic information, still keeping the identity of the books in the dark. This study, as part of the bibliographic research of custom survey reports in South Korea, Japan and the U.S., is to pinpoint the preservation place of the books, and aimed at revealing the content of the documents by finding the relations between the detail and period of the survey, and the custom survey policy of an advisory panel of the Government General of Korea.

著者

黄 偉修

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.170, pp.86-54, 2016-12

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台灣在2016 年舉行了總統與立法委員選舉,傾向台灣獨立的民主進步黨不但贏得總統選舉,也首次在國會獲得過半數以上的席次。執政的中國國民黨在選戰敗北的主因之一,被認為是馬英九總統推動與中國大陸簽署「兩岸服務貿易協議」,以及該協議引發的太陽花學生運動,導致民意失去對馬英九政權的信任。實際上馬英九政權推動的大陸政策相當程度延續了李登輝與陳水扁政權的政策,馬英九總統也因為民意對其大陸政策的肯定而連任。筆者曾經指出,馬英九的大陸政策失去民意支持,是因為其依賴少數親信運作決策過程,造成決策過程內部協調不良而導致的結果,可是當中沒有明確指出馬英九的決策運作模式。本論文透過理論與台灣的大陸政策決策過程在制度與實務的發展脈絡,嘗試描繪馬英九總統的大陸政策決策過程運作模式,並以「兩岸服務貿易協議」進行案例研究。本論文發現,馬政權的大陸政策決策過程的運作模式,是以馬英九總統與少數親信為決策核心,透過官僚出身者與官僚執行政策。但馬英九總統沒有建立制度性的機制以進行政府體系內部的溝通、協調,也未能扮演穩定決策機制的平衡者,導致了政府內部的混亂、決策者無法掌握產業界的需求;原本台灣的民意對於兩岸經濟交流的推動有相當的共識,馬英九總統的決策運作卻瓦解了這個共識。本論文也從案例研究的結論,指出新上任的蔡英文總統可能將會面臨必須迅速建立決策運作模式、如何運作官僚體系、如何重建輿論對大陸政策的支持等挑戰。

著者

小泉 龍人

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.139, pp.238-207, 2000-03

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In recent times trade studies of the Uruk to Jemdet Nasr periods in West Asia have delineated internal structures of the society and diverse de-velopments of the economy.The term in the fourth millennium B. C. is in course of urbanization, gradually developing from previous periods.Research on the exchange or trade system during these periods, therefore, could be meaningful for understanding social complexity continuing from the Ubaid period.This article refers to several aspects of the production, cir-culation, and consumption of goods, especially concerning to the wine, through the fourth millennium B. C. in West Asia.There have been fortu-nately found significant evidence of the wine production and distribution from Godin Tepe [Badler 1996], located along the 'Khorasan Road' in the western part of Luristan region in Iran.In this paper, firstly, I present a brief history of previous studies of local exchange and long-distance trade in the ancient West Asia.Then, I de-scribe the archaeological evidence for the production, storage, and consump-tion of wine at Godin Tepe and others, and put in brief order examples possibly implying means of transport, by water and/or land, reconstructing a provisional view of the transportation and distribution of wine in the pe-riods.Finally, I conclude that the wine trade started in the fourth millen-nium B. C. could provide commercial and administrative benefits in the economical and political contexts; that the wine commodities would repre-sent aspects of social complexity towards urbanization during which the rit-ual network in the Ubaid period could be transformed to the trade network in the Uruk period.

著者

宮脇 聡史

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.153, pp.142-126, 2008-03