著者

呂 静

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.280-253, 2010-12

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本文通過對已公佈的里耶秦代木牘文書的考察,發現這批文書中有兩種類型:有"一事一文一牘" 的單件文書和"一事多文一牘" 的多件文書。單件文書的來文是進入行政傳遞流程的原件文書;多件文書是利用單件文書木牘的空白處,續補相關事件的其他往來文檔而形成,它們不再參與行政傳遞流程,是關於同類事件文書的匯總,用於存檔翻檢查閱之用的資料性檔案,這類多件文書中的每一件文書都是具備獨立意義的行政公函。

著者

高橋 忠彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.249-284, 1986-03

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In explaining the character of thoughts of “Tai-ping-jing”, it is necessary to elucidate its social aspects, though concrete references to the actual world seldom are found in the text.In this paper the author tried to analyse some tendencies, which are seen in arguments from “Tai-ping-jing” concerning to social problems.In many cases, while discussing social, political, and economical matters, the text insists on, directly or indirectly, protecting traditional communities and families, borrowing ethics from Confucianism.For example, the text says, that one should train his immortality, not in remote field, but in his family.As traditional communities are based one agriculture, the text at times betrays its antipathy against commercial activities and mining industry.In conclusion, the thoughts of “Tai-ping-jing” can be said to represent, to some extent, the anxiety of peasant classes, who are menaced by social and economical changes, and who want to maintain traditional order of society.

著者

神塚 淑子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, pp.53-118, 1996-02

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本論文は後に、神塚淑子『六朝道教思想の研究』(創文社,1999年)に収録

著者

谷垣 真理子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.156-190, 2010-03-26

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1997年问题出现以后,香港有不少人移民海外。加拿大就是其中之一个移民目的地。为了调查香港移民情况,笔者访问过多伦多(1998年,1999年)和温可(1998年,1999年,2009年)。2009年笔者参加了关元昌家族宗亲会活动。本搞首先整理从香港移民至北美的历史,以考察二战后香港移民如何巩固移民加拿大后的生活。本稿亦整理了笔者在加拿大的采访调查。笔者还讨论了1980年代以前移民加国的‘老香港’与1980年代以后移民加国的‘新香港’,特别是1997年以后加拿大香港移民的化情况。既往的研究往往关注因香港回归问题所引发的香港移民的特殊性。但本文也将揭示,在加拿大香港移民中,恰恰是1960年代以移民的‘老香港’所建构的文化社会安全网而令‘新香港’的安顿创造了条件。‘香港人’一词是二战后新出现的用语,其本身也是冷战的产物,因为冷战结构延续至中国,香港中断了与中国内地的交流,与香港工业化过程同时出现的,是香港社会的统合进程。

著者

衣川 賢次

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.164, pp.230-165, 2013-12

著者

船曳 建夫

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, 1983-11

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Recent studies on social changes in Melanesia initiated by contact with the West could be divided into two: 1) those on the consequential changes among inhabitants after their closed society was opened up by westerners'visits ; 2) those on socio-political changes at a stage when a small community as a whole after its initial changes is going through social and institutional re-formation. The former are mostly concerned with the process of traditional culture being influenced by Western civilization and the latter with that of traditional society being re-structuralized into a much wider framework, for example, a nation. In the south-western part of Malekula Island, the New Hebrides, however, we can find the two kinds or stages of change referred to occurring in two adjacent areas. In the interior region, the inhabitants called Mbotgote are undergoing initial influence from the West on their culture, though they still keep their own way of life. On the coast, more west-ernized villagers who were converted to Christianity in their own or preceding generations now see a new situation arising from the imminent political schedule of the nation's independence. The author first describes the historical and cultural background of the New Hebrides archipelago and also that of the South-West of Malekula Island. In the description of the setting and the later discussion, a pair of notions, kastom and skul, is used as the analytical framework. Kastom in a narrow sense means ritual objects and, more broadly, anything proper to traditional life. Skul means a church as well as a school, but it has also a broader meaning: anything introduced from the Western world. The history of the archipelago has so far been the one-directional process of the skul side encroaching on the kastom side. But the following microso-ciological examination of the materials from Malekula reveals much oscillating movement of the people in the two areas concerned, which are presented in three aspects : 1) ritual and cosmology, 2) politics and administration, and 3) material life and economy. The interpretation of the data demonstrates that social change at a given time could differ in these three aspects in its extent and direction, and that, however limited their conditions are, these people positively manipulate the new elements of skul as a means to achieve their political and economic ends and even to defend their ritual (kastom) activities. In the last section the author suggests a working hypothesis that the most crucial point in a society's changing phenomena is whether the people's notion of ‘change’ itself is changing or not. The Mbotgote still basically conceive ‘change’ as var-iation within a fixed structure, while the coastal Christian people are realizing that ‘change’ is always there to push them to re-form their life and society under the name of progress or development.

著者

近藤 信彰

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, 1996-02

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This paper is intended as an investigation of historical transformation of a tribal confederation in Iran, the Afshars in Orumiyye province from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. It has been said that a tribal resurgence was dominant tendency in eighteenth century, but no studies have ever tried to analyze the features of the tribes and their relation with local society in these days. Main arguments are following: 1. The Afshars who was a member of the Qizilbash confederation, migrated to Orumiyye at the first half of the seventeenth century in order to defend the Ottoman border and hold governorship of the province until the end of the Safavid period. 2. In the eighteenth century they had closer ties with the local society and became an independent power. Some new tribes joined the Afshar confederation and some Kurdish tribes also supported them on their military expeditions. 3. At the same time the tribal elites chose to live in the Orumiyye city and hold some offices of local government not only military ones but also civil ones such as vakil or mostowfi, and some also became ‘ulama. Some tribesmen poured into the city and behaved themselves like hooligans 4. The tribal chiefs got a amass of land by land exploitation and occupation of waqf land and some tribesmen settled in villages as farmers. 5. Under the Qajars they lose the governorship, but they found an opportunity to get high ranks in the modern army as the result of military reform and retained their power in the province.

著者

鈴木 秀光

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.145, pp.1-56, 2004-03

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清季"就地正法"是將案犯敢于不解赴省會,就地先期死刑,而後奏聞皇帝的辦法。就地正法始自道光二十八年,是雲貴總督林則徐奏請將案犯解赴道府審明,督撫覆准後,讓當地提督、總兵恭請王命,蒙上諭准許在雲南西部施行五年。這目的在於免除將案犯解赴省會,因為從來的解審制度不能適應道光時期的案件處理情況。道光初期,清朝政府已准許將軍流犯不解赴省會,而且自道光二十四年以後,關於死刑案件也再三奏請不解赴省會,林則徐的就地正法也在於這様趨勢的繼續。咸豊三年,清朝政府為了將案犯立即重懲,對全國各省頒布了就地正法的諭旨,但關於程序没有特別的意義。從在湖南省的實務來看,曾国藩一面在審案局用王命旗牌施行恭請王命,一面批准州縣施行就地正法。湖南寧遠縣知縣劉如玉施行就地正法,處決了千名以上。這時期的實務是為了將案犯立即重懲,地方官敢不遵照律例,以自己判斷選擇了,對上司只報告了處決的事實或處決時參考的供詞等。自同治年間以來,有關就地正法的存廢,中央政府和各省督撫開始爭論,光緒八年蒙議准結束了。但其効果不過變化就地正法的對象。那時,就地正法程序是從督撫對中央政府個別制訂的章程和各省實務來規定,其目的是按照社會穩定的進度,有時立即重懲,有時放寛解審程序上的困難。各省實務來看,就地正法一面有遵照督撫個別制訂的章程的,一面有地方官的權宜的,有時紳士們的意圖反映到權宜。總之,有關就地正法的行為尋求案件處理的"恰當性"。

著者

武田 幸男

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.111-214, 1975-03

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1. A Review of the Studies on Korpum System of Silla2. The Characteristic of Korpum System in the 9th century3. Structure of Korpum System in the 8th century4. A Change of Kor found out on the Genealogy of the Silla King Family in the 7th century5. A Study on the Korpum-and Clothes-system in the 6th century6. On the historical Character of Korpum System7. On the historical Development of Korpum SystemOne of the important theme of Korean ancient history is Korpum system, which means the famous social status system of the Silla dynasty.So many treatises have been written on it.A recent treatise, however, says that this system did not play so much impartant role as usually admitted.This report tries to examine the new idea mentioned above, and furthermore explains the actual conditions of the system through commenting on the materials of it.The social status system of Silla, founded on blood relationship, is Korpum system, which is consisted of some kins in the capital, and organized hierarchically having a king in the highest position.After the 4th century Korpum system continued untill the end of the dynasty.But it is doubtful that Song-Kor, one of the highest class, was admitted to exist before 7th century.Although the social status system of 9th century shows the most complete structure of hierarchy, it means the decay of the Korpum system itself at the same time.

著者

小泉 順子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.159, pp.190-218, 2011-03-28

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The Agreement between the Government of Thailand and the Government of the United States of America for Financing Certain Educational Exchange Programs, or what is known as the Fulbright Agreement, was signed on July 1, 1950, after more than two years of negotiation. By examining the process of those negotiations between the two countries against the background of the Cold War, this paper looks into the meaning of the agreement to both Thailand and the United States at its inception. It is revealed that Thailand was initially not very interested in the conclusion of the agreement as it saw little benefit in it mainly due to its institutional limitation that for the Thai citizens only transportation cost to study in the U.S. could be funded. The U.S., on the other hand, was eager to strengthen its "friendship" ties with Thailand, which the U.S. came to regard as an important supporter of the U.S. policies against Communist forces in Asia, particularly after 1949. The U.S. therefore wished to promote the exchange of students and experts in order to help the Thai public understand the U.S. policies. In the end, Thailand accepted the agreement as they wished for the smooth realization of other military and economic assistant programs that the U.S. was planning to extend to Thailand, which were important for the Phibun regime to strengthen its position within the domestic political situation. Such situations conditioned the early operation of the exchanges initiated by the program.

著者

包 茂红 大野 公賀

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, pp.246-280, 2012-03-27

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, pp.1-170, 1990-02

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道光咸豊年間,天地会的分支添弟会・双刀会・三合会等々在広東東部各県々各郷裡展開了很活溌的活動。 天地会諸派会党直義失敗之後,部分残余分子跑到南洋等待東山再起,所以其遺跡遺風不但在香港(旧新安県城内)可以看見,而且遠在南洋僻地(新加坡,馬来西亜等)也可以找到。 本文依靠這些海外遺跡,研討当時天地会会党的組織和虚劇之間的関係。 其主要的論点如下; (1)在新加坡峨嶆有一座社会廟(五虎祠),廟裡奉祀八十多年反清復明義士的神主牌。 新加坡華人史専家陳氏育崧,先認為他們跟咸豊四年厦門起義的小刀会有関,以後改説而認為他們与道光初年為英人開路而登陸新加坡的四邑人曹亜珠有関。 一九八二年,筆者訪問此廟,請廟祝黄氏打開這些神主牌,発現他們差不多都是嘉慶同治間的潮籍人士(海陽県人最多,澄海県人次之)。 他們可能是道光中潮陽双刀会会党或咸豊初海陽呉忠恕会党。 (2)在南洋・香港,有些華人集団挙行各種祭祀時,多用“天運”年号。 這年号是乾隆以来天地会会党所用的。 上述新加坡社公廟反清復明義士的神主牌裡,生卒年号也用此天運年号来表示。 所以在此也可見“天地会”的遺風。 一般来説,南洋闽北系集団不用此年号,而闽南系集団特別愛用這年号。 広東系集団裡,内陸部大宗族単姓村落不用此年号,相反,沿海部小宗族雑居的市鎮或漁村常用此年号。 由此可見,天地会基本上立足於市鎮或沿海漁村小民雑居地区。 (3)香港新界農村裡,清初以来従嘉応・恵両州遷入進後的客家人形成了很多小村落。 這一類客家人小村裡的小廟,掛着一些与天地会文件有関的対联。 客家人跟潮州人・恵州人有密接的関係。 由此推測,粤東天地会立足於客家或潮州小民集団。 新加坡社公廟義士有可能属於此一類系統。 (4)広東天地会会党含有粤劇本地班戯人。 他們的戯船叫做“紅船”,這“紅”字有“洪”的涵意。 而且“紅船”由天艇和地艇結成一双,具有“天地”之涵意。 另外,天地会会党結拝入会時,無不表演戯劇。 其題目之一有“安邦定国志”。 在此故事的弾詞唱本之中,主人翁趙少卿是唐末懿宗・昭宗時代的丞相。 其子七人的名字都以“洪”字来排列。 昭宗似乎暗示明末崇禎帝,“洪”字似乎影射“洪門”。 潮州戯也有此題目(但内容不大符合弾詞),這也使人猜測天地会和潮人之間的内在関係。 如此,清末粤東天地会的伝統,其一部份仍然残留在海外潮人・客家人社会裡。 尤其是潮劇或粤劇含有天地会会党的故事,這是値得注意的。

著者

窪 徳忠

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.127-216, 1956-03

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In various sections of Japan, a number of popular beliefs and practices are centered around the day of metal and the monkey (koshin) in the old Chinese cyclical caldndar.Until recently it was generally thought that this cult was imported from China during the Edo period, but of late Japanese students of ethnography have propounded the theory that it is an indigenous Japanese phenomenon.In Chinese Taoism one finds the idea that in each person's body there live three noxious insects which try to shortened the person's life.On the day of metal and the monkey the insects are supposed to ascend to heaven and recount all the person's evil deeds to the god of life.The Chinese believe that if one stays up all night on the night of the day in question, the insects will not be able to go up to heaven, and one's life will accordingly be lengthened.Furthermore, there are various medicines and superstitious methods designed to exterminate the insects.The present author believes that the theory of the three insects as well as the methods of eliminating them were brought to Japan at an early date and became the basis of the Japanese koshin cult.An examination of Japanese koshin practices as seen in Oyabu, Mihama-machi, Mikata-gun, Fukui Prefecture, reveals a certain number of customs related both to Shinto and Buddhism.People stay up late at night somewhat as in China, but all in all there is little suggestion of the three insects, and one might be prone in this instance to suspect a Japanese origin.On the one hand, practices in other areas as well as statements in early Japanese documents make it virtually impossible to dissociate the Japanese koshin cult from that of the three insects.To illustrate this point, the author has in the present article enumerated around eighty Chinese methods of exterminating the insects and has compared them with means of extermination seen in Japanese texts.It is clear that the Japanese methods are almost entirely based on those of China.The Japanese cult as it appears today is completely different from the Chinese.The reason is that this foreign relgious element has been totally assimilated into Japanese culture.The author regards this development as excellent example of acculturation.

著者

濱下 武志

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, pp.61-106, 1992-03

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Large-scale migration occurred from the late 19th century to the 1930's.There were 3 directions: from north to northeast, from inland areas to the coastal big cities, and from the south to southeast Asia; the southward and northward labor migrations being roughly equal.There was a short-term, periodic migration of farm workers and the like along with long-term or permanent abode-oriented (immigration) type of migration.Agriculture and mining in the northeastern region, industry in the coastal region, and commerce and sugar or rubber plantations in southeast Asia, were popular.In each of these cases, the provincial, affiliated relations of the migrants’ native places were maintained without interruption and, based on the development of various organizations mediating the migration, labor migration was made easy.However, in terms of proficiency of the labor force and the relatively low correlation with industry should be noted.With regard to the transfer of funds, there existed locally a country-wide remittance network of Shanxi bankers and the Remitting Houses directing remittances of Chinese merchants residing abroad in southeast Asia, which formed an international remittance network.The latter possessed several remittance routes based on Singapore and Hong Kong along with diverse exchange remittance functions.The client in southeast Asia pays into the Remitting Houses with local currency.It is then remitted to the agent in Hong Kong by Hong Kong dollars, exchanged for the currency of the People's Republic of China, and sent to agents in Fujian and Guangdong from where it is submitted to the remittee through the agent at home.This route was the established mode of the Remitting Houses, but even within this process there existed such forms as cancellation by countervailing by exchange trading in Singapore and Hong Kong, the abbreviation of cash remittance through merchandise transactions, and countervailing through trade connections by forming directly a settling connection with Guangdong and Amoy where remittances were concentrated.Selection was made among these, depending upon the price of merchandise and exchange rate in the market, and involved a close relationship between the southern Chinese economy and the money markets in Hong Kong and Singapore.Based on these general background, this paper tried to examine the history of emigration of Chao-Zhou people in the east Guangdong province and their relationship with their home land.

著者

小島 毅

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, pp.273-305, 1989-03

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In imperial China, the court used the absolute pitch named huangzhong as the standard of measurement for length, volume, and weight.That is why many scholars from the Han period on suggested how to make correct pitch pipes in their philosophical discussions.Emperor Ren Zong ordered a revision of the method of determining pitches to Li Zhao, who insisted on adopting the yardstick of Taifu-si to determine twelve absolute pitches.He attached such importance to the number ‘twelve’ that he was against the suggestion that provision of four bells as semitones be necessary to play music in harmony.Fan Zhen also adhered to ‘twelve’, and debated with his friend Si-ma Guang on the subject how to define the pitch pipe of huangzhong, that is, whether regulating it with a volume of one thousand and two hundred grains of millet or with the length of ninety grains of millet.Chen Yang made a point of the character of the sacred number ‘twelve’, too.But he denied to use an artificial measure as the pitch pipe.This way of thinking was developed by some of Neo-Confucianists.One of them was Cai Yuan-ding, who established the theory of pitches with flat tones and semitones.He mentioned the term li (principle) in his work on music so as to get adherence to ‘twelve’.His theory kept its established status until Zhu Zai-yu found the mathematical solution of the equal-tempered chromatic scale in late Ming.

著者

衣川 賢次

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.162, pp.283-312, 2012-12-20

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《臨濟錄》在宋初的單刊本早已失傳, 後來則是作爲叢書收載本傳承下來。現存的《臨濟錄》版本, 按其排列來看, 可分成兩箇系統 : 第一, 《天聖廣燈錄》所收本、南京圖書館藏明版《四家錄》所收本、明版《四家語錄》所收本 ; 第二, 《續開古尊宿語要》所收本、《古尊宿語錄》所收本。後來的單行本(元大德刊本、日本五山版)是將《古尊宿語錄》所收本獨立刊行的, 屬於第二箇系統。我們通過校勘得知 : 《天聖廣燈錄》所收本最接近原始形態, 南京圖書館藏明版《四家錄》所收本的部份内容繼承了《天聖廣燈錄》文本, 然大部份已採用了《古尊宿語錄》的文本。北宋宣和2年(1120)圓覺宗演重開《臨濟錄》時, 他將黄龍慧南於1066年前後校訂的《四家錄》編成上堂、示衆、勘辨、行錄等體制, 再加以整理將文字表達規範化, 又増補了若干條内容。《續開古尊宿語要》、《古尊宿語錄》即採用其重開本《臨濟錄》, 而《古尊宿語錄》則以其完整的體制廣汎流布, 最有影響, 其中臨濟語錄部分再獨立成《臨濟錄》刊行, 甚至使《四家錄》的文本離開原有的《天聖廣燈錄》而大幅接近《古尊宿語錄》了。

著者

岩松 浅夫

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, pp.209-246, 1994-02

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It has long been said (and generally accepted) that no traces of Amida-Buddha (Amitāyus or Amitābha in Sanskrit) belief or cult had not been found in India itself, in spite of the origination of this belief or cult in that country-especially in North-Western region including Gandhara (and Taxila)-being apparant. About ten or twenty years ago two Gandharan-styled statues were made public separately, one in 1973 by Dr. J. C. Harle and the other in 1982 by Prof. J. Brough. Each of them seems, at least to the present auther, to have much significance in the above-mentioned problem of the evidence of the Amida-Buddha belief or cult in India; for the former statue contains in it a Bodhisattva figure in whose turban-shaped crown is sitting a small Buddha in meditation or dhyāna pose (see fig. 3), and the latter has in its pedestal an inscription in which is found the word ‘amridaha’ as the name of the Buddha (as to the latter statue, see fig. 4). With regard to these statues comments or mentions have been done by some scholars, yet any of them does not seem wholly satisfactory. Then, here the present auther tries some consideration to these two statues apart from such opinions; and through it he comes to a conclusion of his own, which supposes not only that either of these two was made as an Amida-Buddha triad (or quintet) but also that most of the similar-shaped statues which have been thought of by A. Foucher (and other scholars after him) as those of the ‘Great Miracle at Crâvastî’ might have been the same, that is, those of Amida-Buddha triad (or quintet, or of his paradise Sukhāvatī: for example, see fig. 1). In addition to this, he surmises consequently that this North-Western region-including Gandhara and Taxila-where flourished the so-called Gandharan Art for several centuries A. D. must have been the main center of the Amida-Buddha belief or cult in India until at the earliest fourth or fifth century A. D.

著者

大塚 秀高

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, pp.79-134, 1994-03

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以平話為書名的「小説」有両種。 一種是宋末元初刊本之『新編五代史平話』,一種是元至治年間建安虞氏所刊行之「全相平話五種」。 它們在版式和史観表現方面各有特色。 前者好像比較尊重民族的血統,而後者却似乎更尊重王朝的正統一這在其代表作『三国志平話』中猶為明所顕。 明代成書的『残唐五代史演義伝』中也可看出跟『三国志平話』同様的史観。 依我所見,早在『残唐五代史演義伝』成書之前已応該有「残唐平話」。 『残唐五代史演義伝』基本保持了它的史観,而『新編五代史平話』則是根拠史書改編而成的。 『新編五代史平話』之創作改変是単独而先行的。 但到了明代嘉靖年間,却掀起改編講史章回小説的高潮。 比如熊大木編纂的現存之『唐書志伝通俗演義』和『大宋演義中興英烈伝』,都由楊氏清白堂・清江堂出版。 已佚而曽経存在的熊大木編纂的,除上述両種外,還有『列国志伝』『全漢志伝』『南北宋志伝』。 這些作品,拠我所知,都是嘉靖後半由楊氏両清堂刊行,而万暦年間,在南京由周氏万巻楼(仁壽堂)・大業堂和唐氏世徳堂,附上上元王少淮写像相継刊行,在福建由余氏三台館以上図下文形式刊行出版。 在這不但時期而且地点也不同的三次出版中,熊大木編纂的本子(嘉靖定本)所用的分則形式漸次変化,以至誕生了新的分回形式本子即万暦新本。 根拠版本和挿図之画工来判断,可以認定和上述五種講史章回小説同様『東西晋志伝通俗演義』也早已有嘉靖定本,只不過現在佚失罷了。 拠上元王少淮写像的挿図来看,『英烈伝』之余君召三台館刊本,恐怕是南京出版的。 它的南京斉府原板也有可能為嘉靖定本。 熊大木不但拠史書来改変旧本(原本)小説(恐怕是平話或者平話系統的本子)的荒誕無稽,而且記下他改変的根拠等。 這由嘉靖定本(及其系統之版本)中常々発現「旧本○○」「小説○○」等註記可以得到説明。 嘉靖定本之中還有附上彩絵図之内府抄本。 内府除了以抄本形式向皇帝・皇后等提供娯楽外,還以刊本形式向一般読者提供閲読講史章回小説的方便。 但培養忠義・英烈等封建思想則是其真正的目的之所在。 這従忠義・英烈的詞匯出現在書名上可以得到説明。 我想,在推動小説生成的歴史上郭勛之存在很重要,而嘉靖定本之出現和郭勛之所作密接相関。 特別是把小説創作作為到達某種政治目的的一種手段的作為更是引人注目。 拠『皇明従信録』所註,郭勛為他的五世祖郭英写了『国朝英烈記』。 這『国朝英烈記』和南京斉府本『英烈伝』相当有関係。 也正是受到郭勛的創作意図的影響纔能誕生了武定板『三国通俗演義』和『水滸伝』。

著者

森 雅秀

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.142, pp.130-86, 2003-03

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The vāstunāga, literally means “a serpent of site”, is the nāga drawn on the surface of the ground where a building is to be constructed. It was performed as a part of the traditional architectural ritual in India. In the period when Tantric Buddhism flourished, the vāstunāga ritual was applied to the procedure of mandala construction. For the mandala stands for the dwelling palace of the deities depicted in it, the Buddhists of this period followed the method of the architectural ritual for its construction. The following ritual compendiums of Tantric Buddhism explain the vāstunaga ritual: the Vajrāvalī by Abhāyakaragupta, the Ācāryakriyāsamuccaya by Jagaddarpana, and the Kriyāsamgrahapañjikā by Kuladatta. It is also mentioned in the ritual manuals written by Tathāgatavajra, Divākaracandra, Ratnaraksita, Prajñāraksita and Durjayacandra. The architectural texts of Hindu tradition, such as the Śilpaprakāśa, the Vastuvidyā also provide the information of this ritual. In addition, some manuscripts in which the vāstunaga is depicted are available in Nepal and Tibet. According to these information sources, I introduce the details of the vāstunaga ritual in this article. I, then, indicate the variety of this ritual found in them, especially the difference of the ritual purpose between Hindu architectural ritual and the mandala construction of Buddhism should be distinguished.

著者

菊池 秀明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.131, 1996-11

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This study is based on new materials obtained during field reseach at Guiping, situated at the homeland of the Taiping, on several visits between the years 1987 and 1994. Up until now, a lack of information has made difficult to study the history of Guangxi society and the early days of the Taiping. The ain of this article is to ascertain the his torical and socio-anthropological features of the correlation on of Chinese and Zhuang minority that Wei chang hui, the northan king (北王) of the Taiping, is included. The migration of Zhuang minority to the north side of Guiping started in 15th century, before the biginning of Chinese migration. Many of them were soldiers to supress the resistance movement of the Yao (瑶) minority, and made a great contribution to dynasty rule. But they could not make the political and economical foundation because of the lack of their leader, who was dismissed by he Gaituguiliu (改土帰流) policy. Under the superiority of Chinese bureaucratic migrant, the Zhuang minority engaged in tenant farming and started to accept the chinese culture. some of them succeeded at the Civil seivice examination and participated in the Chinese elite group, but most of them failed. On the other hand, some of the low class Chinese migrants, Wei chang hui's family was included in, assimilated into Zhuang culture by the marriage with Zhuang minority. At the period of Taiping movement, the Zhuang minority and Chinese low class migrants opposed to “keji”(客籍) elite group who ruled Jintian society. They could not obtain political power because of the disturbance by “keji” elite group, Wei chang hui was also persecuted at the purchase of Jiansheng (監生) status. The Taiping's propagation, that promised the great glory after the revolution, was the only relief to them.