著者

安冨 歩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.59-118, 2007-12-19

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In this paper I read the text of Confucian Analects from the viewpoint of “learning”. Here, “learning” means the process of understanding something which causes the transformation of the self who understands something. If the process of logical calculation proceeds with the transformation of the self who performs this logical calculation, it is learning. This self-referential dynamical process is the core of the theoretical structure of Confucian Analects.This paper is organized as follows; at first I discuss the concept of knowing (知) and describe the structure of learning in detail. I show that the famous Menoʼs paradox in Platoʼs Meno was solved by Confucius before the birth of Plato.From this perspective, I redefine the major concepts of this text such as 忠(zhong), 信(xin), 恕(shu), 禮(li), 和(he), 同(tong), 君子(junzi), 小人(xiaoren), 仁(ren), etc. Knowing oneʼs own true feeling is the most important thing for a man of virtue. I also discuss a book by Herbert Fingarette on Confucius. In the final section I indicate the similarity between the thoughts of Confucius and M.K. Gandhi.

著者

安冨 歩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.59-117, 2007-12

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In this paper I read the text of Confucian Analects from the viewpoint of "learning". Here, "learning" means the process of understanding something which causes the transformation of the self who understands something. If the process of logical calculation proceeds with the transformation of the self who performs this logical calculation, it is learning. This self-referential dynamical process is the core of the theoretical structure of Confucian Analects.This paper is organized as follows; at first I discuss the concept of knowing (知) and describe the structure of learning in detail. I show that the famous Menoʼs paradox in Platoʼs Meno was solved by Confucius before the birth of Plato.From this perspective, I redefine the major concepts of this text such as 忠(zhong), 信(xin), 恕(shu), 禮(li), 和(he), 同(tong), 君子(junzi), 小人(xiaoren), 仁(ren), etc. Knowing oneʼs own true feeling is the most important thing for a man of virtue. I also discuss a book by Herbert Fingarette on Confucius. In the final section I indicate the similarity between the thoughts of Confucius and M.K. Gandhi.

著者

浅野 亮

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.133, 1997-03

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The aim of this paper is to construct a new framework for analyzing the economic activitie of Chinese People's Liberation Army. Most precedings studies on the PLA have mainly focused on the sidebusinesses of troops and their effect on military discipline. Haoever, economic activities should be analyzed in a broader perspective since they are not merely a military matter within the PLA. When Deng Xiaoping's military reform was extended to the economic sectors of the PLA, management reforms for military industries were initiated and a new financial system was introduced. Management itself was changed from a rigid administrative style to market-oriented management. Because Chinese military industries no longer receive major preferen-tial treatment from the government, they must find new ways to survive. One of these ways is the production of civilian goods. In spite of long-term guidelines to promote the separation of military functions from economic ones, the PLA has been actively involved in profitmaking activities. As one PLA researcher argues, the PLA is “one army, [but] two systems.” Shortages in the military budget are often said to be the major reason for the incomplete separation of PLA military and economic functions. However, profit-making activities by military organs were widely observed in both the KMT and the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, it is possible to assert that PLA economic activities have their roots in Chinese culture.

著者

呂 静 程 博麗 江村 知朗

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.536-564, 2011-12-22

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本文以20世紀70年代以來中國江蘇、江西、安徽、湖北、湖南等地所出土漢晉時期謁、刺簡牘實物為中心, 結合相關歷史文獻的記載, 對這一時期的名謁和名刺進行了嘗試性地探討。作為漢晉時期極其流行的社交工具, 謁和刺在形制大小、內容構成、用法特徵以及具體的使用場景等方面, 均存在著很大的區別 : 名謁流行於秦末至三國時期, 其形制規整、書寫規範、內容詳細的特點, 凸顯其在使用過程中的莊重、權貴和禮儀性特徵, 因此在官場社交中頗為流行 ; 名刺至少在東漢時期已經很常見, 這時的刺更為狹長輕巧, 內容趨於簡化和固定, 並且大量出現拜謁者的字, 反映了名刺使用中更加注重反映持有人的“自然”屬性和“私人”屬性, 使用的範圍也從官僚階層擴展到社會更下層的士人、庶民。這種下移的結果是人際關係在更為廣泛和基層的社會群體之間得到了實現, 從而使得士人、庶民階層登上社交政治舞臺, 推動更廣泛的社會變革。

著者

大塚 秀高

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.1-17, 1997-12

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《三國志平話》當中有以下描冩:漢帝外孫劉淵把晋懐帝抓獲、處死在劉禪廟前、并以此祭祖。不久、晋國滅亡、劉淵即漢帝之位、全書至此告終。這一結局與《三國志演義》的結局有所不同。劉淵是五胡十六國時期之漢的建國者。在北斉・魏収的《魏書・匈奴劉聰傳》中有所記載(劉聰為劉淵的兒子)。唐・房玄齡等的《晋書》中有傳。通過比較研究可以看出、《三國志平話》的結尾是根據《晋書》編冩的。《晋書》有兩、三種建安坊刻的宋元刊本存世。但是、《三國志平話》的‘編者’不僅僅是依據《晋書》、還依據以《晋書》等改編的《資治通鑑》乃至《通鑑紀事本末》編冩了《三國志平話》的結尾部分。《三國志平話》的‘編者’還從《晋書・劉元海(劉淵)載記》中把龍神的因素加到關羽的形象中。起初、關羽與劉淵的形象是表裏一體的關係。在《晋書》的劉淵形象中、以發現玉璽這一情節為關鍵、早已被注入了陳壽的《三國志》和裴松之注中的關羽形象。歸根結底、劉淵的鬚及愛讀左傳的因素從關羽形象中襲來、而關羽的龍神因素則從劉淵形象中獲得。

著者

馬場 紀寿

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.171, pp.348-304, 2017-03

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The ar ticle discusses how the Khuddakanikāya became a par t of the Pāli Tipiṭaka. In my book, Jōzabu Bukkyō no shisō keisei (Formation of Theravāda Buddhist Thought), I note that the Khuddakanikāya does not appear as a collection of suttantas in the four parts of the Pāli commentaries (Aṭṭhakathā) which refer to structure of the Pāli Tipiṭaka. Based on this assessment, I concluded that the Khuddakanikāya was the last collection added to the Pāli Tipiṭaka. In an article published in 2016, the scholar Toshifumi Shimizu critiqued my conclusion, insisting that the four parts of Pāli commentaries, which my book dealt with, do, in fact, mention the Khuddakanikāya. Reassessing these Pāli commentaries, I argue that Shimizu's hypothesis is not valid because it is based on cer tain misunderstandings of Pāli words, and their context, and, on account of more general flaws in the logic informing his critique.

著者

中西 竜也 森本 一夫 黒岩 高

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.162, pp.55-120, 2012-12-20

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本论文是以中国河南省开封及其近郊朱仙镇所留存的两块阿文碑记来进行讨论的。这两块阿文碑记, 除了有关建立碑记经过的记述和若干文字有不同之外, 基本上是相同的。该碑记列举了13件伊斯兰教礼法的教条, 称这些都是中国古来的《古行》, 并且又列举了27种阿语和波斯语文献, 称这些证明13件古行教条的正统性。也就是说其内容反映了所谓《古行》和《新行》的论争。而这个论争据说在常志美(1610-1670)和舍起灵(1638-1710)改革中国古来伊斯兰教礼法的时候就已经开始了。在此我们提出了开封朱仙镇阿文碑记的阿文原文和日文翻译, 来阐明其来历和历史意义, 又查明其中所列举的27种阿语和波斯语文献是什么, 并且考察所列举的文献代表着什么意涵。我们首先讨论两块阿文碑记的形成年代, 并且论证其草稿在17, 18世纪之交就已形成了, 然后指出其内容反映了《古行》和《新行》最初期的论争情况。又指出这两块阿文碑记, 包含着若干有关《古行》和《新行》论争的新信息。其次, 我们确认了开封朱仙镇阿文碑记所列举的27种阿语和波斯语文献, 大概是中亚及南亚拥有权威的哈乃斐派法学文献。这个事实意味着, 中国的穆斯林跟中亚和南亚的穆斯林有关连性。再者, 我们指出, 27种阿语和波斯语文献, 分别支持13件古行教条的一部分, 而且其中有的文献包含关于某个教条跟别的文献不一致的描述。这个事实可能说明了, 古行支持者不是被动地沿袭来自伊斯兰世界核心地域有权威的文献, 而是主动地选择利用那个文献的说法。在本论文里, 我们通过了分析开封朱仙镇阿文碑记, 可以进一步理解前近代中国穆斯林宗教实践的细节和知识水平的实际情形, 从而可以奠定探讨伊斯兰教特殊性的基础。

著者

吉田 真吾

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.79-126, 2011-12

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In 1960, the U.S. and Japanese governments signed the new U.S.-Japan security treaty, replacing the old one which had been concluded in 1951. Why did these two governments decide to form the new treaty? While the process of the treaty negotiations which started in 1958 have received abundant scholarly attention, the question of why the two governments decided to launch the negotiations has not been scrutinized. To fill this void, this paper addresses the question and puts forward three main arguments as the reasons behind the formation of the new treaty. First, as the character of the Cold War shifted from military confrontation to political-economic competition in the mid-1950s, American policymakers feared that Japan might disengage itself from the U.S. and approach the Communist bloc, and thus deemed concessions to Japan's demands regarding U.S.-Japan security relations necessary. Second, since the military tensions of the Cold War had seemingly lessened, Japanese society started to criticize U.S. military presence in Japan and began to call for the creation of a more "equal" security treaty. Third, as a result of the U.S. combat forces'withdrawals, to which the two governments agreed to mitigate the criticism from Japanese society in 1957, Japanese policymakers grew concerned that the U.S. security guarantee to Japan had become less credible, which they sought to rectify by formalizing the U.S. defense commitment to Japan in the form of a new treaty.

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.132, pp.1-30, 1997-02

著者

大塚 秀高

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.123-155, 2000-12 (Released:2012-03-30)

著者

白水 紀子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.143, pp.123-169, 2003-03

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近代家族(Modern family)是在形成近代國家的同時產生的一種制度,與近代〈母親觀念〉的確立以及專業主婦的誕生是表裡一致的。本文從比較的角度介紹幾篇20-30年代日中女性文學中批判近代家族的作品。日本的伊藤野枝《某個妻子寫給丈夫的信》,田村俊子《她的生活》,宮本百合子《伸子》,中國的盧隠《何處是歸程》,沈櫻《舊雨》《喜筵之後》,丁玲《一九三〇年春上海(一)》等作品描寫了結婚生活後失去自我的悲哀,以及被社會拋棄後的焦躁感和孤獨感,切實地訴説了女性的自我實現在帶着愛的面紗下的近代家族中是很難實現的。日本的作品中,主人公對結婚并没有抱有很大的幻想,倒是在結婚生活開始之前,做好充足的心理準備,而結果還是以悲劇或是與家庭作對而告終。而在中國的作品中,主人公對戀愛結婚有着強烈的幻想,因而在之後所面對的對結婚生活的幻滅和失望感相當強烈,作品倒像是把重心放在了表達這種絶望的心情上。但是日本和中國的作品也有共同點:幾乎所有的作家都通過自己痛苦的親身經歷,對近代家族制度本身充滿了疑惑。至此在中國,對民國時期的文學進行闡述時,五四時期關於批判傳統家庭以及以〈戀愛神聖〉為主題的作品十分令人注目,然而很少提到女作家們描寫的對所謂〈新家庭〉的批判。但是這些作品所提及的夫婦關係的言説以及女性在新家庭中面對的社會性別等問題是在中國近代文學史上不可忽視的主題。

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.170, pp.1-40, 2016-12

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The Shishuo xinyu 世説新語 expounds the need for mastery of the cultural values constituting the foundations of the ver y existence of the authentic aristocrats at the time, as opposed to the aristocracy who formed part of the statesanctioned class system that was established during the Western Jin as a result of the introduction of a system of five grades of nobles in the late Cao Wei. These cultural values were specifically Confucianism and character evaluations, which formed the basic education of aristocrats, as well as the study of various other disciplines. Furthermore, the content of these values was encapsulated in the chapter titles of the Shishuo xinyu, which drew on the four subjects or disciplines mentioned in the Lunyu 論語, and it was shown that Confucianism lay at the root of not only the aristocracy but also Chinese culture. On the basis of this general learning, the Shishuo xinyu also affirmed the way in which the aristocrats from the north, in order to maintain their independence from power, which could act as a reason for superiority, entrusted practical affairs to lowly men of the south, applied themselves to "pure conversation" (qingtan 清談), and protected local influential families through closed marital relationships. Unlike the Yanshi jiaxun 顔氏家訓, the Shishuo xinyu is not a work that reexamines the aristocracy's original mode of being. Rather, it is an educational work the aim of which was to actively af firm the aristocracy of the Liu Song period and pass on the culture lying at the root of its very existence. By compiling the Shishuo xinyu under the aegis of the imperial household, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 aimed to provide a general summar y of the aristocrats' mode of being. In addition, his staff, who actually wrote it, also intended for it to become a work prescribing the mode of being of aristocrats so as to preserve the aristocracy in the Liu Song too. These were the aims behind the compilation of the Shishuo xinyu.

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.168, pp.1-31, 2015-12

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With the aim of dif ferentiating between auspicious omens and calamities as manifestations of the correlation between Heaven and the human realm, such as might suppor t the legitimacy of the Eastern Jin, and auspicious omens and calamities unrelated to any correlation between Heaven and the human realm, such as had been unable to predict the fall of the Western Jin, Gan Bao 干寶 wrote the Soushen ji 捜神記 with the aim of elucidating the principle behind the occurrence of the latter. Gan Bao constructed his logic by combining the contents of existing works. One example of this was his formulation of the logic behind the genesis of malevolent spirits ( yaoguai 妖怪) on the basis of the genesis of calamities attributed to evil influences (yaozai 妖災) in the Chunqiu Zuoshi zhuan 春秋左氏傳 and the genesis of ghosts or spirits (gui 鬼) in the Lunheng 論衡. The theor y of changes in the five pneumata (wuqi 五氣) is representative of these theories of Gan Bao. Normal changes (shunchang 順常) are divided into four kinds, and the mutability or immutability of "pneuma" (qi 氣), "form" (xing 形), and "nature" (xing 性) during these changes is explained. In addition, abnormal changes (yaosheng 妖眚) cor respond to changes in people due to "inversion" ( fan 反), "confusion" (luan 亂), or "change" (mao 貿) in pneuma, and it is these changes that ought to be placed at the centre of the theory of a correlation between Heaven and the human realm. Further, through his demonstration that only abnormal changes are targeted by the theory of a correlation between Heaven and the human realm, Gan Bao resolved any doubts concerning the equivocation of the Supreme Thearch (Shangdi 上帝) that had been voiced in his introduction to the Jinji 晉紀. The Soushen ji represented a record of the nature of the "way of spirits" (shendao 神道) with a focus on concrete events in line with the Chunqiu Zuoshi zhuan.

著者

森 まり子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.167, 2015-03

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This paper gives an introduction to The Proceedings of the Provisional Government Meetings Vol.1., 16 to 30 May 1948 and gives a review of its main contents, primarily, the Arab question. As a follow-up of my previous paper published in this journal in March 2014, it is also intended to be a preliminary step toward revisiting the formative years of Israel, this time focusing on the critical two weeks after the Declaration of Independence on 14 May 1948, during which the state authority was formed, various institutions founded, and most importantly, the ideals and future directions of the new-born state seriously discussed. A close examination of the proceedings clarifies that, at least during these two weeks, both the possibility of Israel’s becoming a “civil state” embracing Arab citizens who would return after the war and the possibility of the establishment of the Arab state within the boundaries determined by the United Nations Partition Resolution on 29 November 1947 were still considered realistic. At least at the level of the cabinet meetings until the end of May 1948, with an alternative of a “civil state” still alive and the institutional orientation of the state largely undecided, the Zionist ideal model of a “Jewish state” was not so self-evident as the conventional wisdom suggests. Judging from this situation, it can be concluded that there was no systematic policy to expel the Palestinians at least at the level of the cabinet until the end of May, even when taking into consideration the deleted portions of the proceedings. The reason is as follows: although there was a long-standing aspiration to create an ethnically pure “Jewish state” among some Zionists, including Ben-Gurion, an expulsion policy was no more than a politically unfeasible option within the coalition government at that time, where the argument for Jewish-Arab coexistence in the “civil state” based on the assumption of the return of the refugees, and the argument for parliamentary democracy open to Arab citizens, were sufficiently effective to block the adoption of such an extreme policy by voting.

著者

近藤 龍哉

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.151, pp.55-95, 2007-03

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胡風就自己與日本進歩評論家矢崎彈的交流,寫過一篇回憶文章<憶矢崎彈―向摧殘文化的野蠻的日本政府抗議>,發表於1937年9月,即中日戰爭爆發後胡風創刊的《七月》(週刊)第三期(1937. 9. 25)。矢崎於同年5月訪問上海,並與胡風多次会談,當時通過文學暢談,相互留下了深刻印象。胡風接到強烈希望與中國文壇進行交流的矢崎卻因此而遭到日本官憲逮捕的消息後,寫下了這篇文章,如實地記述了與矢崎的交流,並證實其交流幾乎完全是與文學相關的,對在所謂"憲政"下的日本,濫用權利將其逮捕的日本政府的野蠻行為提出了強烈抗議。有關與矢崎的交流,胡風在名譽恢復後所寫的《回憶錄》中僅略微渉及,其眞實情况仍不太明確。造成這一現狀的原因主要有:矢崎彈的評論活動自1932年至1946年的15年主要集中於戰爭時期,戰後幾乎未能活躍即死去;由於矢崎無論是左還是右都不処於日本文壇的中心,而是從獨特的位置從事評論活動,其在戰後的日本並不怎麼受關注,因此對其的研究也無進展。另外加上同人雜誌《星座》又是極不易看到的資料。此次我想以胡風的這篇文章為綫索,並盡可能根據當時的資料,搞清其交流的眞實情况。這次我有幸看到了以下新資料胡風受矢崎之約所寫的、發表於矢崎主辧的《星座》雜誌上的日語文章〈我的心境〉、登載在《星座》上的矢崎彈的上海滯留日記、歸國後的矢崎發表於日本的雜誌等刊物上的文章、矢崎在上海與王統照交換《星座》和《文学》雜誌的特約關系、籌劃雜誌交換的詩人五城康雄(《星座》同人)謀求中日文學交流的文章等。我想根據這些新資料,闡明矢崎彈究竟是一個什麼樣的評論家?他是以何目的訪問上海的?訪問又是在怎樣的社会狀態下進行的?在上海進行了哪些活動?回國後的交流經過如何等問題,並試圖考察這種交流具有什麼樣的意義。

著者

塩沢 裕仁

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.502-463, 2016-03

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关于被称为"天下第一关"的函谷关,现在正在维修的遗迹有两处,即灵宝市王垜村的秦函谷关和新安县城关镇的汉函谷关。此前曾对这两处遗迹进行过多次研究调查,但是自2010 年度开始对人类文化研究机构的关野贞大陆调查资料进行研究调查,在分析《支那文化史迹》所载的旧照片时,发现其地形与这两处遗迹的地形明显不同。而且,通览文献史料,可以推测旧照片中看到的函谷关可能是修筑在黄河沿岸、清代又重修的魏函谷关的遗存。但是,其所在和遗迹此前没有得到确认。在此,通过自2013 年度开始的科学研究费课题"对前近代中国交通道路和关津的环境史学研究"的实地调查,在证实上述推测的同时,确定了遗迹的所在。而且,该研究课题通过对潼关的遗迹研究调查,搞清了潼关在曹魏以前被称为桃林塞和函谷关等,其关塞在随着时代的变化而移动。另一方面,2012 年洛阳市文物考古研究院在对新安函谷关遗迹的发掘调查中,发现了战国时期的道路遗构,弄清了当地在战国时期也发挥着重要的作用。本研究可以理解包括潼关在内的4 处函谷关遗迹,加上在往往忽略的《水经注》等文献史料中,把新安至潼关一带统称为函谷。因为函谷关位于长安与洛阳之间,这个名字在历史上频繁出现。因此,要认识到不同时代建造的关塞及其所在地各不相同,如果不在准确把握把哪个函谷关遗迹作为自己研究对象的基础上展开讨论,那么其研究就是纸上谈兵。因此,本文以谋求对函谷关认识的更新和共享为着眼点,尝试公开4 处函谷关遗迹的现状以及在实地调查中收集到的信息,进而探讨从中发现的问题点。

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.127-224, 2011-12-22

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A Persian treatise ‘Ulamā-ye Islām, whose origin is supposed to be the Pahlavi Edict by the Sasanian Prime Minister Mihr Narseh (5th CE) to force Armenian Christians to convert to Zoroastrianism at that time, i.e. Zurvanism, is the only surviving work from Zurvanite point of view. Although the Persian text is published in lithograph and print since 1820s, no critical editions exist thus far. To address this situation, I have collected independent MSS of that treatise both already known in Mumbai (3) and Navsari (1) and unknown in Tehran (2) and Hyderabad (1), then prepared the stemma codicum of ‘Ulamā-ye Islām and established an Urtext that could account for the variants. This process generated a number of findings, not confined to detailed textual issues, but including religious history. The Zurvanite thought expressed in this Urtext is quite resemble with Manichaeism in its Cosmology, Anthropology and Eschatology rather than Dualistic Zoroastrianism in Pahlavi Books written between the 9th and 10th centuries. If Zurvanism is allowed to speak for itself, it can tell us a great deal about the Religionsgeschichte in the Early Sasanian Persia which focuses on Zurvanism's unexpected much influence on Manichaeism in historical context.

著者

西田 真之

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.166, pp.184-136, 2014-12

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The monogamous system was specified in both Civil Code and Penal Code which were enacted in the 20th century in China. However, the word "concubine" was not used in them, and concubinage was never banned either. This fact has raised the arguments over concubines. Some jurists and the noted-cases acknowledged concubinage. Moreover, they thought little of the penalization for a husband who had a sexual relationship with concubines. However, after the arguments about legal issues over concubines, some members of women's organizations gave a statement that concubinage should be banned. In conclusion, even after the monogamous system was specified in the Codes, the relationship between a husband and his concubines was not regarded as marriage, which resulted in the co-existence of monogamy with concubinage in modern China.

著者

竹村 英二

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.167, pp.63-104, 2015-03

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Nakai Riken was a well-known eighteenth-century Japanese Confucian belonging to the Kaitokudō, and is usually considered a ‘shushigakusha’. However, inadequate attention has so far been paid by intellectual historians to his scholarly excellence in evidential and exegetical elements. His study of Shangshu in particular exhibits expertise in textual criticism, and, despite the fact that his access to Chinese Shu studies was limited in his time to the ones up to the Yuan period, Riken demonstrates a notable quality and originality. Riken’s work shows both striking parallels with the views of Qing evidential scholars on Shangshu that were unknown to Riken, and elements that are quite original to the scholarship of his age in East Asia. He deals not only with the problems concerning its Old and New Texts, but also with discrepancies among the variants of the Old Texts, and with the distinction between the ‘original’ and ‘forged’ chapters and the evidential grounds that support the argument. He denounces the so-called ‘Great Introduction’ (大序 or 孔序) as a text that was ‘added’ deliberately after the Eastern Jin (東晉) era by Mei Ze (梅賾). He also denies the claims that the text of Shangshu was unreadable when it was found in the wall of Confucius’s residence, and survived only in oral tradition. Most importantly, he denounced Liu Xin (劉歆) of the Former Han as the ‘fabricator’ of these forged stories, and of Ban Gu (班固)’s erroneous and careless quoting of these Liu Xin’s stories (「夫恭王懐宅之事。創見於劉歆移書。而班史取之又載之藝 文」). As Riken points out, it was this「劉歆移書」that started these false stories concerning the transmission of the Shu texts at its early stage, that resulted in the spread of the incorrect message that the text was transmitted only orally.

著者

田仲一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, pp.333-380, 1992-03

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中國戯劇史上, 超度孤魂的釋道普度儀式可以看作“戯劇”(悲劇)的起源。 從宗敎史的角度來看,這種普度儀式是五代北宋以後纔成立的。 目前道藏裡含有一些兩宋間普度科儀書。 其中有古老的一種,叫做『黄籙九幽醮無碍夜齋次第』,宋闕名撰。 但此書所流傳的地域,仍未能知。 未能了解其社會背景。 不過,新加坡福州籍道士所擧行的中元普度科儀,其結構,科儀内容很相似於『黄籙九幽醮無碍夜齋次第』所述的情況。 本文依據此類似性,擬研討宗敎史、戯劇史上的若干問題。 如下:(1) 福州道士普度,其“地獄”之佈置,科儀書之字句等,到處可見與宋代『黄籙九幽醮』相同相似之處。由此可以推斷其承流於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (2) 莆田僧侶普度,尤其是“破獄”系儀式,也可見有一些與『黄籙九幽醮』〈破獄〉類似之處。可以推想其受影響於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (3) 福州普度科儀和莆田目連戯,開場淨棚時,無不有演出田都元帥咒或跳舞。田都元帥很可能是年輕英靈殤魂之一。英魂是宋代黄籙九幽醮最重視的。由此似乎可説,閩北田都元帥表演也會継承傳統於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (4) 閩北目連戯是全國著名的。尤其是莆田仙游目連戯保留普度儀式中“目連破獄”科儀之面目。宗敎性很濃厚,還離不開宗敎儀式。福州道士普度科儀,雖然沒有“目連破獄”之表演,但在地獄佈置之中,掛出目連晝像,或目連見母的晝兒。可見也有目連破獄的觀念。由此可知,閩北目連戯是在宋代以來黄籙九幽醮之傳統之中,發展出來的。 目前目連戯劇本,除了明代鄭之珍本之外,有好幾種地方性劇本,如浙江、安徽、江西、湖南、福建等々名本。 其中,閩北莆田本保留着比較古老的因素。 有些學人認爲,莆田本屬於南宋古南戯本系統。 本文從宗教環境的角度來,提出閩北目連上戯的古老性。