著者

[著者名なし]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, 2010-03-26

著者

影山 輝國

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.149, pp.1-42, 2006-03

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在《史記・漢興以来將相名臣年表》中,有數處上下倒寫的字列,這是在其它古籍中所不得見的。關于這個問題,自清初汪越最早言及以来,至今已有諸種解釋。一九九三年,在湖北省荊州市沙市區周家台三十號秦墓出土的《秦始皇三十四年曆譜》的竹簡上,發現有一處倒寫的字列。由此人們得知《將相年表》中的倒書並非司馬遷所獨創,並且以為這個問題會因此而迎刃而解。然而,有關《將相年表》的倒書至今仍有一些問題尚未得到解決。小論在整理以往各家之言的基礎上,試圖補充提出幾點愚見。

著者

小島 毅

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, pp.1-87, 1988-10

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Correlative cosmology was the heart of the political theory in justification of all the dynasties in China.Various kinds of natural anomalies showed Heaven's warning to the ruler against his political errors.This theory, which was established under Han dynasty, was still effective in Song, by changing its substance.It is explained in Chapter One how the correlative thought served political purposes in Northern Song.Some of the scholars criticized the schematized form that said a phenomenon was the response to one particular governmental misconduct, but they also relied on correlative theory.In Chapter Two, the samples are introduced from the texts on the crop losses by locusts and on the solar eclipses.While refuting Han schema, the scholars insisted that emperor should recfify his mind.When the Song philosophers were changing the schema, they were giving a higher position to the term of li (principle).As it is made clear in Chapter Three, in the new scheme of correlative theory, li was pursued in one's mind.

著者

林 佳世子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, pp.237-262, 1992-03

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This paper deals with the urban houses in Istanbul endowed as the waqf properties in 16th century and attempts to clarify the characteristics of small waqf endowments of urban dwellers.In order to be endowed to waqf's, houses are required to be complete private properties.Such condition seems to have been realized in the course of the reorganisation of Constantinople into Ottoman Istanbul, because, according to some documents preserved in Ottomen archives, more than 90% of all houses in Istanbul were complete freeholds, i. e. both the houses and the lands were owned by the urban dwellers at the last years of Sultan Mehmed the Second.The characteristics of the waqf's, especially house waqf's, in Istanbul revealed through the analysis of the waqf tahrir register dated 1546 are as follow: (1) Of all waqf's 75% are small waqf's, the income of which is less than 1000 akce;(2) 92% of the properties of the small waqf's are either houses or cash;(3) In the small waqf's the property of which is private houses, the most important aim of endowments is to guarantee the benefits of the endower's descendants from waqf property.There are two ways to realize it; one is to assure them to live in the endowed houses, and the other is to assign them as the mutevelli (administrator) of the waqf's;(4) However important it is to guarantee benefits of the descendants, many charitable activities are still found, most of which give some benefits to mescid's (small mosques) in mahalle's (quarters). This could be regarded as a reflex of the formation of mahalle's in the mid 16th-century Istanbul.

著者

澤田 多喜男

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, pp.93-128, 1982-12

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Confucius advocated Ren (仁), and Mencius advocated Ren-I (仁義).Why did Mencius emphasize Ren-I (仁義)? In this study I investi-gated some reasons why Mencius's Ren-I theory (仁義説) came out, by considering the cjrcumstances of the world of thought in those days.At that time, Mo-zi (墨子) School insisted on philanthropism, which seemed to neglect family morals.On the other hand, Yang-zhu (楊朱) School insisted on Ego-Centrism, which seemed to neglect the relation of ruler and subject.Mencius regarded the fundamental idea of these two schools as Li (利), that is, the culculation of gains and losses.These two schools, together with Confucian (儒家) School Mencius belonged to, led the world of thought then.Mencius thought that if we acted on the basis of Li (利), the family relationship and the relation of ruler and subject would be impaired and that we would not be able to keep the social order.So, rejecting Li (利), he emphasized that Ren (仁) (the fundamentals of family morals) and I (義) (the fundamentals of morals of ruler and subject) were the most important.It has been said that Mencius laid emphasis on Ren (仁) against Yang-Zhu school, and I (義) against Mo-zi School.I think it is only a con ecture and a mistake.On the contrary, he insisted on Ren (仁) against Mo-zi School and I (義) against Yan-Zhu School.I dealt with these points positively in this study.

著者

前川 亨

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.142, pp.348-302, 2003-03

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The Xuepen-jing, a Buddhist scripture formed in China, explains that women, due to the belief that bleeding at childbirth or menstruation pollutes the earth and water, will go to a hell after their death called “The Bloody Pond”(Ch., Xuepenchi or Xuehu; J., chi no ike), where they must undergo numerous great hardships until they are saved by a Buddha or a Bodhisattva.The scholarly research on this scripture began with an excellent paper by Michel Soymie, and following this achievement, many additional studies appeared regarding the Japanese reception of the text.However, although we find many references to the Xuepen-jing or “The Bloody Pond” in studies of Chinese folklore and Taoist rituals, there are almost no studies on the state of the Chinese popular belief associated with this scripture.In this paper, we will examine the various aspects of the Chinese Xuepen-jing textual genera, and then present some fundamental views on them taking the lead of existent studies on the Japanese reception of Xuepen-jing.The paper will consist of three parts.1, Classification and arrangement of materials. In contrast to the case of Japan, the Chinese varieties of Xuepen-jing include various texts that fall outside the Buddhist textual tradition. Therefore, we must first classify these materials. In accordance with their form and content, we can arrange the various texts into three general categories: Xuepen-jing texts in the narrow sence (i. e. Buddhist scriptures), Xuehu ceremonial manuals (Taoist ritual writings), and quasi-Xuepen-jing materials. In this section, we will also introduce some new materials for examination.2, The causes for falling into “The Bloody Pond” and the types of people who took the fall. Here we will examine whether childbirth alone was the cause for women descending into “The Bloody Pond”, or if menstruation was involved as well. We also will investigate the issue of whether it was exclusively women who took the fall, or if men also descended into this ghastly hell.3, Women's original sin and the gratitude due to mothers. In this section, we will present the hypothesis that in China the Xuepen-jing existed as a “filial piety” scripture which combined the original sin of women with the sanctity of the mother, according to “the gratitude due to the mother”.

著者

金 鳳珍

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.474-453, 2000-12

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Inoue Kakugōrō, as a foreign assistant or advisor, had been employed at a new government office named Bakmunkuk (博文局), having published the modern newspaper such as ‘Hansŏngsunbo (漢城旬報)’ and ‘Hansŏngzubo (漢城周報).’ We may say, in a sense, he had been engaged in enlightening the society or reforming the old system when he stayed in Chosŏn for about four years. However, we need to be careful about what motivated him to do this and/or what was his genuine, real purpose in doing that. We must ask whether his motive/purpose was pure or not. By putting these questions, we can reveal not only the real facts of this historical case but also the real problems resided in the historico-psychological depths of the modern history of Japan and Chosŏn. This paper will be a critical suggestion for ‘deconstructing’ the history of the Japan-Korea relation.

著者

福井 重雅

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, pp.1-31, 1983-11

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In Han China there were a number of civil service examination systems, one of which was called 賢良方正, Hsien-liang Fang-cheng (capable/good and sincere/uprignt) as a special recruitment system.In comparison to China's famous examination systems in later times, the Han systems have been studied so poorly and incompletely that by now they are still ambiguous and open to further question.The author in this article at-tempts to clarify mainly the special recruitment system, Hsien-liang Fang-cheng, by means of analyzing the criteria of official promotion.The bureaucracy of the Han times consisted of the 15 ranks of officials, covering from the fief-holders of 万石, wan-shih (10,000 bushels), to those of 百石, po-shih (100 bushels).The right to recommend competent can-didates for government offices was restricted to the supreme officials,ranking over the fief-holders of 比二千石, pi-erh-ch'ien-shih (equivalent to 2,000 bushels).These supreme officials were thus to promote the positions of lower officials, ranking 四百石, ssu-po-shih (400 bushels), and below, to those of higher officials, ranking 比六百石, pi-lu-po-shih (equivalent to 600 bushels), and above.It was, therefore, one of the aims and characteristics of the special recruitment system of the Han dynasties to raise and reform the lower-grade to the upper-grade personnels of government offices.Centering on this issue, he also discusses some indispensable problems associated with the officialdom in general and civil service examination systems of Han China

著者

松岡 俊裕

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.128, pp.p1-185, 1995-11

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(七)是第六章「内閣中書時代」全二節中的第二節「正式中書時代」的一部分(一「正式就任中書」中的(三)「正式中書周福清」、二「文郁的応考郷試」中的「応考郷試経歴」)。第二節的一中的(三)利用档案資料介紹周福清的正式中書時代的情况、応考同考官考試、応昇任調任的銓衡、擢升和公的収入等。周福清属于漢票簽処第二直房,主要従事草擬、校対中文票簽的工作,還有時兼任内閣誥勅房和中書科事務,還有時被派遣到内閣会典館、軍機処従事『清会典』、『方略』的編纂校対工作。順天府郷試和会試的同考官,内閣中書(正式的)也可以担任,周福清至少考了六次,都没考中。正式中書在任期内可以調任別処的中央官衙官唄或地方官,周福清応了両次宗人府漢堂主事的空額補充銓衡,但是第一次落選,第二次以感冒為借口缺席。周福清工作得既很謹慎又聡明,光緒十六年被擢升為内閣侍読代理見習。光緒十七年周福清捐納縮短試用期間,試用期間満了,得優等評語,决定做為地方官(同知)起用。光緒十八年吏部命周福清等応熱河(直隷省承徳府)州県官的銓衡,但是周福清又以感冒為借口缺席。其理由大概是周福清因江西知県時代嘗够苦頭,原来不想再当地方官吧。正式中書周福清的公収入只是俸銀年八十八両二十銭(候補中書中的両倍)俸米年十七石七斗(跟候補中書一様。一半発銀)和月二百文的公費(也跟候補中書一様),比候補中書時代多一点,但還過着很困難的生活。周福清的正式中書時代,児子文郁一共考了三次浙江郷試(光緒十四年戊子科、光緒十五己丑恩科、光緒十七年辛卯科),都没有通過。第二節的二提到文郁所応考的浙江郷試的監臨官等実行要員名単、試題、及格者和補缺者名単以及上海『申報』登載的関于浙江郷試的風聞等。

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:5638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, pp.175-249, 1990-03

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Dans la première partie de cette étude nous avons présenté les caractéristiques des livrés censures par les Qing (Chap. I,§1-4) et l'évolution des sentiments anti-mandchous au cours du 17ème siècle é(Chap. II, §5).Dans cette seconde partie nous étudions d'abord les idées anti-mandchous chez certains auteurs.D'une part, les dirigeants chinois des Ming se proposent, comme du temps de précédantes dynasties chinoises, de renforcer l'autorité intérieure de l'état.D'autre part, des mandarins "utilitaristes" réclament des mesures efficaces pour repousser l'attaque des Mandchous (Chap. II, §6).Ensuite, nous examinons les idées "hétérodoxes" des auteurs: certes des attaques anti-hétérodoxes ont lieu sans cesse, mais les "hétérodoxes" peuvent exprimer librement leurs idées (Chap. III,§7).Les auteurs "utilitaristes" se proposent d'utiliser les sciences techniques pour sauvegarder la société chinoise; les dirigeants des Ming s'abandonnent à leurs sort s'attachant seulement à maintenir le rôle du qi 気 (Chap. III,§8).L'intérêt des livres censurés se trouve dans la franchise des discussions, tant sur la philosophie de leurs auteurs que sur leur comportement quotidien.Cette nouveauté n'arrive pas, cependant, à donner naissance à une nouvelle étape dans la pensée chinoise car si la discussion était ardente, elle manquait d'un lieu commun à s'exercer (Chap. III,§9).

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.115, pp.p1-60, 1991-03

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本題目将按照以下順序進行研討:(一) 禁書著者的剖析(二) 禁書的標準―清朝政府的論理―(三) 有関異端思想的事件―文字之獄和四庫全書―(四) 査禁的全貌(五) 対中国思想的影響(一) 禁書著者的剖析第一章 主張「実学」的明末士大夫在禁書著者之中,所謂「実学」派是最積極反対満州族的南下的士人。他們熟知敵人的実力,主張応該使用西洋火器,訓練精兵,戦略上主張据点防衛,否認広域防衛。他們厭悪党争,反対伝統制夷狄的方法。他們中的大部分対西洋文化抱有濃厚的興趣,不只是積極地導入数学、天文学、力学、水利学、軍事学等的技術科学,並且介紹論理学、倫理学、哲学、天主教等的文化。他們「致用」「実用」的観点,不只是対軍事,同時也貫徹在和防御没有直接関係的領域。

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.68, pp.p101-177, 1976-03

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Cet article se propose de mettre en lumiére ce qu'ont été les Erchen de la Chine du 17 éme siècle-fonctionnaires chinois qui servirent les deux dynasties Ming et Qing.L'article se compose de quatre parties.Dans la premiére, on trouvera une classification des Erchen en quatre groupes selon le processus de leur apparition:1°Erchen militaires soumis aux Mandchous à l'époque des Ming (avant 1644)2°Erchen militaires soumis au début des Qing (aprés 1644)3°Erchen lettrés du Nord4°Erchen lettrés du Sud(une liste des Erchen est annexée à l'article)Dans la seconde partie est exposée leur activité sous les Mandchous.Les Erchen, comme chefs militaires (groupes 1°set 2°) et comme hauts fonctionnaires (groupes 3°et 4°), apportèrent leur expérience d'experts à la politique intérieure des Qing et sauvèrent beaucoup de compatriotes au cours des luttes entre les oppresseurs et les opprimés.La troisième partie traite de 1'attitude des Mandchous vis-à-vis des Erchen.Les Mandchous, accordant la préférence à la politique militariste et raciste, oppèrent un filtrage et destituèrent les esprits libres, nombreux chez les groupes 3°et 4°.(Il faut noter que les Erchen militaires considérés comme dissidents ont été exclus des Erchen par les Mandchous et tous tués sous le nom de Nichen 逆臣.)La quatrièe partie expose l'état d'esprit des Erchen d'après leurs écrits.Les Erchen sont une élite du temps des Ming marquée par la formation"utilitariste"致用主義.Si obéissants aux Mandchous qu'ils soient, ils gardaient l'esprit critique qu'ils avaient acquis avec leurs idées"utilitaristes."Cette liberté d'esprīt leur coûta à cette époque, leur carrière politique et à l'époque suivante, provoqua l'interdiction de leurs écrits en Chine.Un autre article exposera les raisons qui ont poussé les Mandchous à condamner"l'esprit dangereux", c'est-à-dire, a interdire beaucoup de livres 禁書 de l'époque précédente y compris les écrits des Erchen.

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.124, pp.p135-188, 1994-03

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本題目将按照以下順序進行研討:第一部 禁書著者的剖析第二部 禁書的標準-清朝政府的論理-第三部 有関異端思想的事件-文字之獄和四庫全書-第四部 査禁的全貌第五部 対中国思想的影響第一部 禁書著者的剖析第二章 主張「実学」的清初士大夫在満清王朝統治下,所謂「実学」派,不再象積極反対満族南下時的明末「実学」派那様,只能做研究学問的「遺民」或者熟悉実際業務的清朝官吏。但他們在主張「致用」「実用」的観点,対西洋文化抱有的興趣以及重視個人能力等方面,于各自的政治立場之外,共有共同之処,都滞有明末「実学」派的傾向。然而,「遺民」逐漸陥入孤立的状態,従而対新事物疎遠起来;「弐臣」「漢臣」也因為結党営私等種種借口失掉了文化活動的環境。双方都失去了後継者。

著者

太田 信宏

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.142, pp.240-200,viii-ix, 2003

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This paper attempts to examine the political system of the third (Tuluva) dynasty of Vijayanagara during the first half of the sixteenth century with special emphasis on its foundation, the Nāyaka system, mainly based on the contemporary inscriptions and the travel books of two Portuguese merchants who visited the royal capital, Vijayanagara.In the Nāyaka system, kings assigned nāyakas few tracts (sīmes) as their fiefs (nāyakatanas) on the condition of military service and tribute.Kings had strong political control over nāyakas who were obliged to stay in the royal capital and daily attend the royal court and whose fiefs were transferred from one place to another in a rather short period of time.Nāyakas did not have their own power bases in the specific province, as has been generally understood.The Nāyaka system functioned systematically as "the so-called actual mechanisms of state power" throughout the period of the Tuluva dynasty.Thus the Vijayanagara kingdom of the Tuluva dynasty can never be defined as a "segmentary state" which, in principle, denies kings any political control over their segments (nāyakas).On the other hand, the state-wide administrative and military organization under the direct control of kings was in an immature state.The royal demesne seemed to be small as compared with the total of all nāyakas' fiefs.The strength of the kingdom depended largely on the personal ability and resource of nāyakas, who were assigned the major role both in the provincial governance and the military mobilization.As shown by the frequent occurrence of the internal conflict involving powerful nāyakas, kings could not take for granted the loyalty and submission of nāyakas.A factor which encouraged nāyakas to behave autonomously and independently vis-à-vis kings was the possibility of political career the former could expect in other states such as Deccan Muslim kingdoms which were in intermittent conflict with the Vijayanagara kingdom and in need of men with ability and mobile resources like nāyakas.Under the Tuluva dynasty we see the sophistication and intensification of royal performances which show off the personal dignity and prowess of kings.They might serve to compensate for the weakness and vulnerability of kings inherent in the political system.

著者

影山 輝国

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.133, pp.1-32, 1997-03

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中國漢代的刑罰除「謀反」等大罪外,大都在秋冬季執行,而不是在春夏季。東漢時稱此為「順気行罰」或「順時之法」。這裏的「氣」即陰陽二氣,而「時」則為春夏秋冬四時之意。當時,人們認為四時之循環由陰陽二氣的盛衰所致,春夏陽盛時期為生長季節,秋冬陰盛時期為殺藏季節。因此,春夏季執行死刑或其它刑罰是逆天時之行為。此種天人感應的時令思想在漢代以前已有所見,但按照這一思想具體實施順氣行罰是從何時開始的,漢代的實施状況又是怎様的。本文將就這些問題進行具體的探討。

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.146, pp.72-41, 2004-12 (Released:2006-07-26)

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An Annotated Translation of Zoroastrian Book Pahlavī Literature, the Dēnkard Book III: No. 1by Takeshi AOKIThe Dēnkard is one of the most voluminous Zoroastrian Book Pahlavī literature, edited by Zoroastrian high priests, Ādurfarrōbay-ī Farroxzādān and Adurbād-ī Ēmedēn in the 9^th and 10^th centuries.Here presented is an annotated transcription and Japanese translation of its third volume, which consists of 420 polemics against bad religions-Manichaeism, Judaism and Islam.Our process of preparing this translation can be divided into two steps.1. The late Prof. Gikyō Itō made a Pahlavī letters' transcription and its Japanese translation preciously corresponding to Madan's Dēnkard edition.Unfortunately, however, he passed away before completion this work.2. After Gikyō Itō's death, Takeshi AOKI made his work up-to-date, and added ① linguistic commentaries on Pahlavī letters' transcription and ② religious commentaries on Japanese translation.This time we can print only the 6^th chapter to the 9^th chapter, but we hope publishing serially the whole transcription and translation of the Dēnkard Book III in this Memoirs.

著者

笠井 直美

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, pp.43-118, 1993-11

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在此探討的不是:“《水滸》裏有怎様的矛盾闘爭?”,也不是“梁山好漢與貪官汚吏對立的來龍去脈”、“梁山好漢討伐姦臣的背景”、“《水滸》裏的義與不義之闘爭”,等問題。在此探討的是在形成這些“二元對立”模式的嬗變過程中,排斥了什麼。比較《水滸傳》楊定見本跟容與堂本、文簡本,我們發現楊本的刪改有一種明顯的傾向。如:文簡本征討田虎、王慶處,王慶的形象是一箇豪傑好漢,沒有絲毫壞人的成份,田虎王慶手下的將官也是跟梁山好漢沒有性質上的差別,他們投降後跟一百八員結爲兄弟,受到同等待遇。不肯投降的將官則獲得“忠烈”的贊賞。楊本把王慶改爲不義的壞人,贊賞的則是背叛田虎、王慶投降的人。又如:楊本常常刪掉了容本裏談到梁山好漢的兇惡的一面的詞句,増添強調他們正義、忠義的名子,改動容本的單純的情景描冩、容貌描冩,強調好漢的對手的不義。又如:在劫生辰綱一段,容本的詩句主要反復和預告情節,并似乎理直氣壯地贊賞着宋江、朱仝放晁蓋,楊本詩句則主要強調生辰綱是不義之財、因此反襯出好漢劫財的正義,放晁蓋也順理成章地成爲義挙。總之,楊本強調的是“義與不義”,“正義的好漢與貪官汚吏”,(常常卽“忠君的好漢與姦臣”)的對立模式。在取材於《水滸》的傳奇作品中,這種傾向更明顯。強調好漢的忠君,同時強調好漢與貪官汚吏的矛盾。由此,我們可以看出這些模式的産生并非基於反統治階級的意識,恰恰相反,是基於參與統治的意識。這些模式抛棄了好漢與敵手的同質性、排除了與正義無關的單純的好漢的無法無天的行爲産生的共鳴的基礎上而成立的。

著者

笠井 直美

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.131, pp.27-104, 1996-11

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一九二五年,李宗侗(字玄伯)排印出版了一部百囘本《水滸傳》,封面有“看雲憶弟居照明嘉靖本重印百囘本水滸傳”的題字,李在《序》中稱;底本是一九二四年他的族侄在北京書攤發現,而後為他所収藏。當時百囘本是在中國還没“發現”的珍本,但學者們聽説日本等海外収藏幾部,深知其重要性。孫楷第一九三一年左右看過李所収蔵的底本,給予很高的評価。他雖然不承認其為嘉靖本,只認為“刻書在昌暦之際”,不過他在《中國通俗小説書目》(一九三三年)裏把它列為現存《水滸傳》諸版本中的第一種。一九三四年,李宗侗由於故宮“盗寳”案逃到上海租界,解放前夕又去了臺灣,其所藏《水滸傳》遂被認為“現藏何處不明”。其實,此書後來歸於鄭振鐸之手,現藏於北京圖書館善本閲覧室,存巻首及第一到四十四囘,有“高陽李氏〓雲意弟居”藏書章。筆者在一九九五年看到其縮微膠巻,據此進行初歩的探討,在此報告其特徴。第一,李玄伯舊藏本與日本佐賀縣多久市歴史民俗資料館所藏“遺香堂本”酷似,很可能是同版所出。第二,李玄伯排印本不太忠實於其“底本”,却接近於百二十囘本,尤其是郁郁堂本(《水滸全書》)。關於李玄伯舊藏本和郁郁堂本不同處,除了“挿増”二十囘以外,排印本基本上同於郁郁堂本。但是,其中也有較長的文句為郁郁堂本所無而與其他百囘本(包括李玄伯舊藏本)完全一致,因此排印本也不是全面採用郁郁堂本的。第三,《水滸傳》文繁本其實有分巻系和不分巻系之別,不只是形式上的區別,正文上的區別更重要而明顯。百二十囘本和七十囘本都屬於不分巻系,百囘本有分巻系和不分巻系之別。李玄伯舊藏本,遺香堂本屬於不分巻系。本文對於跟李玄伯舊藏本版式相同,乍一看來像似出於同版的五種版本(包括郁郁堂本)進行簡單的校勘,初歩探討李玄伯舊藏本在不分巻系版本群中的位置,並且探討不分巻系版本群的系統及繼承關係。

著者

加藤 雄三

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.156, pp.311-357, 2009-12-14

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1945年10月25日,台灣省行政長官陳儀宣布中華民國政府將台灣置于主權之下。從此開始接管臺灣總督府所屬各機關。有關司法機關和訴訟案件,台灣省接收委員會司法法制組方面,尤其是台灣高等法院為主體進行接管。 在接管台灣全省法院、法院檢察處、監獄方面,確立中華民國統治體制為止的過渡期措施,為了應對人員不足和地域情況,留用了部分台灣人。但是,位居指導者地位的台籍人員非常稀少,這不僅在司法機關之中,而且在社會當中也加劇了矛盾。//從《臺灣省司法會議 報告書・議決案》可以看到,二二八事件之前,台灣司法當局一方面利用殖民地遺留下來的制度,想加強“ 中華民國” 的統治。殖民地時期“ 台灣人” 認同已出現。無論從財政上,還是從人才方面都不完善的台灣司法當局成為核心,如何引導“ 台灣人” 居住的台灣的司法,是當時内在的關鍵問題。

著者

山之内 正彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, pp.41-119, 1974-03

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唐代詩人極其熱情地歌唱西下的太陽,有關夕日的詩語亦非常之多。尤其是"落日"與"夕陽"兩個詩語,無論從其使用次數上講,或從其所具有抒情内容的豐富性上講,都可以稱之為其代表。"落日"與"夕陽"這兩個詞,從種種角度去看,都表現出鮮明對照的性格。"落日"使人形成太陽西下時候那種鮮明形象的心象,同時它亦在詩人的心中燃燒起激烈的感情。對此,"夕陽"在空間中擴散其光輝和色彩,溫暖地擁抱人們和景物。"夕陽"亦常常與其他詞彙相結合而成為各種熟語表現。尤其"夕陽多"這個詩句,晚唐詩人喜歡用它來表現夕陽豐富多彩的美與他們對夕陽懷抱的無限向往之情。上面所提兩者性格之不同,正與盛唐詩到晚唐詩之間抒情性質的變化成一對應;從使用次數之多少也可以明瞭地看出盛唐-落日・晚唐-夕陽的對照關系。