著者

中村 廣治郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638092)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.1-110, 1975-03

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Abu Hamid al-Ghazālī (d. 1111) being one of the greatest Muslim thinkers comparable to St. Augustine or Thomas Aquinas in the Christian tradition, there is no wonder that so much attention has been paid to him and so many studies have been done on him by both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars. Even in Christendom, the study of al-Ghazālī (Algazel), or interest in his works at the least, goes far back to the Middle Ages when the Christian world was busy with transplanting the Greek philosophy through the Arabic translations. Al-Ghazālī's Maqāsid al-Falāsifah, his compendium of philosophy (falsqfdh) was first put into Latin toward the end of the 12th century, and he was mainly known in Europe throughout the Middle Ages as the author of this work, and therefore supposed by mistake to be a“philosopher”(failasūf) himself. This misunderstanding is ascribed to the unfortunate fact that his“preface”to this Maqāsid dropped from its most Latin manuscripts for some so far unknown reasons during their circulation, so that it was little known that the compendium was but a preliminary step to his refutation of philosophy (in his later work, Tahāfut al-Falāsifah). This Tahāfut was also introduced to Europe in the meantime, but it did not so much contribute to improve the situation as to increase the confusion all the more among the scholars. Thus the myth of“a philosopher Algazel”itself lasted almost unimpaired until S. Munk finally demythologized it in the middle of the 19th century by correctly identifying al-Ghazālī's true intention and thought. As more writings of al-Ghazālī came to be printed and published toward the end of the century, the study of al-Ghazālī made much progress. Profiting from all this study and that on Islamic history in general, D. B. Macdonald published his monumental study on al-Ghazālī at the turn of the century in an article,“The Life of al-Ghazzali”(1899), which laid the foundation for the subsequent study in this field. He also spotted and gave some proper pioneering discussions to the essential questions involved in the study, such as the problems of his“esoteric teachings,”the authenticity of his writings, the causes of his retirement, and so forth. (To be continued)

著者

中村 廣治郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638090)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, pp.17-50, 1981-11

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Al-Ghazali wrote several works on (Aristotelian) logic (mantiq). The fact shows the importance of logic in his whole system of thought. This is particularly and uniquely so, except Islamic philosophers (failasūf), in the general negative attitude of the traditional Muslim scholars against logic. Nevertheless, these writings have not adequately been studied in an attempt to clarify the significance of al-Ghazali's logical study and thought in the history of Islamic theology as well as in the development of his personal religious thought. The aim of the present article is to analyse these works of al-Ghazali with a view to clarify his attitude to logic and point out some problems for further study. We come to the conclusion that al-Ghazali not only baldly accepts Aristotelian logic totally, but goes so far as to islamicize it in the Qur'ānic terms. This leads us to the questions: (1) What is the reason for this attitude of his? My tentative answer is: the usefullness of logic and its superiority to the traditional (legal) method of reasoning (qiyās). (2) The influence of al-Ghazali's logical study in later development of Islamic theology, with particular reference to Ibn Khaldun's comments on it in his al-Muqaddimah. (3) The problem of apparent contradiction of al-Ghazali's positive reliance on reason (‘aql) shown in those logical works and his negative attitude to reason in his autobiography, al-Munqidh min al-Dalāl.

著者

森 まり子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.165, pp.124-204, 2014-03-26

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This paper gives an introduction to The People’s Administration―The Protocols, 18 April to 13 May 1948, which is part of the Proceedings of the Israeli Cabinet Meetings, and gives a review of its main contents, primarily, the Arab question. It is intended to be a preliminary step toward revisiting the formative years of Israel. The debate over these years among the New Historians has tended to be channeled into a single controversial question―whether there was an Israeli policy of expulsion of the Palestinians or not. This paper is part of an attempt to replace this politically and emotionally charged approach with an unbiased, social-scientific one by re-examining the Cabinet proceedings and putting the Israeli policies toward the Palestinians in the broader context of the cabinet’s entire priorities at that time. The detailed review of the protocols brings into relief the controversial issues which would thereafter determine the fate of the Palestine conflict: the Israeli-UN relations, the borders and the name of the state, the return of refugees, and the rights of the Arabs remaining in Israel. The protocols show that in the People’s Administration there was a variety of opinions and dissents on Ben-Gurion’s policy of rejecting the return of the Arabs. In sum, in the Israeli cabinet on the eve of the First Arab-Israeli War, there existed, contrary to the conventional wisdom of students of the Middle East, sufficient moderate diplomatic realism to block the unanimous adoption of an extreme decision to expel the Palestinians.

著者

外川 昌彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.159, pp.322-360, 2011-03-28

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This paper addresses Mahatma Gandhi's views on the Japanese in the 1930s throught the analysis of exchanges between Gandhi and rev. Fujii Nichidatsu (Fujii Guruji), who is the founder of the Japanese Buddhist sect, Nipponzan Myohoji. Fujii met Gandhi at his ashram in Wardha on 4 October 1933 and stayed there for two months. Thereafter, the two promoted intimate relations, which were described in Fujii's diary in detail and have so far been the topic of various arguments by scholars. However, this study examines Fujii's descriptions using other records on Gandhi, and from the background of Indo-Japan relations in the 1930s. In particular, the author discusses Gandhi's different attitudes towards Fujii's disciples and explains why Fujii and his disciples were able to maintain an intimate relation with Gandhi in spite of his critical opinions on the Japanese army's aggression against China.

著者

鎌田 繁

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, pp.119-192, 1992-03

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‘Allāmah al-Hillī (d. 626/1325), as well as his teacher Nasīr al-Dīn al-Tūsī (d. 672/1274), is one of the important thinkers in the history of thought of the Twelver (Ithnā ‘ashari) Shī‘īsm in the West Asia under the Mongols. His many treatises of the Ithnā‘asharī doctrines and jurisprudence formed a solid foundation of the later development of the Shī‘ī religious sciences. The Kashf al-murād is a compendium of the Ithnā‘asharī Shī‘ītheology (kalām) written by Hillī in the form of commentary on Tūs's Tajrīd al-i‘tīqād. Hillī discusses in the fifth chapter of this work the nature and authority of the Imām as follows: (1) the installation of Imām is obligatory on God; (2) he is infallible; (3) he is the best among his contemporaries; (4) he is designated by his predecessor; (5) ‘Ali is the Imām immediate after the Prophet; (6) Demonstrations of the absence of imāmah except in ‘Ali; (7)‘Ali is the best Companion; (8) the imāmah of the other Imāms; and (9) the judgment of the transgressors. In this paper we have presented an annotated Japanese translation of the whole chapter V except the section dealing with ‘Ali's being the best Companion after a brief introduction to Hillī's life and the nature of his demonstration. Our translation is based on the texts of the following two editions, (1) Kashf al-murād fi sharh tajrīd al-i‘tiqād, Mashhad: Kitābfurūshī-yi Ja‘farī, n. d., pp. 225-250, and (2) Kashf al-murād fī sharh tajrīd al-i‘tiqād, Hasan Hasanzāda al-Āmulī (ed.), Qumm, 1407, pp. 361-398.

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.400-381, 2007-12-19

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The S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra nāma mahātantrarāja preserved in the Tibetan Kanjur has traditionally been classified as a Yoga Tantra and has been regarded as one of the longer versions of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Although there is no complete Chinese translation, it has long been known that the Jingangchang zhuangyan banruo boluomiduo jiao zhong yifen 金剛場荘厳般若波羅蜜多敎中一分 (Taishō no. 886), translated by Dānapāla, corresponds to the final section of the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra. Hitherto this tantra has received the attention of Japanese researchers primarily as an alternative version of either the shorter or longer version of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Through an examination of quotations in other texts and parallel passages shared with other tantras I have reached the conclusion that this tantra can be dated to the second half of the eighth century. Worthy of particular note is the existence of more than ten verses shared with the opening section of the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, one of the earliest Mother Tantras, and there is a strong possibility that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra has taken these verses from the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga. This indicates that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra, a Yoga Tantra, postdates the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, a Mother Tantra (albeit one of the earliest) belonging to the Highest Yoga Tantras. Although a large number of later Yoga Tantras are preserved in the Tibetan canon, the original Sanskrit text of none except the Sarvadurgatiparis´odhana-tantra has survived. Consequently their importance has been underestimated, but there is a need for further research on these tantras in order to elucidate the development of Indian Tantric Buddhism.

著者

平勢 隆郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, 1994-02

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筆者從前談到過再排列戰國紀年的問題,研討古本《竹書紀年》與《六國年表》之間的矛盾,渉及惹起該矛盾的原因,就是戰國中期生起從立年稱元到踰年稱元的轉換。本文作其續稿,略述在前稿不能談到的問題,提示《戰國各國紀年一覧》及其補表《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》,一部分修改前稿《君主立卒年一覧》的内容。衆所周知散在《史記》的同一内容事件之中,有些在用《六國年表》得知的年代互相不吻合。然而利用本文提示的新年表,該事件列在同一年代了。當然的是從前用《六國年表》列在同一年代的事件之中,却發生了在新年表上互相年代不吻合的情況。該事件是從《秦紀》、《趙紀》等具體内容豐富的紀年記載用《六國年表》轉寫到其他國家紀年的,所以説明該轉寫的具體過程就行。這些説明寫在《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》。管見《戰國各國紀年一覧》,就知道有關秦,楚兩國的事件有時候其年次比其他國家的差一年。筆者認為那是為秦顓頊曆、楚建亥曆年頭與夏正等曆有差別的情況所引起的。

著者

平勢 隆郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.123, pp.p1-84, 1994-02

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筆者從前談到過再排列戰國紀年的問題,研討古本《竹書紀年》與《六國年表》之間的矛盾,渉及惹起該矛盾的原因,就是戰國中期生起從立年稱元到踰年稱元的轉換。本文作其續稿,略述在前稿不能談到的問題,提示《戰國各國紀年一覧》及其補表《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》,一部分修改前稿《君主立卒年一覧》的内容。衆所周知散在《史記》的同一内容事件之中,有些在用《六國年表》得知的年代互相不吻合。然而利用本文提示的新年表,該事件列在同一年代了。當然的是從前用《六國年表》列在同一年代的事件之中,却發生了在新年表上互相年代不吻合的情況。該事件是從《秦紀》、《趙紀》等具體内容豐富的紀年記載用《六國年表》轉寫到其他國家紀年的,所以説明該轉寫的具體過程就行。這些説明寫在《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》。管見《戰國各國紀年一覧》,就知道有關秦,楚兩國的事件有時候其年次比其他國家的差一年。筆者認為那是為秦顓頊曆、楚建亥曆年頭與夏正等曆有差別的情況所引起的。

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.73, pp.p45-115, 1977-03

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Après une étude sur les Erchen 弐臣*, fonctionnaires qui servirent les deux dynasties Ming et Qing, nous poursuivons nos recherches sur les"esprits libres"condamnes par l'autorité mandchoue au cours de l'ère Qianlong 乾隆 (1736-1795).Nous commencons cet article par une analyse des livres censurés par les Qing 清代禁書, qui par leurs auteurs comme par leurs sujets se rattachent à l'époque de transition des Ming et des Qing-16ème et 17ème siècles (Chap. I, § 1).Ensuite, nous étudions les caractéristiques de ces livres: premièrement,"l' utilitarisme"qu' utilisaient les auteurs pour renforcer la dynastie chinoise avant la chute de celle-ci, et après cette chute, pour faire valoir leurs talents (Chap. I, § 2); deuxièmement, le goût de l'histoire pour sauvegarder l'héritage culturel des Ming (Chap. I, § 3); et troisièmement, la mise en cause de la méthode de gewu zhizhi 格物致知 où ils cherchaient à voir une fonction du qi 気, c'est-à-dire, du principe de leur existence, menacée sous la domination étrangère (Chap. I, § 4).En analysant l'esprit de ces auteurs, nous mettons en lumière leur formation anti-mandchoue.Les sentiments vis-à-vis des"Barbares Mandchous"évoluèrent passablement au cours du 17eme siecle.Mais, la majorite des auteurs refusèrent la domination des Qing parce que ces dominateurs avaient pris la Chine non par la loi (fa 法) mais par la violence (wufa 無法)(Chap. II, § 5).Dans un article ultérieur, nous verrons la source de cette méfiance vis-à-vis des Mandchous (Chap. II, § 6); puis nous examinerons les idées"hétérodoxes"selon les points de vue suivants: querelles des auteurs (Chap. III, § 7); structure des idées"hétérodoxes"(Chap. III, § 8); rôle de"l'hétérodoxie"(yiduan 異端) dans l'histoire de la pensée chinoise (Chap. III, § 9).voir le Tōyō bunka kenkyusho kiyō n°68, 1976, pp. 101-177

著者

窪 徳忠

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, 1959-03

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Kōshin beliefs still maintained by many people in Tokyo and other parts of the country are believed by Japanese folklorists to be peculiar to Japanese culture.I cannot help casting doubt on this idea, however, since Kōshin beliefs have much in common with San-shih beliefs of Taoism in China.I recently published a small book entitled'Kōshin Beliefs', in which I tried to make a comparative study.In this book, however, I was unable to drive my argument home, because had to be omitted for fear of over-complexity.In this paper I have prepared a chronological table from the original texts giving data concerning the regular functions of Kōshin beliefs as collected from Japanese history books, diaries, poetry, and other sources from the Nara period to the end of Tokugawa era.The paper gives an outline of change in the functions of Kōshin beliefs in Japan, the terminology used, and the manner in which people worship.I have also included three examples of Kōshin monuments, which I think may be of high value in this.Since the documentary sources which I have used are, of course, limited and they leave many points, which I would like to modify later.

著者

上田 望

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.137, pp.(43)-(90), 1999-03

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波瀾壮闊的五代史故事従古至今,一直吸引着中国人。五代史故事的小説《残唐五代史演義》是中国古典小説当中傑作之一。雖説這篇小説是与《五代史平話》分別独自成書的英雄伝奇,但《演義》巻6以後的許多叙述部分根拠《通鑑綱目》編写,全篇的評語依拠《通鑑節要》而成。我認為作這些増補修訂的是明朝万暦期以暢銷書聞名中外的福建建陽書賈之一楊麗泉。在修改《演義》的過程中,他模倣《三国演義》的叙述假称“羅貫中原本”,参考《節要》乃至《綱鑑》中的諸家史評偽造了李贄評語,這無疑是他的老花招,与《両朝史伝》作一比較的話,這一点就更清楚了。但未見建陽刊行的《演義》,疑現存的早期刊本都係印刷精美的蘇州刊本,這也許与明末建陽刻書業日趨衰落的趨勢有着密切関連。以南宋時期為題材的小説中刊行時期最早的小説就是《南宋志伝》一本,它由《五代史平話》、飛龍平話、楊家将平話、歴史書的叙述這四箇基本成分構成。可見《南宋志伝》中的飛龍平話与其它明代小説之間在情節結構上有着不少共同点。這様看来,可以説両者的関係是来自同一源頭“民間説唱”的。然而《南宋志伝》并不認為是趙匡胤故事的英雄伝奇,它根拠《通鑑節要続編》或《綱鑑》増補訂正并附入了史評,是進一歩向“史実”化方向推進的本子。作者一定是想把它編成“歴史演義”而加以伝播。另外,可以看到《続通鑑綱目》文字的痕跡,従而可窺見其或許首先根拠《続綱目》所進行的修改工作。但《南宋志伝》与《北宋志伝》相比之下虚構成分欠乏,或許不太合当時読者的興趣罢。到了清代,有人将它与較新的飛龍平話相組合而編成愈加通俗,煥然一新的小説《飛龍全傳》。

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.178, pp.25-63, 2021-02

著者

吉川 良和

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.92, pp.p11-47, 1983-07

著者

宮脇 聡史

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.154-122, 2010-03

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.178, pp.25-63, 2021-02

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.432-395, 2016-03

著者

陳 志勤

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.141-170, 2007-12

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紹興是具有二千五百年悠久歷史的著名水鄉,但是,紹興的美麗風光並不是依賴自然界的變化而形成的。不用說紹興的自然環境變化得益於歷代統治者的治水和利水,但是我們也不應忘卻生活在這一方土地的人民對自然的利用以及管理。現在,因為急劇的經濟發展和地方開發,環境問題特別是水污染問題不斷加劇。對於自然的管理和環境問題,無論日本和中國已在很多領域展開深入的研究,為了探求自然的利用和管理,"自下而上"的以社區為基礎的管理模式(community based management)已引起極大關注。因此,對於長期以來與山林河川共生共存的當地人民是如何進行自然的利用和管理的這一問題,當然就成為一個必須探討和研究的重要課題。作為本文研究對象的紹興南部山區王壇鎮舜王廟周圍,傳承著魚類敬仰舜王的民俗,為了保護這些魚類,很早以來就有把舜王廟下雙江溪中的舜皇潭作為禁漁區的習慣。並且,對於那些違反禁漁規約的人,作為懲罰要讓他們負擔請戲班演戲或者置辦酒席的費用,也就是說曾經存在過"罰戲"、"罰宴"這種適應當地人文環境的懲罰方式。從這樣的傳統民俗中,我們可以看到因為信仰、祭祀而結成的地域共同體在自然管理中所發揮的作用,很明顯,這和日本的村落共同體在自然管理中發揮作用的情形是不相同的。本文的研究目的是,首先闡明因舜王信仰、舜王廟會而形成的共同體和自然管理的關係,然後探究把罰戲、罰宴作為懲罰手段的這種類型的共同體,在自然管理中所發揮的作用。

著者

大木 康

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.138, pp.67-108, 1999-12

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Mao Xiang recorded his memory of his concubine Dong Xiaowan years after her untimely death in the upheaval after the fall of the Ming Dynasty.Dong Xiaowan was a courtesan in the Qinhuai district of the Ming Southern capital of Nanjing when she met Mao Xiang.I have translated the first part of Reminiscences of the Convent of Shadowy Plum-blossoms describing the circumstances surrounding Dong Xiaowan's marriage to Mao Xiang and her relationship with his family and the second part describing their daily life together.The first two sections form the first two installments of this series.In this installment I translate the third and final section.The section part of Reminiscences of the Convent of Shadowy Plum-blossoms begins with anecdotes from their life together.Mao describes Dong's love of flowers and her careful cultivation of various plants that filled her room with blooms throughout the seasons.Dong also had a refined palete.Mao went out of his way to supply her with exceptional delicacies such as a syrup made with flower blossoms and a delicate seasoning derived from fermented beans.The Ming Dynasty collapsed, however, in 1644 and Manchu troops invaded placid Jiangnan the follwing year.In this moment of crisis Mao distinguished herself by quick wits, earning the deep respect of Mao's family for her help in obtaining refuge.In 1647, and in 1649, Mao suffered serious illness, but was lovingly nursed around the clock by his devoted Dong Xiaowan.The hardships of this period after tha fall of the Ming are described in a most vivid style.Mao mentions some omens that suggested Dong's untimely death in the course of his narrative.When he draws a fortuneteller's lot predicting his future, his card contained the word for "rememberance".After Dong's death, Mao interprets that card as an indication that he was fated to spend the rest of his life remembering her.

著者

娜 鶴雅

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.392-377, 2011-12

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清朝司法制度, 即逐級審轉覆核制, 沿襲了傳統中國行政兼理司法的重要特徵。但自鴉片戰爭以来, 清朝政府被迫與各國簽訂了一系列不平等條約, 國家主權遭受到前所未有的重創。為了維持現有統治秩序, 改正不平等條約, 廢除治外法權, 清朝政府決定學習西方, 開展立憲運動, 進行司法改革。光緒32年(1906), 清朝政府仿照日本司法制度在全國建立了四級三審制, 始設新式審判機關--審判廳。但至民國元年為止, 全國除高等審判廳基本設立外, 地方審判廳和初級審判廳只完成了計畫的1/3和1/5。審判廳設置的不完全, 使得當時的審判程序也大不相同。(1)在審判廳完全設置地區(如京師), 審判程序按照四級三審制進行。(2)在審判廳未完全設置地區(如順天府), 州縣仍按逐級審轉覆核制兼理司法審判, 但自第二審開始, 原審判機關府、按察使司、督撫均被排除在審判程序之外, 為高等審判廳所取代。(3)在審判廳未設置地區, 仍採用逐級審轉覆核制, 但審判程序有所簡化。行政兼理司法的存在也威脅著司法的公正性, 於是清朝政府規定, 除州縣自理案件以外的案件都要經過審判廳複審, 並創設了針對死刑案件的覆判制度, 從而達到彌補行政兼理司法弊端,制約行政官司法權限的目的。

著者

金 鳳珍

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.474-453, 2000-12

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Inoue Kakugōrō, as a foreign assistant or advisor, had been employed at a new government office named Bakmunkuk (博文局), having published the modern newspaper such as 'Hansŏngsunbo (漢城旬報)' and 'Hansŏngzubo (漢城周報).'We may say, in a sense, he had been engaged in enlightening the society or reforming the old system when he stayed in Chosŏn for about four years.However, we need to be careful about what motivated him to do this and/or what was his genuine, real purpose in doing that.We must ask whether his motive/purpose was pure or not.By putting these questions, we can reveal not only the real facts of this historical case but also the real problems resided in the historico-psychological depths of the modern history of Japan and Chosŏn.This paper will be a critical suggestion for 'deconstructing' the history of the Japan-Korea relation.