著者

鶴園 裕

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, 1986-02

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The objectives of this article is to examine the traditional measuring laws and the character of the measuaring system reform at the end of Ri Dynasty.The results are as follows.1. From the viewpoint of the modern society, the system of weight and measures in Ri Dynasty appears to have been disorganized. However, in the context of the traditional measuring laws, the system is not necessarily said to be disorganized. At that time, the classical Chu scale (about 20cm) was well maintained. Yong-jo scale (about 31cm) and the weight system were commonly used in China, Korea and Japan.2. The traditional Korean society was so flexible that it could allow the dual measuring systems (the Original Korean system and the Chinese one), or sometimes the plural measuring systems. The Chinese system had spread widely by the early period of Ri Dynasty, and the Japanese one was also introduced at the end of Ri Dynasty.

著者

落合 雪野

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.164, pp.62-98, 2013-12-24

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Tea, an aromatic beverage made from the leaves of the tea plant, has been widely accepted as a non-essential grocer y item in the Japanese diet. Furthermore, a variety of herbal tea products, prepared by combining hot water and the leaves, roots, flowers, fruits, or grains of various plant, are now in great demand in the health food and soft drink markets. In this paper I attempted to describe (1) historical changes and the variety of uses of herbal tea in comparing with popularization process of tea-drinking culture in Japan, and (2) the international distribution of ingredients for making herbal teas, based on a case study of a cereal crop of edible Job’ s tears in Laos. The aim of this paper is to discuss the current status of herbal teas, which are used not just for refreshment and healing but also for its health benefits as a complementary and alternative medical practice.

著者

山本 伸裕

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.441-496, 2011-12-22

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This paper seeks to clarify the relationship between Nāgārjuna's philosophy of the Middle Way, based on the notion of emptiness (śūnyatā), and Pure Land Buddhist thought, of which Shinran was a devotee. In Shinran's texts, one can see many references to Nāgārjuna as one of the greatest teachers of Mahāyāna Buddhism as well as of Pure Land Buddhism. But, it is still open to debate whether he may be considered the real ancestor of Pure Land Buddhism, though Shinran seems to have had no doubt that he was the very man who set the precedent for the teaching of the easy path of nembutsu. As a matter of fact, one can say that Jodo-Shin-Shū has not dwelt a great deal on Nāgārjuna's philosophy of emptiness. One reason may be that, for many people, Nāgārjuna's thoughts on emptiness were too profound to comprehend. Again, some might say there is little relationship to the teachings of the Pure Land, in which various expedients (upāya) are used to guide ordinary people. Nāgārjuna's emptiness is mainly mentioned in Sanskrit texts such as the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (“Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way”). One must carefully reread these texts in order to see how the philosophy of emptiness can be employed in the generation of Pure Land thought. This is as most Buddhists have been reading Nāgārjuna's texts through the classical Chinese translations. In this thesis, two key terms prapañca and prajñapti are carefully examined. Although both are surely related to human conceptual and linguistic practices, they are often considered to be of secondary value, at best, as compared with the notion of emptiness. But, such understanding may not be correct as it is influenced, to some unknown degree, by the style of the individual translator. The word “prajñapti” means practice in this world, of which nature is nothing other than “emptiness” (śūnyatā). Consequently, all of our deeds are subject to failure. But, once one accepts this uncertainty of emptiness, one will no more be tormented by one's own actions. Meanwhile, Shinran, basing his own faith on Pure Land Buddhism, emphasized the role of expedients, or “means,” and salvation by faith to the Other (Amitābha). This salvation by faith means giving up reliance on one's own ability and accepting the power of “emptiness.” In this way, one lives in the real world expediently and depending upon linguistic practice.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.78-166, 2010-12-24

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The Persian treatise, ‘Ulamā-ye Islām, whose origin is supposed to be the Pahlavi Edict by the Sasanian Prime Minister Mihr Narseh (5th CE) to force Armenian Christians to convert to Zoroastrianism at that time, i.e. Zurvanism, is the only surviving work from a Zurvanite point of view. Although the Persian text has been published in lithograph or print form since the 1820s, no critical editions exist thus far. To address this situation, I have collected independent MSS of that treatise both already known in Mumbai (3) and Navsari (1) and unknown in Tehran (2) and Hyderabad (1), and I have prepared the stemma codicum of ‘Ulamā-ye Islām and established an Urtext that could account for the variants. (改行) This process generated a number of findings, not confined to detailed textual issues, but including religious history. The Zurvanite thought expressed in this Urtext is quite resemblant of Manichaeism in its Cosmology, Anthropology and Eschatology, rather than Dualistic Zoroastrianism in Pahlavi Books written between the 9th and 10th centuries. If Zurvanism is allowed to speak for itself, it can tell us a great deal about the Religionsgeschichte in Early Sasanian Persia which focuses on Zurvanism’s unexpected but great influence on Manichaeism in historical context.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.147, pp.192-141, 2005-03

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The Dēnkard is one of the most voluminous Zoroastrian Book Pahlavī literature, edited by Zoroastrian high priests, Ādurfarrōbay-ī Farroxzādān and Adurbād-ī Ēmēdān in the 9^<th> and 10^<th> centuries. Here presented is an annotated transcription and Japanese translation of its third volume, which consists of 420 polemics against bad religions-Manichaeism, Judaism and Islam. Our process of preparing this translation can be divided into two steps. 1. The late Prof. Gikyō ITŌ made a Pahlavī letters' transcription and its Japanese translation preciously corresponding to Madan's Dēnkard edition. Unfortunately, however, he passed away before completion this work. 2. After Gikyō ITŌ's death, Takeshi AOKI made his work up-to-date, and added ① linguistic commentaries on Pahlavī letters' transcription and ② religious commentaries on Japanese translation. This time we can print only the 10^<th> chapter to the 26^<th> chapter, but we hope publishing serially the whole transcription and translation of the Dēnkard Book III in this Memoirs.

著者

[著者名なし]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, pp.xxxi-lxi, 2012-03-27

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.166-78, 2010-12

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.224-127, 2011-12

著者

カナーアナ シャリーフ ゼイターウィー ニハード 金城 美幸

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.171, pp.188-114, 2017-03

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This paper presents a commentary and a Japanese translation of Deir Yassin: The Destroyed Palestinian Villages, No. 4 (1987. Kana'ana, Sharif, and Nihad Zeitawi. Birzeit: Center for Research and Documentation of Palestinian Society.). The original book is written in Modern Standard Arabic (its descriptive part) and in the village dialect (citations from villagers' speeches). It is one of the publications from a research project conducted from 1986 to 1998 at Birzeit University, located in the West Bank of the occupied Palestinian territories. This research project aimed to collect and record Palestinian refugees' oral narratives of their native villages that were destroyed in 1948 because of the establishment of the State of Israel. The book is composed of the following four chapters: (1) The popular history of the village; (2) The clans and families; (3) The village in the 1940s; and (4) The politics, the escape, and the exodus. This project preceded a new wave of historical accounts in Palestinian refugee communities of their original village, and more than 120 similar books have been published since then, recording their homeland based on the former villagers' narratives. It is noteworthy that these books based on oral history began to be written after the Palestinian diaspora leaders were defeated in Beirut (1982). Many Israeli and Palestinian researchers have argued over the question of why Palestinian Arabs became refugees in 1948. As Israel has ruled most of the area in the region, the historiographies in Israel have dominated the Palestinian historical narrative. Especially after the 1980s, when Israeli historians started to publish their research on the cause of the refugee problem based on the then newly declassified state archives, the "positivist" historiographies gained a great influence over the historical dispute as a whole. In this renewed debate, the Palestinian oral histor y was sidelined again and was regarded as a distor ted narrative. This translated text is dedicated to the village of Deir Yassin, which will always be linked with the massacre that took place in 1948. Although Deir Yassin is the village that has most often been refer red to in the historical dispute, refugees' memor y of the village reveals the rich layers of folklore that once existed there. The villagers' narratives show us how much the destruction of their homeland means to them, a point that has long been dismissed in the traditional historical dispute.

著者

額定其労

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.176, pp.95-126, 2020-02

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Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Mongolian nomadic groups came to be divided into two empires, the Russian Empire and the Qing Empire. These two empires had different state structures, political ideolo gies, religious and military policies, and so on. However, how these differences were reflected in the societies of Mongolian nomadic groups are little known. This paper explores the social structure and legal system of the Buryats under Russian rule, and compares them with the case of the Mongols under the Qing Empire. Through examining the case of the Buryats, who have left various laws written in Mongolian script but have been little studied, this paper aims to broaden the scholarship of Mongolian legal history that has so far largely been limited to Qing Mongolia. Furthermore, by comparing the administrative and legal institutions between the Buryats in Russia and the Mongols under the Qing, this article also intends to contribute knowledge to comparative empire studies.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.78-166, 2010-12-24

---

The Persian treatise, ‘Ulamā-ye Islām, whose origin is supposed to be the Pahlavi Edict by the Sasanian Prime Minister Mihr Narseh (5th CE) to force Armenian Christians to convert to Zoroastrianism at that time, i.e. Zurvanism, is the only surviving work from a Zurvanite point of view. Although the Persian text has been published in lithograph or print form since the 1820s, no critical editions exist thus far. To address this situation, I have collected independent MSS of that treatise both already known in Mumbai (3) and Navsari (1) and unknown in Tehran (2) and Hyderabad (1), and I have prepared the stemma codicum of ‘Ulamā-ye Islām and established an Urtext that could account for the variants. (改行) This process generated a number of findings, not confined to detailed textual issues, but including religious history. The Zurvanite thought expressed in this Urtext is quite resemblant of Manichaeism in its Cosmology, Anthropology and Eschatology, rather than Dualistic Zoroastrianism in Pahlavi Books written between the 9th and 10th centuries. If Zurvanism is allowed to speak for itself, it can tell us a great deal about the Religionsgeschichte in Early Sasanian Persia which focuses on Zurvanism’s unexpected but great influence on Manichaeism in historical context.

著者

[著者名なし]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, 2012-03-27

著者

松浦 史子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.155, pp.93-132, 2009-03-27

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江淹在<別賦>的夫妻離別場面中使用“惜瑤草徒芬”來表現妻子的悲哀。中國古代詩歌中把女子的姿色比作香草,表現其美得不到愛憐光陰無情流逝之悲哀的手法很常見。但江淹沒使用香草而使用了從漢代到六朝用例極少的“瑤草”。江淹在其他兩個作品中也詠嘆瑤草,由此可以把瑤草視為表現江淹特徵的詞語。本文試通過探尋瑤草的來歷,考察江淹賦予瑤草的內涵。江淹以前唯一的瑤草用例出现在東方朔《與友人書》中,瑤草是賦予人永恆生命的仙境之草。<別賦>的瑤草是詠嘆<美之衰落的悲哀>,因此很難認為江淹的瑤草直接源於東方朔。作為瑤草之典故,<別賦>李善注引用了《山海經》<中山經>中的“帝女死於姑媱山,屍體化作〓草”的記述以及郭璞“〓与瑤同”的解說。但最早註釋《山海經》的郭璞從崇拜古代帝王的儒家思想出發把“〓草”釋為“君子之佩物”,認為“佩於身可得人之敬愛”。那麼“〓草”与<別賦>“瑤草”有什麼聯繫呢?在李善注中可找到另一線索。在早於《山海經》<〓草>神話的<別賦>李善注所引宋玉<高唐賦>佚文中,巫山神女自稱“帝女瑤姬”,未嫁先逝葬於巫山,〈靈魂化作靈芝〉。江淹把“巫山的帝女瑤姬”与《山海經》中“化為〓草的姑媱山帝女”等同看待,把對帝女瑤姬的“夭逝之悲哀”用於姑媱山帝女,把帝女化身的“〓草”改稱為“瑤草”,使瑤草在<別賦>中成為表現夫妻離別之悲哀的象徵。与此對照,郭璞從儒家立場出發把≪山海経≫的“帝女”与自願出現在王之寢室的“巫山神女”加以區分,而把“〓草”視為<君子佩帶之物>。由此可見,雖然郭璞和江淹同是喜愛并研究《山海經》的六朝詩人,可是在如何繼承《山海經》方面有著很大差異。江淹<丹砂可學賦>中的瑤草繼承了東方朔的“仙境之草”,似乎与<別賦>的瑤草相矛盾。然而“瑤池”“瑤樹”等冠有“瑤”字的詞一般用於對仙境的描寫,而從江淹多用的“瑤”字中可以發現一罕見特徵:他是用礦物玉石來歌詠現世的自然・植物・女性。由此推測,因江淹深知生命必衰,他要把生命之美變成永恆來留存。江淹把帝女的化身“〓草”与仙境之草“瑤草”相結合,創造出了既含玉之永恆又悲生命之短暫的“瑤草”一詞。透過瑤草我們可以看出以<別賦><恨賦>聞名的江淹作為優秀抒情詩人的一個側面。

著者

熊 遠報

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.168, pp.224-190, 2015-12

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本文经过对偶尔入手、所属关系不明的52 册家庭账簿的考证,确认其为徽州祁门县箬坑村王元敞这个普通商人家庭嘉庆至同治年间近百年日常生活收支、货物进出、债务、金融相关的原始记录。作为另一种日记的家庭收支账簿,具体记录了一个徽州商人家庭日常生活的基本状况,为研究传统中国社会家庭的日常生活与经济活动、立体构筑清代徽州地区普通人的社会经济生活面貌提供了十分详细的资料。本论文选取账簿中保存状态完好的嘉庆七、八(1802-03) 两年的家庭生活收支记录,进行了整理与分析。十八世纪末、十九世纪初的王氏家族在祁门经营农业、茶叶,从事油、盐、粮食、烟酒等日常生活用品的贩卖,与人"合伙"经营,拥有多家商店,有较大规模的商业投资,进行多种经营活动。与学术界过去的成果不同,本论文强调"钱会"这种互助性金融组织提供的资金与有息借贷是徽州商人商业经营的重要来源与支撑。以一年为单位观察王氏家庭,医药支出和教育与科举考试支出比较突出。这某种程度反映了徽州社会的健康重视倾向与医疗医药环境,以及当地获取各种社会资源竞争的激烈程度。祁门王氏账簿和一些徽州账簿的记载,对清代日常生活中"市场经济"、商业化进展程度等的理解提供了新的可能性:1、徽州流通商品的产地非常广泛,包括中国各地区,也有朝鲜半岛与东南亚诸国。2、徽州的日常生活中,个体权利意识受到重视,家族内亲子、夫妇间的借贷与返还过程在收支账目中得到明确记录,亲族间家务帮助等也明确以金钱计算报酬。日常生活用品领域中的商业化与专业化程度加强,以货币为媒介的交换关系日常化,服务行业的范围相当细节化,类似接送小孩等事务也成为以货币交换的劳动领域。这些都在一个侧面显示内陆农村的商业化程度,可以改变农业社会自给自足、重视互酬关系的基本形象。

著者

白水 紀子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.414-372, 2000-12

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自民国时期至社会主义时期的寡妇形象,可分为两个极端-祥林嫂类型(未生育男孩的年轻寡妇类型)及掌握强大实权的寡妇类型。本论文特别将前项类型寡妇的守节再婚状况作为中心加以讨论。在第一章民国时期的寡妇与第二章社会主义中国的寡妇中分别整理了各该时期寡妇的境遇。 结果得知自民国时期至今,跟明清时期一样,社会中对寡妇同时存在着守节与再婚两个完全相反的不同要求。就民国时期的寡妇而言,在丈夫死亡之后的状况,常受儒家道德的规范与经济等两大因素所左右,阶级愈低愈容易因经济的因素而被迫再婚的情况较多。再者,此刻被抛弃的道德规范却转变成忌讳寡妇再婚的风俗而继续留存在社会中,这时受责难的并非令其再婚的亡夫之家, 而是集中在毫无力量的寡妇身上。这种倾向到了社会主义中国还继续着,只能在「守节以终此一生」或「默从一族的决定而再婚」之中选其一,假如寡妇想以自己的意志超出这既定的框框,则将遭到家族、村里、一族还有单位的干涉。就结论而言,在中国所特有的社会构造-国与社会的二元构造基础上,阻碍寡妇的婚姻自由的,不只是经济的因素,而且也不是纯粹的礼教的影响,很明显的是与这些因素复杂地纠合在一起的宗族之存在作用是很大的。

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:5638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, pp.95-162, 1998-03

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Tong Guoqi 佟国器, haut fonctionnaire local au début des Qing, est un membre du clan Tong, clan d'origine mandchous installé dès la fin de la dynastie mongole près de la rivière Hunjiang 渾江 (un affluent du Yalu 鴨緑江). Ce clan bien sinisé au temps des Ming fournissait des titulaires aux postes héréditaires (都督同知 ou 都統指揮). Tong Guogi, nommé Gouverneur Général du Fujian (1653) et puis du Zhejiang (1659), était responsable de la défense du Sud où se déclen-chait alors le mouvement anti-mandchous dirigé par Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功 (1624-1662). Tong s'occupa de la fabrication des armes, réclama I'interdiction du commerce maritime et accusa le père de Zheng Chenggong, déjà soumis aux Qing, de collusion avec sa famille (Chap. I). Le premier coup porté contre Tong Guoqi eut lieu en 1660 lorsque celui-ci refusa d'exercer un mandat d'exile contre la mère de Chen Zhilin 陳之遴 (1605-1666), haut fonctionnaire “Erchen” 弐臣 (mandarins qui servirent deux dynasties), lettré disgracié et condamné pour corruption. Tong Guoqi, dans une attitude contrastante avec sa sévérité contre Zheng Chenggong, était lié d'amitié avec les Erchen qui étaient souvent accusés par I'Em-péreur mandchous de conspiration, d'ingratitude ou d'abus d'autorité. Cet amitié de Tong pour les Erchen s'explique d'une part par son respect pour les activités tant littéraires que mandarinales de ceux-ci, et d'autre part par la position de son clan mi-mandchous mi-chinois, similaire à la position des Erchen (Chap. II). Le second coup porté contre Tong fut une nouvelle convocation à Pékin qui eut lieu en 1665. Cette fois, la collaboration avec les jésuites est mise en question, en liaison avec I'affaire de Yang Guangxian 楊光先 (1598-1669). En effet, à partir des années cinquante Tong Guoqi était devenu un patron pro-chrétien: il fit éditer des opuscules, reconstruire des églises et il protégea les pères pendant leurs voyages, etc. Dans le même temps il pratiqua une répression impitoyable contre le groupement bouddhiste qu'il considérait comme un foyer anti-gouvernemental. En examinant les documents de la double convocation, nous voyons, certes, qu'il avait acquis la formation intellectuelle qui avait cours lors de la dynastie précédante. Mais son attitude sévère vis-à-vis du clan Zheng ainsi que des sectes bouddhistes montre que sa ligne de conduite foncierement mandchous lui barra la route d'une réelle maturité. Les fonctionnaires des Ming, eux, savaient profiter du commerce maritime et de la liberté de circulation des idées (Chap. III).

著者

榊 和良

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.163, pp.80-108, 2013-03-27

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A number of Sanskrit works are attributed to Gorakṣanātha. Among them, the Gorakṣaśataka is considered as one of the authoritative texts that contain Nātha doctrines. With regard to the transmission of the Gorakṣaśataka, we have located some remarks on the number of verses and variety of manuscripts. Despite the varied number of verses in the text, only two versions have been found to have been published with different titles. One version has 101 verses as its name śataka indicates, and another version contains over 200 verses. The latter is the more prevalent text. Recently, another short version has been introduced as the original śataka. We can add two Persian manuscripts which contain the Gorakṣaśataka in the form of a conversat ion between Matsyendranātha and Gorakṣanātha. One is the Retention of Breath (Pās-i Anfās) and another is the Translation of Gorakh (Tarjumah-i Gorakh). Despite the different titles, different translation styles, omissions, and additions, they are supposed to have been based on almost identical texts or oral tradition that contain the same number of verses as the longer version. Thus far, the examination of Persian translations has clarified that the source text may have been some kind of compendium of Nātha doctrines. It may have been the Vivekamārtāṇḍa ascribed to Viśvarūpadeva, which fixes the longer version of the Gorakṣaśataka in the core and contains the part of the Śivasvarodaya. The introductory part of this book has common verses in the first chapter of the Haṭhapradīpikā with ten chapters. Since the date of the transmission of the Cistern of Life (Amṛtakuṇḍa) in the 13th century, the science of the breath (svarajñāna) has been prevailed among the Islamic intellectuals and the Sufi circles. They left indispensable materials for the study of the formation of Nātha literatures.

著者

等々力 政彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.159, pp.220-238, 2011-03-28

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The Wu-li-ya-su-tai-zhi lue 烏里雅蘇台志略 is the Abridged Copy of the History of Uliastai, produced during the Qing era. this manuscript includes 46 words of Tuvan vocabulary called Wu-liang-hai tu-yu 烏梁海土語, the Aboriginal Language of Uriankhai. The vocabulary is basic and sufficiently recognizable in the standard Tuvan of the present-day Republic of Tuva. Although the date of the publication is unknown, it is likely to be 1804 (Jia-qing 9) which consulted from the certain information including the book. This dating is also supportive by the antiquity of the several vocabulary words: two of them are obsolete and another two semantically transferred. If I assume that the Tuvan vocablary of the History of Uliastai originates from the early nineteenth century, then this is one of the oldest reports of South Siberian Turkic languages, not just of Tuvan. Hence, I discuss this vocabulary, on which it seems there are no prior linguistic investigations.

著者

鎌田 繁[訳・解説] Mulla Sadra[著]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.53-131, 1986-03

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Mulla Sadra (d. 1050/1640) is a great mystic philosopher in the Safavid Iran and the author of a monumental work, The Transcendent Theosophy concerning the Four Intellectual Journeys of the Soul (al-Hikmah al-muta‘āliyah fī al-asfār al-‘aqlīyah al-arba‘ah). Here presented is a Japanese translation of its safar IV, bāb 11, fasl 13, (Tehran 1379AH Edition, vol. IV-ii, pp. 243-272) with a brief introduction, a summary and notes. This section (fasl) deals with an eschatological problem of the Congregation (hashr). In his understanding not only rational souls but animal and vegetative ones, even natural bodies return to and congregate with, God. This idea contrasts sharply with that of the philosophers (falāsifah) and of the theologians (mutakallimūn) in Islam. He adopts neither the narrow doctrine of the spiritual resurrection of the former nor the dogma of the atomistic bodily resurrection of the latter. Based on his theory of the tripartite development of soul, he allows animals on a higher stage their individual (not specific) survival in the world of Soul (‘ālam al-nafs), or the intermediate world (barzakh) which is not purely spiritual yet. Quoting as proof several passages from the [pseudo-] Aristotelian Uthūlūjiyā and Ibn ‘Arabī's al-Futūhāt al-Makkīyah, he demonstrates the existence of irrational beings in the hereafter and the permeation of the Divine life into lifeless bodies. His thesis that the higher form comprehends all the lower forms in itself enables him to claim the novel idea of the all-inclusive Congregation.

著者

蜂屋 邦夫

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, pp.19-177, 1980-03

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這是一篇渉及孫盛的論述,我們在裏頭綜觀了一下活躍於東晉前半的,這個人的思想與為學。孫盛,著有《魏氏春秋》和《晉陽秋》等史籍,當時就以史名家,為人所識。他的史論,是在《左傳》和其他儒家經典中找歸依,也撰過《老聃非大賢論》和《老子疑問反訊》等文字,指出老子思想上矛盾的地方。對老子的批評,在那時候,等於是拒認了崇尚老莊的當代風潮。不過他的屏黜,倒也非一概抹煞,在有關史事的評論裏,雖然浮泛了些,還是把所謂的高尚之士,肯定了一番;批老文字呢,也看得到若幹正面的評價,雖然只是部分而非全體。這些,跟漢末以來對道家思想的尊崇大勢,都不能説亳無關聯。他而且不同意羅含的《更生論》,反駁過東晉佛教界所常提到的,一種叫"神不滅論"的見解。所以孫盛的思想包括了儒佛道三者,値得我們加以全面探求,在進行東晉一代的思想研究時,可拿它當作一個典型的例子。只是本文的撰寫,就基本觀點說來,雖也由三教交渉史出発,但因受到了資料的限製,我們在從事分析的時候,仍不得不把重心擺在孫盛的評史一事上。底下打算列擧數端,都是些富有象徴性的事情,可由此略窺孫盛思想的大概。首先我們得記住他是個清談家。他評起曆史來有個癖習,就是喜歡為議論而議論,這跟離開現實單在腦子裏築架的清談作風,該有其一脈相通之處。其次可以指出的,是他對儒教經典的尊重。孫盛的史評,可説採的經典至上主義,只注意到魏晉的現實與經典世界是否相合,相合到哪種程度。此外,我們還能擧出他對曆史的關心。只是從前文的說明看得出,他的與趣主要不在史事本身,而是在曆史與儒教的關係上。跟這比起來,對孫盛的評論時常加以評論的裴松之的史評,在史學上遠較孫評更染有批判色彩的。孫盛的歷史著作都仿《左傳》命名,所引用的例證說得極端些,得蒙青睞,也只是由於它們和古制古義能相一致。闡說時筆下滔滔,把足以代表魏晉現實的一面,幾乎全給忽略了過去,議論雖長,多的是諸如此類空泛之作。《左傳》的描述與魏晉的實情,叫兩者疊在一起,是基於這様的一個想法,就是一種行爲,經常都可以在裏頭找出一定的價値内容,也就是說有個名實一致的前提,它,乃是超越時空而存在的。孫盛的史論,大都是以名核實,但在《太伯三讓論》中,却憑藉着《左傳》,透露了一點據實以正名的思考。總結孫盛的評史,我們可以這様子認定,是近乎儒家之論徳,乃屬《左傳》餘波,君子一論,就是個標本。他所注種的是帝王政治,要實現"道""義"兩者,維護權柄秩序於就墜。由於重點是放在徳論上,作爲處理對象的諸多史實,它們彼此間的連帶關係,反而被擱在一邊,這方面的詮解,看來往往是矛盾叢出。不過他說理時思路的開展,自有其鋒利的一側,只要就直接牽扯到儒家立場的價値判斷,他的考證時而也是穩當可取的。羅含的《更生論》,是遵照中國固有的思想,發揮了一種可稱之爲"神不滅論"的學說。而加以反詰的孫盛,則把羅含所倚賴的傳統思想澄清了一下,還其本來面目,唱出了他的可稱之爲"神滅論"的異調。在批老文字裏,孫盛闡論了聖人的無瑕,這一點,是他繼承了魏晉聖人論的地方。提到《論語》述而的「述而不作,信而好古......」,他也言及聖人,彷彿在議論神明似的,認爲必須是完美無缺,而就拿這個作根據,他推翻了孔、老同尊的說法。這一點,是屬於孫盛的獨創,它穩固了孫盛所持的一個看法,就是"歷史"這東西,原是無妨加以議論的。只是在指陳《老子》一書文意上的矛盾的時候,他也不過是從單純的名實一致論起歩,我們不好承認那就是眞正的解老之言。所以老子的孫批,内容上給人一個感覺,就是深度不够,似乎只是拿儒家的現實主義,來跟它對照了一下,如此罷了。開頭也說過,孫盛對於老子和高士,都賦給了他們一定程度的正値評價。漢末以來對道家思想的尊崇,流風遺緒,可以說孫盛也多少承受了一點。他同時還信仰怪異和符瑞,還驚歎於冥數之玄感,由此展開了一種命定之說。總之,孫盛也是這様的一個人物,他在某種程度上,固然也體現了蘊蓄着漢魏餘風的,東晉當世的時代思潮,只是作爲一個史學家或思想家,他都還算不得是頂頂傑出的斯界英才。