著者

住田 朋久

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.301, pp.71-77, 2022 (Released:2023-11-17)

著者

加藤 夢三

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.303, pp.199-214, 2022 (Released:2023-11-17)

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1930 年代、それまで専門知の探究に力を注いでいた職業科学者たちが、同時代論壇への参入を通じて社会参画の意思を志すようになった。この動きは、高尚な人格と洞察能力を持つ総合的知識人としての科学者像を確立する一方で、結果的に科学振興を目論む統治権力に迎合する側面を持つものでもあった。戸坂潤の批評活動は、こうした科学者と統治権力の協働関係に向けられたものとして理解できる。科学者による公共意識の高まりが、批判精神を欠いたままに帝国日本への国策貢献と接続してしまう事態に対して、戸坂は警鐘を鳴らしていた。このような共犯関係を回避するためには、公共的な有用性とは異なる個別具体的な視点を持つことが重要であり、ゆえに巷間の科学者に「文学」に携わることを積極的に奨励していた。戸坂は「文学」の解釈・吟味を通じて認識論的な思索を深める企てを「文藝学」と呼び、そこに時局の政治力学とは異なる知的対話の契機を探ろうとしていた。

著者

雨宮 高久

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.302, pp.105-121, 2022 (Released:2023-11-17)

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Within the general history of fusion research in Japan regarding the decision for the A-B plans dispute during 1959, the B-plan (promptly building medium-sized devices that had obtained some success in foreign countries) was postponed. Furthermore, it was decided that the national policy for fusion research in Japan would start with basic research using the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture (MoE) budget. Accordingly, it was decided that the Institute of Plasma Physics (IPP) at Nagoya University would bear the responsibilities and consequences of the A-plan (promoting the basic research to develop the original ideas). However, our research concludes that the IPP is related to not only the A-plan but also the B-plan. Kodi Husimi, the chairman of Kakuyugo Tokubetsu-Iinkai [Special Committee for Nuclear Fusion (SCNF)], and Eiichi Kawasaki, the secretary of SCNF, were planning to reconcile the opposing opinions regarding the B-plan. To find a solution, they planned an informal gathering of researchers which was held on June 21, 1959. After an informal gathering, the opposing plan of B-plan was to establish the institute under the jurisdiction of the MoE proposed by Kawasaki. Kawasakiʼs plan was a reasonable compromise, because the institute included assumptions about the construction of the medium-sized devices under the MoE budget. Many researchers agreed to this plan; however, some supporters on the B-plan did not agree inwardly and distanced themselves from the IPP.

著者

須賀 隆

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.301, pp.18-26, 2022 (Released:2023-11-17)

著者

遠藤 次郎 中村 輝子

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.229, pp.13-21, 2004 (Released:2021-08-12)

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Nagoya Gen'i(1628-1696) is known as a pioneer of the Koho-ha School of Japanese Kampo. This research examined his medical system and established that his medical theory was based on the following five features : (1) Medical Philosophy, (2) Pathology, (3) Theory of Formula Construction, (4) Theory of the Effects of Individual Herbal Medicines and (5) Attitudes toward Treatment. Gen'i authored numerous books on features 1-4. He emphasized the medical theories in 1, Medical Philosophy, but numerous contradictions were found upon a comparison of the medical works he authored. People of the Gosei-ha School at that time selected a basic formula that suited them from among a variety of formulas and tried to organize their own medical systems on its basis. While Gen'i argued against this stance late in his life, he tried to organized a medical system by combining the five features with the medical philosophy and the formula theory from "Shanghanlun ". Medical studies from his later years are noted as the forefront of the Koho-ha School of Japanese Kampo.

著者

中野 浩

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.178, pp.138-146, 1991 (Released:2021-08-27)

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Kenji Miyazawa (1896-1933) is the most popular poet among the modern Japanese. Because his literary works had been incorporated the nature. That is, his views of nature calls forth many modern Japanese responses. And as his views of nature was based on the science on Taisho Era in Japan, we can recognise that his views of nature had included an element of scientific one. Therefore, we may point out that many of modern Japanese whose have acquired science education have scientific views of nature common with Kenji Miyazawa's one. Now, this study tries to definite the concept "scientific views of nature" on Kenji Miyazawa. Especially, this study analyzes the teaching materials for Kenji Miyazawa's science lecture at RASUTIJINKYOKAI which was his personal association on agricalture. The materials are composed of some fields of science; the outline on chemistry, botanical physiology and some essential knowledges on soil and 49 scientific sketches for teaching. From the result, on the things of nature which are chemical substances, plants and minerals, Kenji Miyazawa had strongly believed that those all are made up of "ATOM"

著者

菊池原 洋平

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.217, pp.24-34, 2001 (Released:2021-08-17)

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As a physician and a natural philosopher in the Renaissance, Paracelsus discusses in his works the structure of this world and individual things as well as the human body. All things in this world consist not only of four elements which Aristotle and his followers advocated, but also of three substances (sulfur, mercury and salt) which can be regarded as the offspring from the Arabic alchemical tradition. The aim of this paper is to consider a structural relationship between four elements and three substances form the viewpoint of the "life" concept, which was prominent in the Renaissance. My paper puts emphasis on the following items : 1. Every thing is given material body by just one element, not by four elements, in which qualitative difference can be discerned; four elements do not mutually transform as they do in the Aristotelian theory. 2. Four elements are the mother's womb bearing all things, and give to each of them nourishments for its activity. 3. Three substances are vital activities in the body, not a soul as assumed in the traditional Western thought. 4. An individualization of a thing is determined by both the activity of inherent three substances as a seed and their quantitative and qualitative differences. 5. A creation of this world is a process in which four elements are so fertilized by three substances as in biological fertilization. Therefore, a structural relationship between four elements and three substances is derived from an idea of the generative function based on the "life" concept. Accordingly we can safely say that four elements and three substances are theorized by his empirical thought which has "life" concept as an indispensable ingredient. It is not until four elements and three substances are combined each other that all things become of matter and life. In regard to the organization of a thing, it is not composed of just three substances; three substances do not in turn dominate four elements; rather, both need each other.

著者

平井 正人

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.299, pp.218, 2021 (Released:2022-08-01)

著者

河村 豊 林 真理 山崎 正勝 兵藤 友博 千葉 庫三 横井 謙斗 千葉 紀和

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.297, pp.31-65, 2020 (Released:2021-10-06)

著者

山崎 正勝

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.193, pp.24-26, 1995 (Released:2021-08-27)

著者

中村 邦光

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.234, pp.97-101, 2005 (Released:2021-08-12)

著者

成家 徹郎

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.176, pp.225-236, 1990 (Released:2021-08-30)

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Three water clocks of Han dynasty production are still in existece. All of them are made of bronze. In this treatise, I study them in detail and speculate on the circumstances of their actual use in the time of their production. Then, on the basis of these existing water clocks and related documentary records, I examine the origin and the course of development of water clock. Though, I don't specialize in the study of Japanese history, I additionally presents in this treatise a secondary review of Asuka water clock. For Asuka water clock, which was excavated recently from the ruins of Mizooch (水落)in Nara prefecture, a national institution has prepared a replica. I, however, believe that this peplica is not accurate. I therefore suggest an alternative water clock model which I think fits to the characteristics of the ruins.

著者

吉田 元

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.169, pp.25-31, 1989 (Released:2021-09-01)

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Hiire, low temperature sterilization process of Japanese sake brewing, was first studied by European scientists in the late 1870's. To their surprise the process had widely been carried out for more than 300 years, and it is now believed to be the oldest "pasteurization" in the world. The author described the historical development of the process in Japan. Sterilization of sake may have first been recorded by the early 16th century, several decades earlier than previously believed. The process then became popular by the late 17th century and heating temperature was as low as pasteurization. In China sterilization of alcoholic beverages was first recorded in Beishan Jiujlng (1117). Here two sterilization methods are described, but heating temperature was much higher. The possibility that this Chinese process had an effect on hiire is still uncertain. Although low temperature sterilization was invented in Japan, hiire was not a perfect process. It was invented as a result of long experience and perception, not from microbiological research as pasteurization. So scientists from Europe pointed out defects of the process and suggested improvement of the equipments and addition of salicylic acid, respectively. It took many years to make the process perfect and the author thinks that hiire is overestimated in these days.

著者

中村 士

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.234, pp.102-105, 2005 (Released:2021-08-12)

著者

財部 香枝

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.276, pp.287, 2016 (Released:2021-01-05)

著者

海野 一隆

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.177, pp.1-14, 1991 (Released:2021-08-30)

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This article introduces cartographical studies of each region of Asia since ancient times, dividing broadly into West Asia, India, Southeast Asia, East Asia, and Inner Asia. However, the studies of Japanese cartography are so numerous that they will not be listed here, in order to keep the quantity of material at a manageable level. The discovery of a great variety of maps from archaeological excavations of ancient tombsin China was a major occurrence in the field of the history of Asian cartography after the Second World War. It caused the revision of several former theories on the history of ancient しhinese cartography. One receives the impression, however, that much Chinese research seems to be at the level of introducing their source material. Future research must aim to be a true historical study which clarifies the chronological order and the genealogical relationship of each work. Generally speaking, in the countries in Asia even the existing status of sources for cartological history has not been made clear, so we regret to have to say that their research of the history of cartography is also in an early stage

著者

中村 士

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.274, pp.53, 2015 (Released:2020-12-14)

著者

和泉 ちえ

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.178, pp.97-106, 1991 (Released:2021-08-27)

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The Mechanica reveals to us some of Aristotle's basic attitudes towards mathematica and physica. In Aristotle's division of knowledge, there seems to be a clear distinction between mathematica and physica, but in fact, these two kinds of knowledge have the common basis on Plato's five mathemata described in the Republic. Mechanical problems have something in common with both mathematica and physica, for the method is demonstrated by mathematica and its objects belong to physica Furthermore, mechanica relates closely to stereometria which Plato himself introduced in addition to the Pythagorean four mathemata, intending the reconstruction of those traditional tquadrivium, in his Republic. In the system of Aristotle's demonstrative science, mechanica connected with stereometria treats its object as a 'stereon' in motion. But in his ontology, the tstereon, means 'mathematical solid' which must be capable of perception. 'Moving stereon' means 'moving mathematical solid' and if this is restricted to the natural world, the objects of mechanica are metamorphosed into those of physica. Considering mechanica in this division of Aristotle's system, we can see the gradual transition from mathematica to physica. We recognize mechanica as the soil from which physica comes into existence.

著者

菅原 国香 板倉 聖宣

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.175, pp.136-149, 1990 (Released:2021-08-30)

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This paper deals with the historical process of the standardization of the Japanese element names by the Tokyo Kagakukai (the Chemical Society of Tokyo) in the 1880-1900. A committee for establishment of the Japanese equivalents of Western chemical terms was formed in 1881 under Tokyo Kagakukai (the predecessor of the present Chemical Society of Japan). Up to 1888 the committee members were re-elected several times. The first proposal of the Japanese nomenclature of elements by the committee was published in the journal of Tokyo Kagakukai-shi in 1886. The second proposal was published in the book of Kagaku Yakugoshu in 1891. The third proposal was published in the book of Kagaku Goi in 1900 under the newly organized committee. Placing all of the element names contained in the 1886 and 1891 proposals into four categories, we found ;(1)katakana transliterations from English; (2) katakana transliterations from German ; (3) katakana transliterations of words common to English, German and Latin ; and (4) translations of Chinese characters. If we take notice of the katakana element names, we see that the number of transliterations from English is nearly to that from German. This is the result of the circumstances involving Japanese chemists at that time, when there were both an Anglo-American school and a German school, so that both English and German element names were considered in the course of the determination of element names. On the other hand, looking at the katakana element names in the 1900 proposal, German is prior to English in the group of words where the English element names differ from the German element names. In the case of katakana transliterated element names, the use of German element names was adopted as a standard. The field of science in Japan became under the strong German influence at that time.

著者

菅原 国香 板倉 聖宣

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.173, pp.13-20, 1990 (Released:2021-09-01)

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This paper deals with the historical process of various Japanese nomenclature of elements in the 1820s-1880s in Japan. The first introduction of Lavoisier's terms of elements in Japan was seen in the Ensei Iho Meibutsuko(1822-25) which Genshin Udagawa and Yoan Udagawa compiled from Dutch pharmaceutical books. In this book the Dutch term hoofdstof or grondstof is translated into Japanese as the term genso(元素).In the book, Yoan Udagawa coined the terms sanso(酸素)suiso(水素)and tanso(炭素)for Dutch terms zuurstof, waterstof and koolstof respectively. Then, he coined the terms chisso(窒素)and enso(塩素). The present Japanese nomenclature of elements of the suffix-so(素)is based on Yoan's nomenclature. Lavoisier's new concept of elements was described in more detail in the Ensei Iho Meibutsuko-Hoi (published in 1835). Morisaburo Ichikawa proposed in the Rika Nikki (published in 1872) that the Japanese terms of all non-metals should have a common ending in-so(素).His idea of the nomencelature of all non-metals was not generally accepted, although it was favoured by a few chemists. In the late Edo era (1820s-1860s) the names of many other elements appeared as the transliterations of Chinese characters for the terms used in Western Europe. The use of the transliteration of the Japanese alphabet kana for the elements appeared in the early 1870s. The Chinese character-transliteration became generally less prevalent. The use of the new transliteration nomenclature of the kana was generally accepted by the early 1880s in the field of chemistry. The Chineses single word nomenclature of elements adopted in the Hua Xue Chu Jie ("化学初階 " published in 1870) and Hua Xue Jian Yuan ("化学鑑原 " published in 1872) was introduced into Japan in the early 1870s. But it has had little influence on the Japanese nomenclature of elements