著者
中嶋 哲也
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, pp.27-40, 2011-03-31 (Released:2017-03-18)
被引用文献数
1

The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the ideology of Budo was changed after the Japan-China War in 1937. Specifically the discussion is focused on both Taro Inaba and Yasutaro Fujio's criticisms of Jigoro Kano's opinion of Kodokan. At the "Kodokan Excommunication" case in 1937, Kodokan judo was rejected due to the criticism Inaba, and Fujio was a member of the punishment council. The concept of Kodokan advocated by Kano, "Seiryokuzenyo (the way to use most efficiently the body and spirit of human being)" and "Jitakyoei (the way to live together in mutual prosperity)", aimed to contribute to the international society after World War I. But the concept was criticized by Fujio and Inaba from the standpoint of "Nihon-Seishin (Japanese spirit)". "Nihon-Seishin" as proposed by Fujio and Inaba, emerged in the background of the National Spiritual Mobilization just after the Japan-China War. Kano originally disliked "Nihon-Seishin", but the situation changed in1938 such that Kano held a meeting on "Nihon-Seishin" and was obliged to say in public that he was trying to encourage "Nihon-Seishin". It may be said that the event marked the beginning of a rejection of the character of internationalism in Kodokan as "Jitakyoei" due to the xenophobia nature of "Nihon-Seishin". In conclusion, we comment on how the ideology surrounding Kodokan was henceforth changed.
著者
石井 克
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, pp.67-82, 2016 (Released:2017-06-08)

The purpose of this study is to clarify a modern sports ideology expressed in newspaper articles by focusing on their use of the term “Athlete”, which steadily increased in the Japanese media since around 1990. Firstly, it tried to explain why the term “Athlete” became a frequently used term by the media. The study considered it to the fact that the term was used by the UNESCO in the International Charter of Physical Education and Sport in characteristic ways, especially, in its Article 7 supplemented in 1991. Based on it, Japanese newspaper articles (Asahi and Yomiuri) in the 1990’s were analyzed. The findings indicate an emergence of new sports ideology, such as “Equality of pro-competition and non-competition”,“ Equality in the competition of healthy people and people with disabilities”“, Selfmanagement of the body”,“ Expansion and improvement of sports rights” and“ Sports as a selfexpression” in the Japanese media. The use of the term “Athlete” symbolizes the change in the recognition and category of modern sports, and opened a new discursive space. It also suggests a new perspective of sports, and international elements.
著者
大川 信行
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.13-28, 2000-03-31 (Released:2017-03-18)
被引用文献数
2

In the early process of evolution of basketball, it became customary for two men to be placed near the opponent's basket and called forwards; for two men to be placed in front of their own basket and called guards; and for a player called the center to be stationed in the middle of the court. The forwards were supposed to be better at shots and do most of the scoring. The guards were supposed to keep the opponents from scoring as much as possible. The center, usually tall, was supposed to obtained the tip-off for his team. Although these names have remained for the respective positions, the present-day style of play demands players to be versatile in their duties. For example, all players should be able to handle the ball and shoot, and are required almost equal ability in guarding. The purpose of this study is to clarify the transition of the duties of the positions. The following conclusions can be drawn. 1.In the history of basketball, nine, seven, and finaly five men have constituted the team. The number to nine on a side, the players were appointed as follows: home, right and left wings, center, and two side centers, goalkeeper, and two guards. The duties of players were clearly divided here. 2.Within five years, five-man team became the norm(five-man team was introduced from 1893), and this was the occasion that lets duties of players diversify. The first change appeared in forwards and center. The forwards caught a ball after the tip-off. The center attacked with fowards. 3.About 1900, there was introduced into basketball a style of play called the five-man-one-line-defense. This defense was a direct effort to meet a running-guard. Before this time, the real offense and defense was played with 3 on 3, but, by an appearance of these tactics, it was turned into 4 on 4. 4.The prototype of present-day play spread already in 1930's. It was because of a vogue of five-man-offense system and a zone-defense. After this time, all players are versatile in their duties.
著者
星野 映
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.1-18, 2018 (Released:2020-03-26)

The purpose of this paper is to clarify how complex relationships between judo organizations and groups in France changed after World War II. This paper focuses on the correlations between the internal situations of judo in France, and the tendencies outside of France. The first judo federation in France was the FFJJ, which existed from 1946 to 1956. The number of Judoka rapidly increased in France after WWII because of the Me´thode Kawaishi, an original judo method invented by Mikinosuke Kawaishi. The Me´thode Kawaishi was adapted by the FFJJ as the official method. The centralized governance system of this method can be credited for the successful production of judo professors as well as the creation of judo clubs. However, Shudokan Club and its professors were opposed to the FFJJ as they espoused the Kodokan Judo method by Ichiro Abe, rather than the Me´thode Kawaishi. Abe influenced the rise of adherents of Kodokan judo in France. They were called “tendence Kodokan”. They opposed the technical policy and the ethical characteristics of the FFJJ, and established their own federal organization in 1954. This federation showed their confrontational attitude towards the FFJJ, which resulted in the FFJJ attempting to exclude “tendence Kodokan” at first. This decisive conflict between the FFJJ and Kodokan spread across the country. Ultimately, both groups concluded with an agreement for their unification. A new federation, la Fe´de´ration Française de Judo et Disciplines Assimile´es(FFJDA) was established in 1956. In the international scene, the International Judo Federation was established in 1951, with the first World Judo Championship being held in 1956. Moreover, the movement by the IJF to include judo into the Olympic program started immediately after WWII. Thus, the period of dynamic international changes surrounding judo, and the period from the end of WWII to the foundation of FFJDA overlapped with each other. The FFJJ actively worked to retain hegemony over international judo after WWII. In order to take the initiative within the IJF, and to facilitate the inclusion of judo in the Olympic Games, the FFJJ approached Japan despite the view against “tendence Kodokan” in France. The more actively the FFJJ worked with the IJF, the more the differences between the national situation and the international attitude stood out. The FFJJ attempted to integrate with “tendence Kodokan” by making concessions in order to resolve the conflicting situation.
著者
和田 哲也
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.33-45, 1998-01-01 (Released:2017-03-18)

This study investigates the nogeiko practiced by the Sekiguchi school of the Takeda family from the second year of Bunka to the end of the Edo Era. It clarifies the changes in practical form during that period and investigates the meaning of those changes as regards the evolution of kenjyutsu into a competitive sport utilizing historical nogeiko materials owned by the Takeda family. The findings of this paper can be summarized as follows : (1) There had been kenjyutsu schools which had adopted shiai, a training method using shinai (bamboo sword) and bogu (protector), before Chuzo Nakanishi, regarded as a pioneer in the reformation of training methods, adopted shinai-uchikomi-geiko during the years of Horeki. Such kenjyutsu schools played a leading role in the advancement of kenjyutsu-taryujiai when it began to spread ; the Sekiguchi school of the Takeda family was one such kenjyutsu school. (2) In the practical form of this school there were definite changes from the second year of Bunka to the end of the Edo Era as follow : a) Kata disappeared from practice and only matches were held. b) The format of matches which imitated actual fighting or which utilized traditional tactics was replaced by one which was simpler and more sportlike. c) Tosen, a duty which had been reserved for only a few kenjyutsu disciples of highest rank, came to be performed by those in each rank, including the lowest rank of the school. d) The nogeiko had been practiced by the Sekiguchi school as its own special event. But later they came to be practiced by several kenjyutsu schools gathered at one place. (3) As a background to such changes in the nogeiko, there were two factors. One was that there were qualitative changes in kenjyutsu itself, that is to say, its transformation into a competitive sport. The other was gokenbun, inspection by clan officials, adopted as a policy by clan rulers in order to promote development of the martial arts because of the tense social situation during the latter part of the Edo period.
著者
李 晋寧
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, pp.19-41, 2020

People in China experienced unprecedented confusion under the directed political ideology, powerand class struggle in the decade of the so-called' Proletarian Cultural Revolution' during 1966and 1976. The violence that occurred during the Cultural Revolution left a deep shadow on thedevelopment of sports activities such as football. This paper will explore Liu Qi's Football Fan'sDiary( 1966-1998) as a primary source and use it in an analysis of a new sport history that considersthe political sensitivities of the era.<BR> The contents of Football Fan's Diary describe the transition of the circumstances of football fromprior to the Cultural Revolution to changes that occurred following it. In particular, the' ProletarianClass Strife' slogan', Friendship First, Competition Second', caused social confusion. The diaryprovides an excellent account of the characteristics and significance of the relationship betweenfootball and politics of the era.<BR> To put an emphasis upon competitive and entertaining aspects in football was not encouraged inthe era. As a result, football was partly separated from the nature of sports as a play. Football wasforced to be a tool through physical education to adapt to the political purpose of implementing theproletarian revolution.<BR> Under the standardized authoritative value and belief brought by the Cultural Revolution, thedemocratic value of sports was suppressed, which eventually caused the delay in the development offootball as modern sports with a' play theory' in China.
著者
片渕 美穂子
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, pp.47-60, 2002-03-08 (Released:2017-03-18)

The discourses of Yojo (looking after one's health) in Japan from the eighteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth century often required having one's "Yoku" (desire) under control. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the episteme of the body in the discourses of Yojo, from the Kaibara Ekken Yojokun (1713) to Mizuno Takusai Yojoben Kohen (1851), examining the concept of "Yoku". The episteme of the body in this paper was the mechanism of perception and idea of the body. Three procedures were employed for the purpose of this paper. The first was to confirm the relation between "Qi" (substance or energy) and body, and to examine the growth of the concept of "Qi" in the discourses of Yojo. The second was to clarify the relation between economic activity in urban society in that era and having one's Yoku under control in Yojo. The last was to clarify the relation of the concept of "Yoku" and the inside of the body and self-consciousness. The main results can be summarized as follows. The main points of Yojo were filling and surrounding the body with "Qi". Yojo, considered that "Yoku" and "Gaija" (the course of a disease) reduced and congested "Qi", which existed in the body. The increase of having one's "Yoku" under control in the discourses of Yojo from the eighteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth century strengthened the connection between "Qi" and "Yoku". This brought about the importance of the control of one's "Yoku". The background to this increasing tendency toward having one's "Yoku" under control was the development of the urban monetary economy. A consumption-based, affluent culture had been found desirable, and Yojo claimed control over it. In the discourses of Yojo, there was "Yoku" within one's own body. Self-consciousness was the result of having one's "Yoku" under control. "Yoku" in the discourses of Yojo was a conceptual apparatus that established the connection between "Qi" and moral acts, and a continual care of oneself as a practical moral being.
著者
阿部 武尊
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, pp.31-40, 2017

The purpose of this study is to clarify the process of labor negotiation by Japan ProfessionalBaseball Players Association (JPBPA) in order to capture the change of the status of the players,who are the important persons concerned in the professional baseball world. This article focuses theperiod from 1993, when a free agent (FA) system was introduced to 2004, when the JPBPA went onstrike for the first time in baseball history in Japan.<BR>After introduction of a FA system, the JPBPA continued to succeed in a certain level of improvementof the working conditions.<BR>And, since 1999, the JPBPA addressed the structural improvement of the baseball world as newmovements.<BR>However, the Nippon Professional Baseball Organization (NPB) often made the player's workingconditions worse without the JPBPA's recognitions. The worst of them was the baseball alignmentin 2004. The JPBPA engaged in collective bargaining and strike with their legal rights as a laborunion. As a result, they stopped reduction of the number of the clubs, stopped making their workingconditions worse, and obtained the chances of discuss about structural improvements of Japaneseprofessional baseball with the NPB.<BR>We should pay attention to having gained such achievements by the JPBPA under the conditionwhich the NPB seems to lead the process of the negotiation.
著者
阿部 武尊
出版者
スポーツ史学会
雑誌
スポーツ史研究 (ISSN:09151273)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, pp.15-25, 2016

The purpose of this study is to clarify the process of labor negotiation by Japan Professional Baseball Players Association in order to capture the change of the status of the players, who are the important persons concerned in the professional baseball world. This article focuses the period from 1985, when the Japan Professional Baseball Players Association (JPBPA) was established to 1993, when a free agent (FA) system was introduced. Recognized as a labor union by the Labor Relations Commission, the JPBPA obtained their legal right that they could negotiate with the Nippon Professional Baseball organization (NPB). As a result, the JPBPA succeeded in the improvement of the working conditions as they had wished since its foundation. In addition, JPBPA managed to reach the introduction of the FA system, which permits the freedom of the transfer of the player. However, due to the interest of each baseball clubs the players as combatant could not involve in decision making directly. As a result, the introduced FA system was different from the system that the JPBPA required in 1991, and limited players could exercise the right. However, the introduction of the FA system could be regarded as an epoch-making, in that it enables the players to negotiate with the baseball clubs equally viewpoint with the NPB by the freedom of the transfer of players being permitted. Furthermore, we should pay attention to having gained such rights by the JPBPA under the conditionwhich the NPB seems to lead the process of the negotiation.