著者

山辺 規子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.1, pp.76-84, 2015-01-20

著者

岡本 充弘

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.8, pp.1433-1434, 1989-08-20

著者

町田 祐一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.9, pp.1613-1634, 2008-09-20

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The present article takes up a group in modern Japanese society "educated idler" (hereafter EI) (koto-yumin 高等遊民), whose members were highly educated but were not in social position proper to high educational background. The author examines the group's origins, structure and how it came to be perceived as a social problem. During the last years of the Meiji Era, in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War, the ranks of the EI was increasing by some 20,000 members per year due to such factors as "entrance problems" "lack of employment opportunities" and "dropping out" on the middle school level, as well as a "shortage of jobs" for graduates of technical colleges and universities. The author first attempts to place those EIs who had no visible means of support within the context of the state order by first examining pre-War newspaper reporting about "unemployment" and political concerns over the "dangers" of socialist movements, then describes the post-War attempts at state reorganization in the form of educational reform implemented by the Second Katsura Cabinet, resulting in an increase in the number of schools. However, reform efforts met with opposition in the midst of worsening conditions and were scaled down. With the occurrence of the "High Treason Incident of 1910" (Taigyaku Jiken), involving an alleged socialist plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji, and the subsequent arrests of hundreds of activists, the perceived "threat" posed by the EI and the Superintendent General's comment to crack down on it drew public opposition, resulting in a national debate over the social consequences of the EI. The author's analysis of the debate includes the media's understanding of the EI as a problem related to the social structure,the many reports documenting the lives of EI members ranging from literary figures to slum dwellers and criminals, as well as solutions calling for the dampening of lofty youthful ambition by putting young people to work. After placing the EI as a historical phenomenon characteristic of society in the post-Russo-Japanese War era, the author concludes that the educational and social policies implemented were not sufficient to solve the problem, and that the EI disappeared temporarily in the course of the economic boom generated by World War I, but reappeared during the expansion of higher learning institutions during the early Showa Era

著者

椎名 浩

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.9, pp.一六一一-一六一二, 2005-09-20

著者

池田 知正

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.11, pp.1933-1952, 2062-2063, 1999-11-20

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It is commonly accepted that the Tujue (突厥) split into two nations-i.e. the Xi-Tujue (西突厥) and the Dong-Tujue (東突厥)-in 583. This theory is based mainly on the Suishu's (隋書) description; it is probable that the description is only an interpretation, since the term Xi-Tujue cannot found in the sources before the Shekui-kehan (射匱可汗) regime. In this paper descriptions about the origins of the Xi-Tujue in premodern Chinese history texts are analyzed from the viewpoint that they are interpretations. The conclusions drawn are as follows. The Suishu, including the opinion on Xi-Tujue origins, only says that the Xi-Tujue were established by Daluobian (大邏便) and that discord (隙) between Daluobian and Shetu (摂図) caused the split. It says no tnore. The Tongdian (通典) regards the appearance of the hostile military situation between the East and the West as the establishment of "Eastern and Western Parts" (東西部). Original Notes to the Tongdian considered this hostility the establishment of "Two Nations" (二国) and regards "Part" (部) as "Nation" (国). The Zizhitongjian (資治通鑑) says that the hostile military situation arose in 583 and the Daluobian declared Xi-Tujue in 585. It is the first to mention clearly when Xi-Tujue was established. Hu Sanxing (胡三省) agrees with the Zizhitongjian and identifies the discord with a series of events concerning the appearance of the hostile military situation. The Xintangshu (新唐書) considers the founder of Xi-Tujue to be Dianjue (〓厥) and maintains that its origin led to Tuwu (吐務), who was Dianjue's grandfather. The Jiutangshu (旧唐書) in its Tujue-zhuan's (突厥伝) beginning only says that the Xi-Tujue had a same ancestor (同祖) as the Bei-Tuiue (北突厥). Two reconstructions are assumed here. One is that the descriptions about Xi-Tujue's founding by Daluobian in earlier books was abridged by the Jiutanshu's editor. The other is that he had doubts about it, but he could give no concrete opinion. Either reconstruction is equally probable.

著者

上杉 和彦

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.11, pp.1726-1750, 1828-1829, 1986-11-20

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The final goal of this report is to clarify the conversion of the judicial official function as well. as to identify its causes between the ancient and the medieval ages periods in Japan. Its conclusions run as follows. The main function of judicial officials in the Sekkan Period was to submit names of crimes. A system appeared, in which judicial officials, receiving directions by Imperial command, reported the names of crimes to the Dajohkan. Then, the Jinnosadame decided the names of crimes according to their reports. This means they were the de facto law enforcement agency of the Imperial Administration. Therefore, the government decision of names of crimes required their reports in principle. Another function of judicial officials in this period was to answer legal questions which government agencies asked in order to fulfil their tasks. This second function was gradually expanded to be used by private sectors after the eleventh century. The functions of judicial officials greatly changed in the Insei Period. First, the procedure of submitting names of crimes was gradually formalized. Second, and more importantly, they were coming to have the full-scale function of reporting the merits of lawsuits and disputes. The cause of the latter change is that in this period lawsuits and disputes concerning land beyond the framework of provinces were occurring so frequently. Given that these judicial officials had answered questions on legal principles in the previous period, parties litigant generally came to them for advice. On the basis of this tendency, the Imperial Administration put the reporting function of judicial officials into the national system of lawsuits decisions. Each man of power did the same. This brought about the direct rule of court nobles in the Insei period over the function of judicial officials as law enforcement agencies ; and moreover, accelerated the establishment of the lawsuit decision system, that is, the establishment of the Kirokujo on a larger scale. The Kirokujo was founded as the organization which gathered working officials, including judicial officials who functioned as judicial officials. When we see the Kirokujo and its successor, Fudono, as located in the center of the medieval aristocratic lawsuit system, the reorganization of judicial officials must be assessed as its very beginning.

著者

山本 博文

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.6, pp.955-1001, 1106-1104, 1983-06-20

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It is well known that, in the process of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's (秀吉) invasion of Korea, various feudal lords (daimyo 大名) were subjected to a consolidated military service levy based on the annual output in terms of rice (kokudaka 石高) of their domains. In this essay, the author will take up the process of how daimyo, who had not yet dismantled the castles and forts, built within their domains by warlords, during the previous Sengoku period (1467-1568), were able to muster the great amount of men and provisions for the Korean expedition. For this purpose, the Shimazu Family (島津氏) of Kyushu (九州), who played a leading role in the invasion, will be taken as a case in point. Actually, the Shimazu Family was not able to provide a military force for the initial maneuvers involved in the first expedition to Korea (1592-1595), and was, therefore, called upon to carry "Japan's greatest follow-up campaign." For this purpose, a land survey was carried out by a Toyotomi functionary, Ishida Mitsunari (石田三成), with an aim to significantly increase the directly held domains of the Shimazu Family. However, such a plan was nipped in the bud due to the resistance, forthcome from various classes of Shimazu subjects in response to the re-apportionment of fiefs effected by the Ishida survey. As a result, 78,000 koku 石 of the Shimazu holdings, valued at a total 200,000 koku, went into fallow due to an insuffiicience of cultivators. What this all means is that the original intent of Hideyoshi's land surveys (Taiko Kenchi 太閤検地), that is, the creation of direct daimyo holdings capable of satisfying the need for military provisions, as well as the formation of an enfeoffed entourage capable to shoulder the burden of military service, were, in a word, thwarted. Being unable to answer the call to arms, and faced with possible relocation out of Kyushu or even fall from daimyo status, the Shimazu were driven to expediency. Therefore, with promises of fief appropriations, they demanded such groups as locally based samurais (jizamurai 地侍) within their domains and direct vassals desiring additions in their holdings, to stand as the Shimazu force for the invasion of Korea. This demand was answered by a self-provisioned army, composed of such people as the former vassals of families, who had previously opposed the Shimazu and had fallen, vassals who had lost a good portion of their fiefs as a result of the Shimazu's pledge of allegiance to the Toyotomi Family, and local samurais who had been amassing military power while pracficing agricultural management. While, on the surface, the military forces under the Toyotomi regime were to be supported by funds from the public coffers, in the case of the Shimazu Family, whose direct holdings were incapable of provisioning a standing army, it to muster all voluntary self-provisioned force was the only possible alternative. In this very fact lies the proof to negate the conventionally held opinion that the military forces mustered by the Shimazu Family and other families of daimyo status for the Korean expeditions, were standing armies of military men completely separated from agricultural activities (heino bunri 兵農分離). Despite being the object of a thorough cadastre carried out by the central regime, the Shimazu domains still widely maintained local samurai status holders unremoved from agrarian responsibilities ; and rather than daimyo power working to negate these soldier-farmers, it actually strove to garner their support in meeting the military service demanded by the Toyotomi regime. Later, between the years 1611 and 1614, the Shimazu were to carry out their own land surveys and promulgate (in 1611) a set of restrictions ordering the separation of soldier and peasant. However, despite this, some of samurai rank throughout the Tokugawa feudal (bakuhan 幕藩) system still, in rare cases, set up camp in agrarian villages, and took the lead in agricultural management. In the case of the Shimazu land

著者

田中 彰

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.6, pp.1057-1058, 1979-06-20

著者

高津 秀之

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.8, pp.1499-1500, 2008-08-20

著者

早川 良弥

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.11, pp.2017-2026, 1993-11-20

著者

富永 泰代

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.10, pp.p1809-1817, 1992-10

著者

入間田 宣夫

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.2060-2061, 2004-12-20

著者

池田 美千子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.2, pp.167-187, 291-290, 2002-02-20

被引用文献数

1

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The style of costume worn by Japanese imperial and aristocratic families at official ceremonies changed during the twelfth century to the stiff kowa 強 fashion, which made it difficult for its wearers to dress by themselves, giving rise to a new occupation of professional "outfitters" practicing the art of emon 衣紋. In the present article, the author takes up one of these outfitters, the Takakura 高倉 family, who replaced the Oimikado 大炊御門 family of outfitters (but exactly when this change occurred has yet to be clarified) and who has yet to be discussed in the research on Japanese family organization (ie 家). Focussing on ceremonies for enthronement, the offering of first fruits (daijo-e 大嘗会) and male initiation (gempuku 元服), the author introduces some newly discovered source materials that enables her to pinpoint exactly when the Takakuras replaced the Qimikados and discuss the way of life of the Takakuras during the medieval period. The first section takes up Takakura Nagatsune 永経, who attired the Jimyoin 持明院 imperial line, and Nagayasu 永康, who attired the Daikaku-ji 大覚寺 imperial line. It is interesting that during the late Kamakura period, the Takakura family split in accordance with the frequent schisms that occurred in the imperial family at that time. Section two investigates the very difficult techniques of agemaki 総角 hairstyling for boys. The art was first possessed by the Tokudai-ji 徳大寺 family, then taken up by the Oimikado family. Then in 1371, the Oimikados taught the art to the Takakuras, when Takakura Nagasue 永季 was temporarily engaged for the agemaki work in preparation for the initiation ceremony of future emperor Go-Enyu. In section three, the author focuses on haku-shozoku 帛装束, the white garment worn at the first fruits and other ceremonies, and shows that it was at the time of Go-Komatsu's enthronement in 1382 that the Takakuras replaced the Oimikados, a change made possible by shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu 足利義満. That is to say, from the Kamakura period, the Takakuras had always functioned as assistants or representatives of the Oimikado family, never being allowed to appear at major ceremonies. It was only due to the wishes of Yoshimitsu that the Takakuras were first able appear in the limelight by replacing the Oimikados in the emon preparation for major ceremonies. What remains to be studied is the role of the Takakura family in outfitting aristocrats and warriors for ceremonies that continued during the transition from medieval time to late premodern times and the Edo period.

著者

呉座 勇一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1670-1678, 2014-09-20

著者

湯川 文彦

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.6, pp.1045-1083, 2012-06-20

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This article attempts to clarify the ideas about an educational system held by Tanaka Fujimaro, vice-minister of education, who introduced school reforms during the early Meiji Period, in order to show that the foundations of educational administration in modern Japan were built upon the Education Act of 1879, which was formulated through Tanaka's involvement from draft proposal to the passage of the bill. The research to date has been unable to deal with the question of Tanaka's ideas about educational institutions and intentions concerning educational legislation, due to the complete absence of source materials on these subjects. However, the author of this article, utilizing a collection of articles on education found in the National Diet Library's Hosokawa Junjiro Collection, has been able to trace Tanaka's ideas and legislative activities in the following manner. Although the early Meiji Period government did set up a Ministry of Education entrusted with the administrative task of educating and training the nation, the Ministry lacked any fixed ideals or methodology about how to realized such a goal. It was Tanaka Fujimaro who first set about responding to the Ministry's mandate, beginning with the application of his observations of institutions in Europe and the United States as a member of the Iwakura Mission to what he considered appropriate to the task of administering educational affairs in Japan, summarized in his "Draft Proposal of an Education Bill". The Draft Proposal, which covered the realms of school, society and the household, aimed to transform general education into the major task of government, based on academic and educational freedom. Although Tanaka met with resistance concerning his idea of legislative bureaus for organizing human resource development and local autonomy, he was able to convince his opponents as to their significance. The Draft also addressed the questions of local autonomy and fiscal difficulties in the name of the establishment of educational administration. Furthermore, as deliberation on the Draft began in the Chamber of Elders, Tanaka took advantage of the legislative revision committee system to guide the Draft through the process of compromise and improvement, resulting in the preparation of a set of provisions indispensable to educational affairs, which upon their passage into law determined the future of administration from that time on.

著者

石井 規衛

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.9, pp.1596-1597, 2011-09-20

著者

峰岸 純夫

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.250-251, 1988-02-20

著者

小澤 実

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.12, 2000-12-20

著者

小澤 実

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.1, pp.127-128, 2007-01-20

著者

今津 敏晃

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.10, pp.1682-1705, 2003-10-20

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The purpose of this article is to show adjustment to the party rules by the leaders of the Kenkyukai, which was a party in the House of Peers, and influence of their activities on the political situation under the first WAKATSUKI Reijiro cabinet. By passing its act of manhood suffrage in 1925, the Japanese House of Representatives received firmer legitimacy. It was expected that party-led governments would continue, but that rebutted political action by the House of Peers. In particular the members of the Kenkyukai needed their legitimacy, because they had lost legitimacy on due to their coalition with the KATO Tomosaburo cabinet and KIYOURA Keigo cabinets, which were blamed for being partyless. Then KONOE Fumimaro advocated that the House of Peers should defer to the cabinet based on a majority in the Lower House. This seemed to be adequate for recoverring their legitimacy at first glance, but it was impossible to put into practice very easily, since there was no party with an absolute majority in the House of Representatives at that time and the parties were bickering among themselves. So the leaders of the Kenkyukai tried to form a majority in the House of Representatives by stabilizing the tumult, hoping that popularity and legitimacy would result from their action. At first they supported WAKATSUKI's government and tried to make it join hands with Seiyuhonto. But they suddenly began to blame the government for its maladministration in October in 1926. The turn of the front office of Kenkyukai tipped the scale.