著者

小浜 正子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.7, 1989-07-20

著者

青島 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.2, pp.259-260, 2007-02-20

著者

大久保 桂子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.7, pp.1288-1289, 1989-07-20

著者

佐藤 彰一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.12, pp.1983-1987, 2003-12-20

著者

山本 英貴

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.4, pp.539-560, 2008-04-20

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This article attempts to clarify the process of writing and copying the diary of the Tokugawa Shogunate through an analysis of the Keeper of the Diary (Nikki-gakari 日記掛) and comes to the following conclusions. To begin with, the office of Diary Keeper was created sometime between 1737 and 1746, consisting of one supervisor and two assistants. The Keeper was to direct the various Bakufu offices to submit to him reports of their activities and then hand them to the Diary Secretariat (Nikki-Kata Omote-Yuhitsu 日記方表右筆) for entry into the Bakufu diary. This secretariat was looked after by one supervisor and one assistant rotating on a monthly basis, and the system which lasted until at least 1822. Secondly, since no copies of the Bakufu dairy existed at the time the Keeper was set up, the office issued a report in 1791 describing the reproduction of the diary and how much of it had been preserved or lost. Consequently a project was launched to copy the extant parts of the diary, with talented scribes from outside the office specially assigned to copy the content recorded between 1631 and 1790. From that time on, the Keeper and Diary Secretariat cooperated in making the copies, thus marking a significant change in how the Bakufu dairy was recorded. Another copying project was conducted during the Koka 弘化 Era (1844-47) when the Ohikaecho 御扣帳 copy of the dairy was completed.

著者

弘末 雅士

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.37-76, 153-154, 1990-01-20

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This article attempts to investigate the role of the prophet in the Batak millenarian movement against the European colonial order. During the latter part of the 19th century, the Toba Batak area in north Sumatra was exposed to European influence, and both Christianization by German missionaries and colonization by the Dutch began to undermine the Toba Batak, social order. The traditional symbol of power, Si Singa Mangaraja, was defeated by the Dutch colonial army. Millenarian expectations began after the Batak people were forced to recognize the superiority of European power, yet were in many cases not satisfied with the new colonial order. The dilemma was solved when Guru Somalaing, a datu (magician), had a revelation from Jehovah to preach traditional Batak codes in order to become malim (pure). He established the Parmalim (One Who Endeavours To Be Pure) movement in 1890, claiming to be able to gain access to the source of European power while retaining the essence of Toba Batak values. Just after his revelation, Somalaing encountered an Italian traveler. The people who were impressed by European colonial power were longing for a different type of European who would share that power with them. The Italian during his stay in Toba was often regarded as a delegate of Raja Rum, who the Batak believed was a holy king in the outside world. Somalaing, convinced that he shared the power of Jehovah, now developed his expectations into a belief that Raja Rum would assist him in dealing with the Dutch. Somalaing's idea was accepted among the people of the north-eastern part of Toba, who were newly under European influence, but still maintained their traditional value system. The Parmalim movement was an endeavour to maintain their traditional social order under the new source of power. In their Parmalim ceremonies they prayed to Jehovah, Maria, Jesus and Raja Rum in the same manner as had been done in traditional religious ceremonies, when people had wanted to ask Si Singa Mangaraja or Batak deities for help. As the Dutch intensified colonial influence over the area, Parmalim followers began to believe that German missionaries working in the ara were really Batak divine kings and that someday these kings and Raja Rum would drive the Dutch away. The evidence of the Batak millenarian movement suggests that the main task of the millenarian leader is to show what the real source of power was and how to gain access to it. Previous explanations which have emphasized prophets' magical abilites, such as communication with supernatural powers, healing or divination, are only partial explanations.

著者

北村 暁夫

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.1, 2007-01-20

著者

松浦 義弘

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.6, pp.1064-1086, 2007-06-20

著者

三宅 正樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.10, pp.120-121, 1996-10-20

著者

坂下 史

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.1, pp.124-125, 1997-01-20

著者

朴澤 直秀

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.8, pp.1454-1482, 1997-08-20

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In recent years the opinion has been raised that scholars scholars should focus more upon the religious aspects of the Tokugawa period. However, we should be paying attention not only to ceremonies, festivals and such religious practices as donation, but also to the structure of the relationship between the clergy and the people. In this article the author introduces one way to discuss Buddhist priests and temples separately, in contrast to the fact that temples have come to be inherited through blood ties since Meiji era. There-fore, he takes notice not of "fields", but rather temples which existed within relationships between Buddhist priests and villages, patron organizations, households, or individuals. His aim is to lend a more vivid image of the relationship between Buddhist priests and local groups or individuals by analyzing the administration of local temples and how their chief priests were replaced. For this purpose he presents the case of the Shingi-Shingon 新義 真言 sect's temples in the Kanto 関東 area (mainly present Saitama 埼玉 prefecture). He restrictes the time of the study to the middle and late Tokugawa period, when the temple patron system and the inter-temple hierarchies under the Tokugawa regime were firmly in effect. His conclusions are as follows. 1) The structure in which at the temples organized into the temple hierarchy was clear: the clergy of Buddhism sects were interrelated with the patron organization or villages mainly through the temples. 2) In that structure the maintenance and administration of a temple's real estate and movable property was an important matter for the chief priest of the temple, the patron organization and the village. The state of such matters affected the relationship between priests (or their clergies) and patron organizations or villages. 3) As long as we study various Buddhist sects besides the Shin 真 sects, it was not only the temple-patron relationship that supported the chief priests of temples (and their membership in the clergy) economically, and but also probably maintained the upper class temples in the temple hierarchies.

著者

伊藤 航多

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.10, pp.1776-1799, 2009-10-20

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The study of local history and culture became an integral part of the intellectual life of Victorian urban communities. Civicminded intellectuals organized a host of historical and antiquarian societies at both the local and county levels, and investigated their history and popular traditions in an urban context. For example, there was a preoccupation with collecting local historical documents, campaigning for the preservation of ancient monuments, and discovering native folk arts and customs. Such cultural concerns were markedly demonstrated in such public institutions as civic reference libraries and historicist displays of municipal buildings. Although undoubtedly a result of nostalgia to some extent, such enthusiasm for the past should by no means be regarded simply as a retreat into antiquated memories, for such studies significantly entailed vigorous expression of local patriotism and a high-minded feeling of community-based citizenship. A radical strand of Victorian liberalism regarded such activity as a vital mission, considering that a moralized sense of community life was imperative in an age of rapid urbanization and mass democracy. Thus, the exploration of all-embracing, communal memories of the native locality became for bourgeois intellectuals active in provincial urban centres a way to kindle the notion of civic unity and achieve consensus among the ever-growing masses closing in on them. Moreover, local historians and antiquaries eagerly defined historical events and native customs of their localities as vital components of a common, national history of the English people. In this sense, it is difficult to conclude that a pronounced focus on national history necessary leads to a decline in local historical interest. Indeed, the provincial intellectual's notion of local patriotism was a far cry from narrow-minded provincialistic attitudes, as exemplified by such civic leaders as Joseph Cowen, who envisaged the love of locality as comparable to national identity. By embracing such a multi-faceted idea of patriotism, the provincial bourgeois intelligentsia sought to retrieve a local past that would not only sustain a unique awareness of one's hometown, but also enact a broader empathy with the nation as a whole.

著者

平野 千果子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.3, pp.388-396, 2006-03-20

著者

解良 澄雄

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.10, pp.1796-1797, 1991-10-20

著者

澤田 典子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.2, pp.一八四-二〇六, 2005-02-20

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The Harpalus affair was a crisis which involved many prominent Athenians and caused the exile of Demosthenes, in connection with money embezzled by Harpalus, Alexander's imperial treasurer, who sought refuge in Athens in 324 B. C. In previous studies, it has been generally assumed that the confrontation of political groups over policy toward Macedon was a fundamental element of Athenian politics during the reign of Alexander. Regarding the Harpalus affair, the arguments have centered upon a political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians. This paper attempts to analyze the Harpalus affair, focusing on an examination of the alleged political confrontation among the anti-Macedonians, in order to shed some light on Athenian politics during this period. It examines (1) the Athenian political situation surrounding the Harpalus affair, (2) the alleged political confrontation between Hypereides and Demosthenes, and (3) other prosecutors and defendants in the trials arising out of the affair. In conclusion, the author refutes the picture of political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians in the affair. The Harpalus affair, which involved various personal confrontations, is a good example to show unsoundness in grasping Athenian politics during this period within a simple scheme of political confrontation dominated by Macedonian issues. It would be possible to assume that within the context of the good state of relations between Macedon and Athens under the Pax Macedonica, personal confrontation among politicians often played a more important role than political confrontation over the Macedonian question and was a dominant factor in Athenian politics of this period.

著者

鈴木 雄雅

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.549-550, 1991-04-20

著者

三上 喜孝

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.7, pp.1363-1364, 1998-07-20

著者

貝塚 和実

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.7, pp.1199-1200, 1982-07-20

著者

熊澤 徹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.4, pp.482-511, 562-560, 1985-04-20

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Amidst the wave of research that is furthering our understanding of blocs of consolidated villages (kumiai mura 組合村), which have been seen as middle level control mechanism within all the territories ruled by the Tokugawa Bakufu, this paper takes up widespread legal petitioning movements carried out by agricultural villages throughout the environs of Edo. In the eleveth month of 1789 (Kansei 寛政 1), a confederation of villages around Edo lodged a complaint with the Bakufu's Taxation and Judicature Functionary (Kanjo Bugyo 勘定奉行) in a legal attempt to bring about reductions in the price of fertilizer-use night soil. At its height, this legal battle brought together a total of 1016 villages, thus rivaling in scale provincial level legal struggles (kokuso 国訴) carried on in the Kinai region of western Japan. The night soil which had accumulated in the townships (machikata 町方) and samurai residential areas (yashiki-kata 屋敷方) of Edo proper was under contract (shimo-soji keiyaku 下掃除契約) collected by surrouding peasants as a valuable source of crop fertilizer. However, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, there appeared certain persons who attempted to capture night soil collection rights from peasants through contract price competition, which resulted in substantial increases in the contract prices offered to the residents of Edo proper. In response to this inflationary situation, the surrounding villages petitioned the Bakufu, based on such intervillage resolutions as bans on such competitive practices and the return of collection rights which had been taken away through such practices. The demands made to the Taxation and Judicature Functionary aimed at an autonomous system of night soil collection and included 1)official recognition of inter-village resolutions, 2)the prohibition of night soil collection by townsfolk not under the control of village administrators, and 3)recognition of contract price reduction negotiations and their dissemination throughout Edo proper. Four years later in the sixth month of 1792 (Kansei 4), a decision was handed down, which refused to recognize inter-village resolutions, but which prohibited townsfolk involvement in collecting and contracting activities, and recognized full agricultural villager control of night soil. Also during this four years period, organized groups of villages were successful in reducing through negotiation the contract price of night soil. After offering a general outline of the litigation movement as a whole, the author turns to the question of how this movement was organized. The most outstanding characteristic of this organization is the fact that it was a total consolidation of villages according to regional units called "ryo" 領 (territories) and irregardless of differences between various feudal lords which ruled over the regions. Ryos were middle level administrative units within the Edo environs and had been organized for the exaction of the various dues to be performed in relation to samurai falconing grounds. Various directives (furetsugi 触次) had been issued to these ryos concerning the control of their villages ; however, execution of these directives was left to a council of village adminitrators within the ryo (ryochu hyogi 領中評議). In the case of the night soil collection rights legal struggle of 1788, a total of 37 ryos took part and a group of 21 petitioning representatives were set up. These representatives, from their bositions on a representative council (ryoryo hyogi 領々評議), both looked into the policies taken by the movement and gave guidance to the villages in drawing up their resolution documents. Therefore, it was through the three levels of village assembly (mura yoriai 村寄合) --- ryo council (ryochu hyogi) --- ryo confederation council (ryoryo hyogi) that the demand of the peasants was taken up and a consensus was reached concerning an autonomous system of night soil collection. This consensus was reaffirmed th

著者

東條 哲郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.4, pp.481-514, 2008-04-20

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The purpose of this article is to examine the influence of the developing tin mining industry in Perak, Malaysia on the industrial structure and community formed by Chinese immigrants during the second half of the 19th century. Due to a significant increase in the demand for tin from mid-century on, in Larut, where from the 1840s the Malay peninsula's "Straits tin" are had been mined and exported to markets in the West, increased production from the 1870s on, after being made into a British protectorate. Mining operations there were managed by the heads of influential Chinese families hiring Chinese immigrant labor. A comparison of labor and tariff expenses with the price of tin at the time suggests that the are deposit mining business was not always profitable. However, the mine operators were able to reap large profits through wages paid by issuing credit to poor immigrant workers for expenses and necessities and such side businesses as selling opium. Consequently, mine workers became personally dependent on the mining enterprises for their livelihoods. These conditions began to change after the "tin rush" that broke out from the 1870s on, which was fueled by a rapid jump in international prices and led to the opening of mining operations farther inland, in Kinta, which had been considered unprofitable up to that time. Kinta became the region for small scale, short term extraction by Chinese prospectors, and with the rising demand for labor there, these operators lured workers by offering such incentives as profit-sharing deals. Attractive by such offers, mine workers in Larut began absconding their employers and heading for Kinta. Those Larut operators who could not match or better the incentives offered by their counterparts in Kinta tried and failed to persuade the British authorities to prevent their workers from leaving the region. It was such changes in management style and hiring practices that hindered the exploitative patronage exercised by influential Chinese families over immigrant Chinese labor. As a result, a more modernized labor market situation arose, in which immigrant workers ended their personal dependence on the mining companies and were free to shop around for the best employment opportunities available, while operators could obtain sufficient supplies of labor by offering workers attractive employment packages.