著者
伊東 剛史
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.118, no.2, pp.213-245, 2009-02-20

The British Museum Act of 1753 appointed a Board of Trustees as the governing body of the museum. The board was formed by major donors to the institution and their heirs, prominent men of letters and science, aristocratic patrons, and senior government officials. The idea that such a mixed public body could be trusted to superintend a national collection of cultural properties came to be publicly debated during the 1830-70s, when the unceasing expansion of the museum called for the removal of its natural history department and eventually led to the foundation of the Natural History Museum in South Kensington. By examining the roles played by both the government and parliament in facilitating the transformation of the British Museum, this essay challenges the view that the British state was far less eager to promote art and science than its counterparts on the Continent. As parliamentary intervention increased during the 1830-40s, the Board of Trustees agreed to expand public access to the British Museum and to facilitate research being conducted by professional scholars and scientists. During the following decade, however, serious disagreements arose among the trustees concerning the proposed severance of the natural history collection from the museum, making it impossible for the Board of Trustees to act as an autonomous corporate body. It was Gladstone and his allies at the museum who finally rescued the lame-duck trustees and enabled the severance of the natural history collection. Although Gladstone's zealous political support of the severance excited criticism of excessive intervention by the government, it demonstrated that the Board of Trustees was an appropriate agent for monitoring the use of the national collection. On the whole, the British state was far from being a reluctant patron of the arts and sciences, taking a nuanced and open-to-negotiation approach to the development of public cultural institutions.
著者
和歌森 太郎
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, no.1, pp.57-64, 1976-01-20
著者
樋口 真魚
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.6, pp.1097-1132, 2014-06-20

This article investigates Japanese attempts to reset its political relations with the League of Nations (hereafter, the LN) after the former's withdrawal from the League, focusing on the Japanese stance at the Montreux Conference of 1936, which was held three years after Japan's withdrawal for the purpose of revising articles concerning the demilitarization of the Dardanelles and Bosporus Straits, first declared in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Close examination of Japanese diplomacy during the Montreux Conference indicates that its decision makers were seeking some ideal means by which to reset the country's political relations with the League throughout the mid-1930s. They were particularly sensitive towards the LN Covenant, which in their opinion appeared to offer a legal basis for imposing sanctions on any country of the world, including Japan. Such sensitivity sharped from 1934 on after the Soviet Union joined the LN, due to the perception that the outbreak of Soviet-Japanese hostilities was highly imminent, leading to fears that the Soviets might call for the LN to impose sanctions on Japan if war did break out. These concerns are the reason why the Japanese government was very active during the Montreux Conference, in addition to regarding the Conference, which was marked by a fierce debate regarding the legal relationship between the revised treaty and the LN Covenant, as the touchstone leading to the future of Japan's diplomatic policy toward the LN. There were two constrasting opinions within the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Gaimusho 外務省) over the stance to be taken towards the revised treaty. One line, advocated by Foreign Minister Arita Hachiro, was to attempt to block LN intervention altogether. The other, advocated by Sato Naotake, the Japanese delegate to the Montreux Conference, argued that Japan should seek means of coexisting with the LN. In more concrete terms, Arita intended to block intervention by calling for a treaty signing congress (teiyaku kokukaigi 締約国会議) as a diplomatic platform opposing the LN and asserting that the text of the revised treaty should seek to avoid LN interference by separating the new convention from the LN Covenant. In opposition to Arita's assertions, Sato was prepared to partially accept "a treaty supplementary to the LN Covenant", which European members, such as the Soviet Union and France, aspired to conclude. By doing so, Sato intended to create a legal setting which would enable LN member countries and "contracting parties" (the latter including Japan) to enjoy equal standing vis-a-vis each other. Although Sato succeeded in persuading Arita that it was necessary to reset Japan as "a state withdrawing from the LN that could coexist with the LN", the outbreak of the 2nd Sino-Japanese war about a year after the Conference resulted in sanctions being imposed on Japan by the LN, which left Japanese decision-makers with no other option but to abandon any hope of coexistence.
著者
青木 然
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.11, pp.1929-1968, 2014-11-20

This article studies the perceptions of Korea and China among the people in Japan during the latter part of the 19th century. The antecedent research has explained that the people had become to transfer their own sense of inferiority to their East Asian neighbors, whose Westernization had been stagnant, and disdained them because the people's opposition to Westernization had been crushed by means of the suppression of the revolt. This interpretation ignores the contradictory situation of a nation of people unable to internally resolve their own opposition to Western culture, while looking down on other nations based on those same Western standards. In order to show the way such a contradiction was dealt with in the Japanese mass consciousness, this article takes up the popular entertainment, especially kodan (講談), the Japanese traditional storytelling, to extract the Japanese people's understanding of Western culture and their hopes represented by the images of Korea and China on a deeper level than what was expressed in rebellion. In presenting the evidence, the author attempts to clarify the features of narrative of the popular entertainment in order to interpret its depiction of Korea and China in terms of popular understanding by focusing on the mentality of popular entertainment, as well as the changes of national entertainment policy, trends and social contexts. In concrete terms, the author identifies two conflicting types of narration in popular entertainment at the time: the satirical style that originated on the urban scene during the late Edo period and the oratorical style, which first appeared during the 1880s, against a backdrop of increasing migration from the countryside into the cities. In the performances taking up such events of the early 1880s as the Imo Incident (July 1882) in Seoul, Korea and the Sino-French War (1884-85), we find satirical narrative showed its twisted sympathies with "obstinateness" of the forces of resistance in both countries and ridiculing the shallow Westernized behavior of the Japanese people. On the other hand, when dealing with the 1st Sino-Japanese War, the oratorical style pours invective and abuse upon the Chinese, while the satirical performances objectified them and counteract with words of sympathy for the Koreans and Chinese. In the presence of such conflicting narrative styles, the Japanese people became aware of Korea and China not only as scapegoats for its own oppression, but also as a means of escaping from the constant anxiety of being confined within the limits of the Western code of civilized behavior. However, the difficulty in confronting the fallacy of its civilized self-image became expressed in the Japanese people's hesitation to empathize with its Korean and Chinese counterparts. Such a way of adopting Western civilization, which skillfully grants dispensation from self-denial, can be called, in the opinion of the author, one of the "privileges" accorded the masses living under imperial rule.
著者
長谷川 順二
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.3, pp.333-371, 2014-03-20

The changes that have occurred in the course of the Yellow River over the ages has been considered to be an important theme in the historical geography of China, and many researchers have conducted studies of the subject using various methods. The various explanations in the extant bibliographic sources about river course change in dynastic China were first summarized during the early Qing period by Hu Wei in his Yugong Zhuizhi 禹貢錐指 (Brief Study of "Tribute of Yu"), which proposed that major changes had occurred in the River's course. Hu's argument then formed the basis of various opinions that six or seven significant changes had occurred leading up to the existing course as of 1855, in such works as Zhongguo Lishi Ditu Ji 中国歴史地図集 (Collected Historical Maps of China) and Huanghe Zhi 黄河志 (Gazetteer of the Yellow River). In particular, as to the pre-Eastern Han era, all argued that the river's course had changed twice: one being observed during the Warring States period in the fifth year of the reign of Eastern Zhou King Ding (602 BC), the other occurring between the third year Wang Mang's Xin Dynasty (11 CE) and the 13 year of the reign of Later Han Emperor Ming (70 CE), in The flood control works of Wangjing 王景. However, as observed in Yugong Shanchuan Dilitu 禹貢山川地理図 (Geographical Maps of "Tribute of Yu") by Cheng Dachang 程大昌 of the Southern Song Dynasty, there was in pre-Ming Dynasty times a great deal of emphasis placed on the river course change project named after Provincial Governor Donqui 頓丘 in the third year of the reign of Former Han Emperor Wu (132 BC), while no mention is given to the Wangjing Project. The author has elsewhere reconstructed via remote sensing data the old course of the Yellow River between the Warring States and Former Han Periods and has shown, based on that reconstruction and micro upland topography, the changes that occurred in the river near Liaocheng, Shandong Province in 132 BC. In the present article, the author reexamines the traditional discourse concerning the changes that occurred up through the Latter Han Period, based on his previous findings. In addition, there is also information in the Hanshu's 漢書 "Gouzu Zhi" (Treatise on Canals and Rivers) section about the first Yellow River levee of the Warring States period, which Kimura Masao argues signifies the existence of state-operated irrigation projects in the lower reaches of the Yellow River, indicating one basic condition of ancient Chinese despotism. However, the author's reconstruction of the ancient river course and the present topographical data concerning the region shows these levies to have been formed by the Yellow River naturally, making it very difficult to concur with the conventional discourse that large scale irrigation projects were already underway in the lower Yellow River basin as early as the Warring States period.
著者
邉見 統
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.7, pp.1307-1331, 2014-07-20

After pacifying the Chinese world during the 5th year of his reign (202 BCE), Former Han Dynasty Emperor Liu Bang (also referred to as Gaozu 高祖) duly rewarded his loyal followers with titles of ranked status, the highest of which was Liehou 列侯. We find items in such ancient chronicles as Shiji 史記, and Hanshu 漢書 describing the institution of such ranks at the beginning of the period, describing them as the "Liehou hierarchy"; and the research to date on the subject has shown that 1) eighteen such rankings were instituted during the Liu Bang's reign and 2) in the 2nd year of the Gaohou 高后 era (186 BCE), the Empress Dowager's Lu 呂 Family regime instituted what is known as the "Gaozu System of Leihou Rankings" (Gaozuxi Liehou Weici 高祖系列侯位次). However, as the result of an analysis of descriptions concerning ranked status in the ancient historiography, the author of the present article adds that the Gaozuxi System was revised during the reign of Emperor Wen 文. As to the political significance of the establishment of the Gaozuxi System in 186 BCE, first, there was the intention to preserve the 18 ranks set up by Liu Bang and respect his authority, in addition to recognizing the achievements of those who were so honored during his reign. It was in this way that the Lu Family regime planned to obtain the support of Liu Bang's retainers, implying that such actions as granting feudal estates to the princes of the politically powerful Lu Family was initially met with strong resistance, which needed to be appeased. As to the revisions made to the Gaozuxi System during the reign of Emperor Wen, motivation similar to the Lu Family may also be cited, in addition to political necessities specific to the Wen regime.That is to say, the Wen imperial regime was formed after the Dynasty's ministers of state overthrew the Lu Family regime and enthroned Liu Heng, the fourth son of Liu Bang and monarch of the kingdom of Dai 代; therefore, the revisions were also intended to strip members of the Lu Family of their Gaozuxi rankings, thus legitimizing the authority of Emperor Wen over the defeated Lu Family regime.
著者
山本 英史
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.9, pp.1641-1643, 2014-09-20
著者
石橋 崇雄
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, no.12, pp.1847-1856, 1982-12-20
著者
小田中 直樹
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.114, no.5, pp.五八四-五八八, 2005-05-20
著者
芦部 彰
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.4, pp.569-593, 2014-04-20

Explaining the features and historical developments of social policy in the Federal Republic of Germany, focusing on Catholicism during the 1950s, is indispensable due to the influence of Catholicism on various aspects of politics and society at that time. That influence is also evident in the housing policy implemented at the time. Within the framework of social housing, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) gave priority in the second Housing Act of 1956 to the construction of privately owned single family dwellings, each with an adjacent garden and barn. To explain the conceptual foundations of this policy, the author focuses on politician Paul Lucke, the CDU's chief housing policy-maker, and the Catholic intellectuals around him. First, Lucke and his colleagues designed the housing policy based on the idea of enabling the private ownership of land and houses among a broad strata of the population, based on the Catholic social teaching that private ownership is regarded as the basis of an autonomous personality. Through this policy, they aimed at resisting the collectivism of East Germany that created, in their words, the "impersonal masses". Secondly, Lucke's group conceptualized the houses they envisioned as "Familienheim", thereby incorporating Catholic views of family into their housing policy; to wit, private property enables the patriarch to rule his family and protect them against the threat of intervention by the state. Finally, Lucke's group emphasized the value of self-help in the process of housing construction. That is to say, they regarded the construction of one's own home as practicing the kind of self-help promoted in Catholic social teaching. Considering these policy features, the author concludes that the CDU's housing policy was based on principles derived from Catholic social doctrine. Relative to other housing reform concepts, the CDU opposed reformers who sought to create new social ties in urban areas through the promotion of new types of collective dwelling plans; and garnering support from reformers critical of metropolises, it promoted housing rooted in the soil. From the above urban reform perspective, the CDU's housing policy could be assessed as conservative; however, given the characteristics of those Catholic social teachings that reject socialist or collectivist avenues to social reform and attempt to find a path guided by the Catholic concept of personality, the CDU's housing policy should rather be viewed as pursuing social reform through Catholic perspectives.
著者
藤原 翔太
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.12, pp.2149-2177, 2014-12-20

On 17 February 1800, the Consulat enacted a law concerning the districting and administration of the entire territory of France, and embarked on fundamental reforms that would lead to the encouragement and reinforcement of the centralization of local administrative institutions. However, the law also reintroduced the commune system, thus reviving local autonomy, a fact which has long been neglected. Once noticed, this fact leads to the question of why the regime of Napoleon, which has been considered to be a centralized one, needed to reorganize certain structural features of local autonomous institutions. In order to answer this question, the author of this article examines the structure of local governance under Napoleon by focusing on the town mayors who represented both the communes and central state authority in the prefectures of the Hautes-Pyrenees. The mayors of rural towns and cities who served under Napoleon have long been criticized for being "incompetent" and in league with their constituents, problems that were fully recognized by contemporary governors of prefectures and arrondissements (prefects and vice-prefects), as well as by the central government. Therefore, the prefectures proposed that any canton larger in area than a commune should have one paid mayor; however, the central government ignored this proposal and persisted in maintaining the commune system. This means that the government regarded the appointment of mayors based on the commune system as the best way to rule at the local level. Such a conclusion leads to the question of how the mayors, who were so important in terms of local rule, were actually chosen. To answer this question, the author first turns to an examination of the available mayoral prosopography and finds that there were definite differences in social status between the mayors of canton administrative centers (chef-lieu) and those of ordinary communes. Moreover, regarding the actual administration of local authorities, we find unique solutions adopted by prefecture-level bureaus to deal with problems caused by the mayors of rural towns and cities. Despite obvious regional differences, in the economic and cultural periphery of the Pyrenees, administrative affairs of the greatest import were carried on at the canton level. Rather than this fact indicating that the commune system was being treated as a mere formality, we find mayors of chef-lieu, who were selected from the ranks of local dignitaries, utilizing their political influence to guide politicians of inferior status and power in their duties as mayors of ordinary communes. In this sense, the commune system should be considered as having been introduced into a highly centralized, socially stratified political order for the purpose of integrating political power and influence at the regional level.
著者
見瀬 悠
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.1, pp.1-34, 2014-01-20

The aim of this article is to analyze the conditions conducive to obtaining the status of subject in France and the narrative strategies employed for the purpose of obtaining lettres de naturalite by immigrants from the British Isles during the eighteenth century, in order to examine what being legally bound to the state signified for foreigners under the Ancien Regime. Having arrived in France for political, religious and/or economic reasons and by and large favorably received by the king (or, royal authority), the British immigrants became participants in French society through participation and solidarity in such compatriotic communities as the Stuart court in exile in Saint-Germainen-Laye, Irish regiments in the French Army, British-founded convents and colleges, and merchants' colonies in the Atlantic seaports. It's within this process of socialization that the naturalization was requested, and by analysis of the organizational features of those naturalized in terms of geographical distribution and socioprofessional profiles, the author concludes from her observations on their motives and backgrounds that the choice of naturalization was indirectly facilitated by the historical relations and cultural bonds between immigrant communities and French society and influenced by wavering inbred Stuart loyalties and political persecution, but was directly decided out of the desire to guarantee one's personal property and/or occupation. That being said, such self-serving motives were by no means revealed in the actual lettres de naturalite; rather, one observes applicants adopting such strategies designed to more easily obtain these letters as insisting that they were endowed with many of the exemplary attributes sought after within French society. From the personal accounts included in the lettres de naturalite of British immigrants, we find the enumeration of such desirable national attributes as contributions made to the monarchy through military, medical and commercial service and religious orthodoxy, while at the same time there are accounts of their everyday occupational activities, touching upon past personal experiences of loyalty to the House of Stuart, apostasy and conversion to the Catholicism and the religious persecution they suffered in their homeland. All indicate clearly the adoption of strategies geared to taking advantage of their "otherness" as foreign-born residents. From the above analysis, the author makes the general conclusion that naturalization not only constitutes an expansion in the breadth of alternative strategies for survival within the foreigners' host society, but at the same time did not presume full assimilation into French culture; rather allowing them to preserve their identity with the historical and cultural heritage of their native lands.
著者
堀内 淳一
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.119, no.9, pp.1528-1550, 2010-09

The Sima 司馬 Family of Henei-jun 河北郡 (present day Jiaozuo, Henan Province), which formed the imperial lines of the Eastern and Western Jin Dynasties, sought refuge in northern China after its Dynasties fell and distinguished itself as a high ranking member of the Northern Wei Dynasty's bureaucracy. However, the northern aristocrats of Han ethnic descent did not trust refugees from the south, forcing them to live in isolated communities on the periphery of the capital and refusing to intermarry with them or allow the burial of their dead in their homeland. The Simas did take advantage of their imperial heritage to gain appointments to southern border regions, where they could settle their former subjects fleeing the Southern Dynasties; but when the Northern Wei unified northern China in 439, the Simas were shifted to areas on the northern border far from their homeland. Part of the Sima Family's fame stemmed from many leaders of the rebellions staged throughout China at that time assuming the name Sima, resulting in the name having great impact on all classes of society in both the north and south. It was only during the reign of Northern Wei Emperor Xiaowen孝文 (515-528) that rebellions allegedly lead by the Simas went out of style. It was as this same time that the Simas were finally able to construct a. family gravesite in their homeland of Henei-jun. The appointment of Simas in the bureaucracy were no longer limited to the regional administration of the Northern Wei's southern and northern borders, but now spread to all areas throughout the empire, including the grant of an official place of residence there. Intermarriage, which up until that time had been limited to the Northern Wei imperial family and local ethnic peoples, came to include the northern Han aristocratic families. The many marriages that had been arranged with the Yuan imperial family ensured close relations with the Dynasty, even after the Simas' returned to Henei. In other words, the bridging of the alienation that had existed between refugees from the Southern Dynasties and Northern Dynasties Han aristocrats had to wait for the reforms carried out during Xiaowen's reign. It was at that time that the Simas were able to regain their homeland, extend their influence and authority there, as well a begin marrying into northern Han families. The author of this article concludes that during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period, entry into aristocratic society through marriage could not be achieved without a family being able to maintain power and authority in one's homeland.
著者
尾形 洋一
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, no.8, pp.1183-1216, 1281-1280, 1977-08-20

In 1930, revenues of the South Manchuria Railway Company sharply decreased, as a direct result of the World Economic Crisis. In Japan, however, many people attributed it to the "drive out SMR policy" of the Zhang Xue-liang government in collusion with the Nanjing government. And cries of crisis of Manchuria and Mongolia were heard. According to their claim, the Zhang Xue-liang government infringed on Japanese special interests, drafted plans of railway construction encircling SMR and step by step realized these plans ; these railways snatched freight from SMR. They counted the Northeast China Communication Committee as the prime mover of those plans. Then, what was the real situation of the committee? In the Northeast, construction of Chinese railways had been advancing since the beginning of the 1920's. Warlords in each province, launching into soybean transactions, laid the railways but there was little liaison among them. In 1924, in order to unify them and stand against the South Manchuria Railway and the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Communication Committee was organized. Nevertheless warlords who disliked having their vested rights violated ignored the Committee. In 1929, Zhang Xue-liang gave orders to reorganize the Committee after taking control of the Northeast government. Though Zhang and the Committee aimed at railway unification more earnestly, the management of each railway was still left in warlords' hands. Zhang even acquired their consent when he assassinated his political rivals. Not only that, the Committee had to deal with the offensive - demand for administrative rights over the Committee - of Nanjing government that intended to substantiate nominal domination of the Northeast. Under these circumstances, several measures of the Committee to improve railway business, those regarded as a "drive out SMR policy" in Japan, ended in total failure. Chinese railways met the World Panic while they were under poor management and suffered more serious damage than SMR. Economic integration in the Northeast was prerequisite to railway unification by the Committee. Ironically the World Economic Crisis gave the Zhang government a chance to set up a purchasing-transporting office for soybeans. The Zhang government was about to take initial steps in integration depending upon that office, when the Japanese Army picked off its possibilities.