著者
加納 修
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.110, no.3, pp.390-410, 2001-03-20

The fictitious suit (Scheinprozess), that is, court procedure through which a private legal action was confirmed, was held only at the royal tribunal during the period from the late seventh to the early eighth century. In examining this procedure, the author tries to shed light on the role of the royal tribunal in the late Merovingian period. The fictitious suit has been seen as an affirmation of property ownership, or as a means of conveyancing, but it was in reality a confirmation of warranty against eviction (Eviktionshaftung). Therefore it was based on a private legal action following Roman law. Roman private law was practiced until about the middle of the eighth century in the north of the Frankish kingdom called Neustria, but in this region disputes were settled predominantly by unwritten Frankish customs. Although the covenant of warranty against eviction was made on the occasion of conveyance, it had no effect as an objective rule. The use of the fictitious suit by the royal tribunal shows that kingship in the late Merovingian period was trying to cover deficiencies in objective norms. The fictitious suit of the Frankish period could thus be used only at the royal tribunal, and only when and where private legal action was practiced according to Roman law, but disputes were settled by Frankish customs, in Neustria in the late Merovingian period. It is generally acknowledged that the legal life in the Merovingian state is characterized by plurality of law. However, the research has not questioned what role the royal tribunal played in this context. The fictitious suit, which is only one part of the activities of the royal tribunal, shows that Merovingian kingship played an important role as public power, though partially and rudimentarily, whenever and wherever Roman law as the objective norm and Roman administration declined. It also suggests that the royal tribunal was able to cope with juristic situations which varied in different regions.
著者
坂野 正則
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.120, no.10, pp.1697-1722, 2011-10-20

In 1658 Pope Alexander VII appointed four French priests to the position of Vicar Apostolic and sent them to the Canadian and the Asian missions. This was because the Roman Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (hereafter, RCPF) intended to take back the initiative in the world Catholic missionary effort from Spain and Portugal, in order to create a new strategy. On the other hand, the Paris Foreign Missions Society (hereafter, PFMS), which was to realize this new strategy, was organized during the early 1660's by these four Vicars Apostolic, the missionaries who accompanied them and fellow clergies to share their experiences in training. This article analyzes the relationship between the PFMS and William Lesley, a priest and refugee from Scotland residing in Rome, and in particular, considers social and confessinal trends within Europe in the hope that this perspective will help us to understand how the PFMS played a leading role in the new strategy of the RCPF. The article begins with an analysis of the characteristic features of the new strategy and an attempt to clarify the background against which personal ties and ideology were shared between French devotees (Devots) and the RCPF. Secondly, the author sheds light on the cooperation that existed between the PFMS and Lesley, by examining the latter's career and the content of his correspondence with the executives of the PFMS. The article ends with an attempt to observe the reorganization of the new strategy on a European dimension by means of tracing Lesley's vision about missionary organizations. While Lesley made an effort to intermediate between the RCPF and the RFMS, as the author's analysis suggests, he tried to remove the Patronage (Padroado) system practiced by the Spanish and Portuguese in addition to certain aspects of monastic societies closely related to that system. On the other hand, Lesley's status as a Scottish refugee gave his missionary vision a pan European character, and he played a crucial role in the RFMS as an informed outsider. Consequently, there were three factors interacting here: the confessional solidarity of French devotees, the RCPF and the Scottish diaspora. For this reason, the RFMS, while based in France, was able to promote its own activities by means of mobilizing a basically confessional network beyond the particular interests of both states and religious organizations.
著者
平勢 隆郎
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.115, no.3, pp.319-321, 2006-03
著者
秋山 喜代子
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.12, pp.2069-2091, 1994-12-20
被引用文献数
3

This article examins the northern chamber (oku 奥) of the shinden 寝殿 in the early medieval period and found the following facts. The northern chamber (hokumen 北面) of the Palace of the in 院 was used as the office of its retainers (kinshin 近臣) attached to tsunenogosho 常御所, where retainers such as kugyo公卿 and tenjobito 殿上人 usually waited. Jige 地下 were also admitted here. This chamber came to be called johokumen 上北面 when gehokumen 下北面 was formed as the office of samurai 侍, but later was called uchinohokumen 内北面 during the reign of Goshirakawain 後白河院, when the organization of johokumen was established and its office moved to the tenjo 殿上. In tsunenogosho and hokumen, unofficial meetings with the in took place. There the in talked and played with his retainers in a familiar way, inviting low caste entertainers to perform. This character and function of northern chamber was also common to the residences such as the dairi 内裏 and shogun's 将軍 houses. Generally, retainers of the medieval period were people who served their masters at offices in oku. Servants other than kinshin, who served in the front (omote 表) and were not allowed in the oku, were first called gaijin 外人, then tozama 外様 from the later Kamakura era on. Gaijin originally meant "others" or "someone outside the group", but the word became the antonym of kinshin in the later Heian era when tsunenogosho and the office of kinshin were established, from which time on servants came to be classified into kinshin and tozama. This fact might provide a clue to understanding the primitive form of the master-servant relationship in Japan.
著者
湯川 文彦
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.124, no.7, pp.1231-1268, 2015-07-20

This aim of this article is to clarify the purpose and enactment process of the three pieces of legislation (Sanshinpo 三新法) passed in 1878, which comprised the first attempt in modern Japan to institutionally integrate local governance, focusing on the ideas of Matsuda Michiyuki, the policymaker of the Ministry of Interior, who was deeply involved in the enactment of the legislation. The research done to date on this legislation has focused attention on its simultaneous respect for tradition and introduction of innovative institutions, while attempting to link it to the civil unrest threatening the government since 1876 in the form of local peasant uprisings. However, due to a serious dearth of source materials, the purpose of enacting the legislation has yet to be clarified. Here the author turns to the papers of Matsuda Michiyuki in an attempt to shed light on Matsuda's career as a local administrator, during which he formed the ideas that became the basis of the 1878 legislation, and to clarify exactly how those ideas influenced the enactment of the legislation after Matsuda entered the Ministry of Interior. The author's findings are as follows. 1) During his career as a local administrator Matsuda aimed at the establishment of a constitutional government in which the bureaucracy and the people held rights and responsibilities autonomously, in accordance with the vision contained in the founding documents (seitaisho 政体書) of the Meiji Government. Then during his governorship of Shiga Prefecture, Matsuda attempted to articulate the idea of local governance consisting of two proposals for institutional reform-one suited to the status quo and one purely idealistic-based on the organizational principle of national interest and the Western idea of public and private law. 2) After entering the Ministry of Interior, it became clear that such an idea of local governance clashed with that of the Legislative Bureau, forcing Matsuda to bring his idea in line with the Bureau with the help of British legal institutions. 3) While this revised concept did become the government's legislative proposal, its definition of "administration" was seen to suffer from ambiguity. However, since the Bureau wanted the broadest discretion possible regarding "administrative" affairs, such ambiguity could not be resolved, resulting in the new legislation becoming complicated with characteristics of both Matsuda's and the Bureau's ideas.
著者
舩田 善之
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.108, no.9, pp.1593-1618, 1999-09

Up until now, it has often been indicated that under the Yuan Dynasty, the inhabitants were divided into the Meng-gu(蒙古), Se-mu(色目), Han-ren(漢人), and Nan-ren(南人), and that this division was a ranking system. Under this "four class system", the Han-ren and Nan-ren were not free from official or social restraints under Meng-gu and Se-mu, who were the privilege classes. Such has been an accepted theory. "The four class system" is one of the presuppositions about how we interpret these four categories. In this article, the author examines the term, concept and category of "Se-mu". Since he could not find any terms or ideas corresponding to "Se-mu" in the non-Chinese primary sources, he concludes that it was the Chinese who created the term. He then verifies that the category of "Se-mu" was created because it was necessary that Chinese and non-Chinese be divided under the Yuan system. The "Se-mu" consisted of various peoples in terms of ethnicity, culture, or religion. They were permitted to follow ben-su-fa(本俗法); i.e. their own peculiar customs and laws. The fact that such a mixed group of peoples were placed into a single category is the proof that Chinese created this general term for people who did not apply to Han-fa(漢法); i.e. Chinese law. This character of "Se-mu" forces us to reconsider the accepted theory of "the four class system". Also, not a few questions arise about speific cases and institutions that have interpreted on the basis of such a "system". From now on, we should reconsider all kinds of problems: for example, the appointment of officials including ke-ju(科挙), kesik, and yin-xu(蔭叙); the taxation system; the system of family and registration; the legal system including yue-hui(約会); and the consciousness or identity of each people living under Yuan Dynasty.
著者
毛利 晶
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.8, pp.p1404-1416, 1990-08

Im Jahre 7v. Chr. fuhrte Augustus Reformen durch, die die Verwaltung Roms und den dortigen Compitalkult betrafen. Durch diese Reformen wurde die Stadt in 14 regiones und in 265 vici eingeteilt, und jedem vicus ein Kollegium von vier vicomagistri vorangestellt. Die Tatigkeiten der vicomagistri, die jahrlich aus den Bewohnern jedes vicus erwahlt wurden, sind uns hauptsachlich durch archaologische Funde und Inschriften uberliefert. Die erst genannte Quellengattung, die vor allem aus Altaren besteht, steht uns dank der kurzlich veroffentlichten Untersuchung von M. Hano zur Verfugung. Auch die epigraphischen Quellen sind schon in Lexika und Handbuchern gesammelt, wobei aber nicht auf Vollstandigkeit gezielt wurde. AuBerdem haben wir jetzt einige neue Inschriften, die dort noch nicht bearbeitet Werden konnten. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird zuerst versucht, eine moglichst vollstandige Liste der einschlagigen inschriftlichen Quellen aufzustellen, dann werden die Inschriften nach den Gattungen sortiert und schlieBlich werden sie auf die Fragen nach dem Wesen des Vicomagistrats und dem sozialen Stand der vicomagistri wie der ex-vicomagistri hin verarbeitet. Auch wenn viele Argumente schon allgemein bekannt sind, kann diese Arbeit dennoch einige neue Hinweise geben.