著者

八谷 舞

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.1, 2011-01-20

著者

鈴木 真

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.1, pp.1-35, 2011-01-20

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This article takes up the issue of imperial succession during the Qing Dynasty's Kangxi Era (1662-1722), in an attempt to clarify 1) why the selection of the crown prince was executed by the reigning Emperor Kangxi according to the custom of earlier Chinese dynasties, rather than through the consensus of powerful leaders based on the Qing tradition and 2) why Eighth Prince Yin Si gained popularity within the court after the disinheritance of the crown prince, Second Prince Yin Reng. The discussion will hopefully better elucidate the power structure within the imperial court during this period. The author takes up a theme that has been largely ignored in the research to date; that is, an analysis of Prince An of the imperial family's Plain Blue Banner, which shows that Prince An 1) was one of the most powerful leaders of the Banner with leading clans serving under him, 2) enjoyed strong influence at court, which was made possible in part by the formation of marital ties with the Mongol royal family, the family of the grand empress dowager, and 3) also formed a marital relationship with the Heseri clan, the maternal clan of the crown prince, and, thus supported Yin Reng together with the vassals of the royal banner family for several decades. The alliance formed between Prince An and the Heseri clan may appear at a glance to have enabled selection of the crown prince as in the earlier Chinese dynasties ; however, in reality the act amounted to none other than installation based on the consensus of the era's powerful leaders. As the An-Heseri alliance weakened, however, the status of Crown Prince Yin Reng also wavered. The popularity won by the Eighth Prince Yin Si, whose mother was of low status, after the disinheritance of the crown prince stemmed from the marital relationship formed between Yin Si and Prince An. The "rejection" of the Manchurian custom of consensus in the selection of the crown prince during the Kangxi Era has been seen as a display of the kind of respect afforded to Emperor Kangxi and to the Chinese imperial institution. However, in actuality, there was no substantive change whatsoever from the practices adopted during the early years of the Qing Dynasty. That is to say, the crown prince of the Kangxi Era was supported by imperial authority, but also was selected through the support of the powerful banner princes and clans, like his Qing Dynasty predecessors. Their speculations and interests continued to exert strong influence on the successor to the emperor. The author concludes that the power structure of the early Qing Dynasty therefore essentially survived up to the end of the Kangxi Era.

著者

池田 勇太

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.6, pp.1144-1180, 2009-06-20

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This article offers an hypothesis for analyzing the process by which the ideas held by civil affairs bureaucrat Kinoshita Sukeyuki (1825-1899) about local parliamentary government were formed during the early Meiji Period. In the reforms aimed at how to govern the new nation emerging during the Restoration era, Confucian ideas were employed in an attempt to make a transition to direct rule over the people via state power and authority. However, with the replacement of feudal domains (han 藩) with prefectures and the dismantling of the feudal ownership system, the old framework for civil governance collapsed, and an increase in personal freedom occurred within a mood of autonomy and liberty, to a degree beyond anyone's initial expectations. In light of such a new situation, there were those, including Confucian intellectuals, who called for the introduction of publicly elected local assemblies. It was Kinoshita Sukeyuki who offered a plan to reorganize the villages of Karatsu Domain after the transition to direct han civil governance, based on the edification of the common people and their employment in local affairs of governance. Kinoshita, who would later propose a village system incorporating a deliberative body, which he initially thought would exclude the lower classes from the electorate, was forced by widespread popular uprisings opposed to the Restoration government measures to propose that peasant representatives (hyakushodai 百姓代) be made assembly members and that the lower class villagers (komae 小前) be included, in order to eliminate the legitimacy of other rebel groups. He came to think that 1) prefectural and national assemblies should first be indirectly elected from city ward and village assemblies and 2) edification policy should be fitted to the level of social mores by raising public sentiment. In the background to this was the assumption of an unstable structure facilitating popular rebellion, due to the sudden disappearance of feudal ownership and the rapid expansion of individual freedom within the underdevelopment of a governance system to replace feudalism. For that reason it was necessary for early Meiji civil government to smooth relations between upper and lower classes, and Kinoshita thought the answer lay in publicly elected popular assemblies. In the face of such new conditions, Kinoshita himself went through a transition from a Confucian view of civil government paternally protecting the people to raising issues about how to empower a fully matured nation. This is the chaotic background on which issues about political participation by the people were formed during the early Meiji Period.

著者

神田 千里

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.11, pp.1654-1672, 1745-1744, 1981-11-20

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Why was the cult of ikko (一向宗) regarded by the ruling classes of the Sengoku period as a dangerous one related to rebellions? The purpose of this note is to throw some light upon this problem, which, despite the enormous accumulation of research on the cult, has not yet been sufficiently thought out. As the material for the study, the outbreak of ikko-ikki in Kaga Province (加賀国) in 1474 was chosen. To begin with, one can point out the following two features about this uprising: 1)it was a religious insurrection led by the Honganji-monto (本願寺門徒), the followers of the temple Honganji, in the province of Kaga, and was carried out under the slogan to overthrow the enemies of Buddhism; 2)it produced Honganji-monto organizations, called gun (郡), that dominated counties throughout the province. These are the facts which convinced the author of necessity to consider the religious sentiments of the Honganji-monto of Kaga. Former studies have stated that the ikko cult was merely another name and therefore identical to jodoshinshu (浄土真宗), or the pure land sect, of which Honganji was the head temple. These studies also state that ikko cult adherents, with the exception of some so-called "heretics," were jodoshinshu, believers. However, from the fact that the thought and behavior of these very "heretics" were not only in accord with the outlook of the ikko cult current at the time but also identical to the thought and behavior of the rebels in Kaga, the author concludes that the ikko cult must be thought of as being different from the jodoshinshu sect, and that the Honganji-monto of Kaga professed themselves to be believers not in the latter sect, but in the former, which was truly a rebellious cult. So far as can be judged from available sources, ikko cult missionaries included lower class priests, pilgrim ascetics (山伏) and sorcerers (陰陽師), all of whom, despite their "heretical" acts, were considered by Rennyo (蓮如), the chief priest of Honganji, to be ideological disciples of Shinran (親鸞), who formulated the pure land thought.

著者

仲松 優子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.12, pp.2001-2033, 2012-12-20

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The purpose of this article is to consider the provincial governance of the French monarchy during the second half of the 18th century by analyzing the procedures of the circuit of the Parlement of Toulouse within its jurisdiction in the aftermath of the Revolte des Masques Armes at Languedoc in 1783. A lot of the former research on provincial administration in the eighteenth century argued that governance had been centralized around the monarchy via the appointments of royal agents (intendants) throughout the realm. However, there are recent studies that have reexamined the functions of these intendants, attracting interest to how the local powers took part in the monarchy's system of provincial governance. The present article focuses on the administrative roles of the Parlement, which is seen not only as representing the provinces, but also existing as a rival to the king. It attempts to analyze the way in which local powers, including the Parlement, supported the provincial rule exercised by the monarchy. Based on this analysis, the author shows that the Parlement's mission was by no means limited to solving the problems caused by the Revolte. It was of course expected by the monarchy and local powers to pacify the local order in the area influenced by the Revolte, but it was also expected to solve the everyday conflicts that arose among the inhabitants throughout its jurisdiction. Though much of the conventional research has emphasized a confrontational relationship between the Parlement and the monarchy, on the eve of the French Revolution of 1789, the Parlement contributed to the king's reign over the provinces by rebuilding the local order after the Revolte, and the king depended on the power and authority of the Parlement as the linchpin of provincial governance. That being said, it is also clear that the Parlement's administrative capabilities in eastern Languedoc, which was the center of the Revolte and far from Toulouse, definitely had their limits. The Circuit of Parlement developed by the power of Provincial Estats and its network of communities. Furthermore, the commandant en chef, who functioned as the king's agent and also as the intendant, not only intermediated between the king and the local powers, but also helped to connect the local powers with each other during it mission, thus making the governance of Languedoc by the monarchy more effective. In sum, we can identify a degree of collaboration between the king and the local powers in the area of provincial governance during the second half of the 18th century.

著者

齋藤 瑞枝

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.12, 1999-12-20

著者

後藤 はる美

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.10, pp.1685-1720, 2012-10-20

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Catholicism, as "recusancy", became a crime prosecutable in the secular courts of early modern England after the introduction of the "recusant penal laws" during the 1580s. Recusancy, however, remained one of the least effectively prosecuted crimes throughout the seventeenth century. This was especially true in the north of England, remote from the centre and close to the northern border. The present case study concentrates on a lawsuit brought before the Star Chamber in London which was fought between groups of leading magistrates of the East Riding of Yorkshire. The case stemmed from a conflict that arouse among local justices over a much-disputed recusant prosecution at the quarter session at Pocklington (Yorkshire) in January 1615. The conflict flared up against a backdrop of heightened rivalries among leading Yorkshire gentry, which were reinforced by religious antagonism. The conflicting reactions of magisterial factions on recusant proceedings caused various interactions and subtle negotiations among the justices and between them and the grand jury, which played a crucial role in indicting recusants. The interplay among those involved, reconstructed from the interrogatories, depositions and witnesses, highlights several problems that existed in enforcing the recusant penal laws in the north of England. It also illuminates different stances adopted by individual justices and the grand jury and their influences at different points in the legal process. Furthermore, the allegations of litigants and their alleged conduct both testify to how they justified themselves at the two courts in question, one in the centre (the Star Chamber) and the other in the locality (the quarter session at Pocklington). By reconstructing process of recusant prosecution, the author describes the negotiations that took place among the conflicting justices and the grand jury, each of them acting according to the rules of law and locality. The two courts bacame strong magnetic fields to which were drawn intersecting polemics of Catholic/Protestant, old/new, and the justices/the grand jury dichotomies. It was a process in which people fought, achieved and maintained order in their locality, thus determining the practices regarding recusancy and its prosecution in the North. Furthermore, participation of individual subjects in this judicial process itself worked as an important opportunity for forging how order in the kingdom would be constituted.

著者

後藤 敦子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.7, pp.1333-1334, 2012-07-20

著者

ピジョー ジョーン 後藤 篤子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.1128-1141, 1989-06-20

著者

赤江 雄一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, 2005-12-20

著者

大津 透

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.3, pp.387-395, 1999-03-20

著者

久留島 浩

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.8, pp.1346-1378, 1419-1420, 1986-08-20

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In the early part of the modern period those in power legitimized their authority in the consciousness of the people by forcing on them various patterns of etiquette and ceremony. In the same way in Early Modern Japan the bakufu and han authorities succeeded in securing its everyday management of the populace through the enforcing of many forms of etiquette and ceremony. For example, when the shogun or a daimyo travelled in procession the people living along the route used were required to perform many highly formalized and troublesome duties. By performing such duties as greeting and viewing the procession according to the rules of formality and performing ritualized services for the procession, the people were compelled to feel and experience the authority of the shogun and those in power. This paper investigates the historical significance of some of the ceremonial duties which were imposed on the people who lived along the roads whenever a shogun or daimyo procession passed. These formalities were the making of small conical piles of white sand in front of each house on either side of the road (morisuna), spreading white sand on the road (makisuna), and the placing of brooms and buckets in front of each house. These activities were part of the etiquette of road cleaning and purification, and as such were part of the broader formalities of "hospitality" (Chiso) due to the shogun or daimyo along the road. The placing of brooms, buckets and piles of white sand before each home, as well as the spreading cf white sand on the road, symbolized the completion of sweeping the road, spreading water to hold down the dust, and spreading sand which had to be done before any shogun, daimyo or their officially approved processions. In modern Japanese the meaning of the word Chiso is largely limited to providing food and drink ; however, in the Early Modern Period Chiso, which the people did for the authorities, included this road cleaning and purification, fixing up the houses on the street, repairing roads and bridges, greeting the procession as it passed and sending it off, together with all the formalities regulated down to the smallest and most trivial details. To show concretely the relationship between the people and the authorities in Early Modern Japan it is neccessary to clarify the enforced forms of etiquette and ceremony of Chiso.

著者

井原 今朝男

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.11, pp.1928-1929, 1990-11-20

著者

高橋 慎一朗

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.6, pp.1077-1113, 1234, 1992-06-20

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This paper is a case study describing the local lineages of the Jiang 江 village, She 歙 xian during the Ming and Qing periods. The points are following below. The Jiang lineages gained the advantage in this district socially and economically, and the people believed that the lineage's destiny was under the influence of geomancy, feng-shui 風水. From this point of view, the Jiang lineages and others tried to conserve the environment of the mountainous region against the move by the foreign settlers to develop minerals and commercial agriculture, on a backdrop of opposition arising due to continuing stratification among the lineage members. The festival organization called she-hui 社会, shen-hui 神会, si-nui 祀会, etc. was founded on a sublineage basis, including slaves, zhong-po 庄僕, in the Jiang village and Qing-yuan 慶源 village Wu-yuan 〓源. But the sublineages were not equal one another and the qualification to participate in the festival was limited according to social and economical differences. It's well known that the areas were the hometowns of Hui-Chou (Hsin-an) merchants. Segments of the Jiang lineages extended their business activities to the cities in Jiangnan, especially Yang-zhou 揚州, which was famous as a salt merchant center. But local lineages were not formed in Yang-zhou, rather the merchant segments based their relationships on the original lineages. This presented a precarious position for outside merchants. The connection with the hometown was a sort of insurance against the natural features of the region which would protect them and their descendants.

著者

前田 亮介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.1, pp.115-116, 2012-01-20

著者

犬飼 智

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.11, pp.1907-1925, 2001-2000, 1991-11-20

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Insei 院政 politics, domnation by the retired emperor In 院 was actually established during the latter part of Shirakawa-In 白河院 retirement after Emperor Toba 鳥羽天皇, grandson of Shirakawa, ascended to the throne in 1107. After that, benkan and shikiji 弁官・職事, the imperial secretaries, began reporting to the In, and imperial decrees (senji 宣旨) began to be promulugated according to the emperor's (tenno 天皇) will, but by the In's direction. When Fujiwara-no-Tsunefusa 藤原経房, whose diary is called the Kitsuki (吉記) was benkan, he went to Goshirakawa-In's chancellery (Goshirakawa-In-no-cho 後白河院庁) almost everday. But in the entry of the Kitsuki dated 1183/7/9 (寿永二年七月九日), we are told that the special court of justice called Inchusata was held at Goshirakawa-In-no-cho, and that all the judges of the Inchusata except himself and Minamoto-no-Masayori 源雅頼, who also sevred as benkan, were Goshirakawa's private advisers. Tsunefusa felt highly honored in being called to this Inchusata. Same of the cases appearing before this Inshusata were cases pending in the regular court handled by benkan and shikiji. From these facts, the author concludes that Inshusata was operated by the In's private advisers apart from the regular court and that the origin of Inchusata was the custom of petitions filed through the In's private advisers were permitted to be reviewed by the In without trial. Then why were non-political officials like Tsunefusa called to this Inchusata on 9/7/1183? About that time, the rebel army under Minamoto-no-Yoshinaka 源義仲 was approaching the capital. In June, Goshirakawa-In consurted with various aristocrats about counter-measures against the enemy. Fujiwara-no-Kanezane 藤原兼実, the Udaijin 右大臣, the third highest seat of the imperial cabinet, and not on intimate terms with Goshirakawa-In proposed a political reform called Tokusei 徳政. He emphasized that fair judgement in political affairs would make temples, shrines and others entities confide in the government. The author concludes that Goshirakawa-In assented to Kanezane's proposal and invited non-political officials to the Inchusata on 9/7/1183. Kanezane's idea was derived from Shinzei's 信西 reform, which was executed from 1156 to 1159 and exerted influence on political reform in Kamakura 鎌倉 period.

著者

安藤 潤一郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.8, pp.46-71, 141-140, 2002-08-20

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During the mid-19^<th> century, a chain of large-scale Muslim uprisings broke out in northwest and southwest regions of Qing Empire, simultaneously with the Taiping Rebellion and other violent disturbances. These uprisings are quite important to consider when one is to studying ethnic problems, nationalism, and geopolitics in modern East Asia from the cases of china's Muslim minorities. This article focuses on, among them, the Yunnan Muslim Uprising (雲南回民起義) especially on its earliest stages, in which serious conflicts between Han-Chinese (漢人) and Muslim residents (回民) took place in the western part of Yunnan laying the foundation for a widespread uprising, and examines concretely how these conflicts were generated and what made them structural. The conclusions reached are: 1. The conflicts became tangible action at the beginning of 19^<th> century, as the huge tide of immigration to this area brought about a rapid increase of population and intense competition among the people. However, at first, the rift between Han-chinese and Muslims was only a part of various fissures within the local society, and neither "Han" nor "Muslim" was a unified socio-ethnic collectivity. "Han" was usually divided into several ethnic categories, mostly based on birthplaces, and Muslim also consisted of divers segments. 2. However, it may be assumed that the "Muslim" category defined by Islamic faith, practices, and customs was perceived more strongly than other types of social fissures. Moreover, the socio-economic advantages enjoyed by Yunnan 'Muslims as the earliest immigrants and their widespread networks formed by a myriad of mosques (清真寺) attracted many Muslim newcomers to concentrate, providing them with a basis for mutual aid, security, and social opportunity. 3. On the other hand, the weakness of the local administrations and the extremely competitive nature of the immigrant society gave rise to secret societies bound by pledges of brotherhood (焼香結盟) as a system of mutual aid and security deep-rooted in local society, which drew people beyond preceding various social divisions. Such collectivities were quite similar to their Muslim counterparts mentioned above, and it could be said that they were different manifestations of the same group-forming motivation. 4. Therefore, the two types of collectivities came into intense conflict as they grew larger and stronger. Also, the reinforcement of the religious elements in each of them remarkably delineated and essentialized the "Muslim" category. Thus, seeds of Han / Muslim conflict were widely disseminated in local society, and consequently, entering into this dichotomous structure of conflict became an option in seeking self-interest ; then, divers forms of discord came to be reinterpreted upon this strcture.

著者

岡安 勇

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.9, pp.1421-1452, 1565-1566, 1983-09-20

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In this paper I studied the seat-orders in the records of ancient China and then thought about the meaning of the emperor's facing west. Finally I came to a conclusion as follows. 1.The seat facing south or north between the sovereign and his subject (in this occasion the sovereign usually takes north seats) is a symbol of absolute relation of domination-obedience. No one but the sovereign can hardly take a seat facing south. Therefore, when the someone takes a seat facing south, it means that there is a relation of the ruler and the ruled among the present company at the meeting. 2.At the private meeting, there exists fundamentally different seat-order, that is, facing east and west. The meaning is clearly different from the above one. This occurs between host and guest, among families or teacher and pupil. The seats facing west are for hosts, the youngers, and pupils, who are inferior in the company. Then, the seats facing east are for guests, the olders and teachers, who stand higher. In the case of taking all-side seats, the order stands from facing east, south, north, and west. 3.Through understanding the difference between facing south or north and facing east or west, I thought over the emperor's power during and after the Han dynasty. Thus, I could find that the emperor, who is thought to give priority to the relation of domination-obedience in every respect, in fact, did not always take the seat facing south. When he was with the empress dowager 皇太后, the Supreme Lords 上公 (the grand tutor 太師・the senior tutor 太傅・the junior tutor 太保), the San-lao 三老 or the Wu-keng 五更 (titles given to elders who were honored by the emperor), he did not seat facing south. i)The empress dowager was never treated as a subject, not only at a private meeting but also at an official meeting (at least in 'Lin-chao-cheng-chih' 「臨朝称制」), and she could meet the emperor, sitting facing east. ii)The Supreme Lords, the council of the emperor, were in the post of Pu-chen-chin-li 不臣之礼 in the Later Han Dynasty. iii)The San-lao and the Wu-keng were treated with respect, given seats facing east or south, for the emperor had to teach people the order of the young and the old by Yang-lao-li 養老礼. When there was a strong relation of teacher and pupil, the San-Lao took a seat facing south, while the emperor took a seat facing north as a pupil. In this way, while the emperor was ruling he took a seat facing south as a symbol of power, and when he treated some subjects with respect, he took a lower-rank seat for himself. So, in such a case there was no domination-obedience relation between the emperor and his subjects. In other words, it is understood that the emperor recognized them as 'not subject' 「不臣」. The supreme Lords, the San-lao, and the Wu-keng were not the rank which threatened the emperor's position, but by making such a system, the dynasty seems to have dealt successfully with both domestic and foreign policy without falling into logical dilemma, which happened in following crises ; the change of dynasties, the invasion of different neighbour races and so on.

著者

森本 芳樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.3, pp.355-357, 1998-03-20

著者

中野 隆生

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.512-513, 1987-04-20