著者
本田 由紀 堤 孝晃
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.3, pp.23-33, 2014-04-30

Since the 1970s, Japan's high-school system has been characterized by a lack of institutional diversity, or in other words by an oversupply of general studies programs and undersupply of vocational programs. This paper reexamines the social context of the 1970s policy shift and proposes an alternative to the dominant view that the striking decline of high-school vocational courses in the 1970s and '80s was the inevitable result of their dysfunctions. In the 1960s, Japan's educational policy-makers pursued the institutional diversification of high schools in response both to the high demand for trained manpower in developing industries and to the increase in the proportion of students advancing to high school. Around 1970, however, educational policy made an about-face, depreciating vocational programs and promoting the flexible and individualized approach of general coursework. One possible explanation for this abrupt change in policy is that just when the Japanese government was facing serious financial challenges following the oil shock in 1973, it was also confronted with the need to establish more and more high schools, especially in metropolitan areas which had seen significant population increases during the high-growth years of the '60s. The only way to reconcile these conflicting circumstances was to establish general studies programs, the construction and operation of which were far cheaper than those of vocational courses. Another possible factor was the demand for general-studies high schools by members of the upper and middle classes, including government officials, teachers and academics, who most highly valued the path to university and white-collar careers. These factors together served to counteract and overwhelm the demand for vocational education that persisted from small and medium-size enterprises and from families that expected their children to take stable jobs after graduating high school. The result was the establishment of vertical diversification among schools and among students within general courses and the steady decline of the relevance of high-school education to occupational training. This study suggests the need for a thorough reconsideration of Japan's high-school policies, both past and present.
著者
中島 俊克
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.28, no.3, pp.38-55, 1986-04-20

French machine building industry, which started its modernisation in 1820s, came to maturity about 1860. Large-scale factories, engaged chiefly in the building of locomotives, grew up on the outskirts of the city of Paris. But these factories looked for skilled workers in the East End (around the Saint-Martin Canal) where small machine shops swarmed. The mechanisation of Parisian industries, especially that of the fabrication of articles de Paris, had activated these shops. Skilled workers, most of which were potential shop owners, dominated the work of machine building even in large factories, and the skill ef these workers ensured the high quality of French machines. The Great Depression deprived French machine builders of its foreign market, and the crisis of 1882 forced them definitively to reorganise their activities. (Technical progress, notably the diffusion of universal milling machines, transformed the character of the work of machine making. In this aspect, the United States and Germany went far ahead of France.) Some large factories, forsaken by railway companies, quit Paris to find a greater market in Northern region; others turned into a trade which had little or no connection with mechanical engineering. Small shops, damaged by the decline of articles de Paris industry, subsisted by the fabrication of new products, bicycles for example. The recovery of world economy from the mid-1890s encouraged the renascence of French machine making. The building of steam engines and of machines for verious industries revived. But this time the chief stimulus came from the automobile industry. Many machine makers entered for themselves into this new domain, or found a large market in automobile firms. Small shops, after the concentration of bicycle fabrication, reorganised themselves to realise the mass production of automobile parts. In the East End, very small-scale machine shops specialised in this field grew rapidly like so mony mushrooms. They enjoyed the benefits of technical inventions-coal gas engine, machine-tools for small works etc. Only the combination of these new technics and the traditional skill of machine making, which was fading away even in the East End, could meet the large demand of automobile parts in the early years of the 20th century.
著者
平沢 照雄
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.1, pp.1-14, 2007-10-30

This paper analyzes the case of the Electric Lamp Glass Industry to discuss the development of Japan's economic control over medium and small companies, the industrial cooperation movement in the 1930s, and the relationship that existed between the two. I focus specifically on the official recognition accredited to the labor union, Kanto Electric Lamp Glass Industry Labor Union (KELGILU) by the trade association, Tokyo Electric Lamp Bulb Association (TELBA), and the labor agreement between them. I find that (1) TELBA acted negatively toward the official recognition of KELGILU when the union was initially established; and that (2) TELBA authorized KELGILU and entered into a labor agreement after handling the problem of the sales of surplus products to outside customers by Tokyo Electric Corporation and dealing with the labor dispute at Marusa Factory. I also find that the Industrial Cooperation Committee (ICC) was established as the management-labor consulting organization; and that the industrial cooperation movement developed after the signing of the labor agreement. Most importantly, I highlight the following: First, the mutual aid system, which consisted of sick pay, life insurance, and retirement allowance, was established through the activities of ICC. Second, standard wages common to all factories were established. Under this new system, factories that offered wages lower than the standard were obliged to raise wages, and attempts were made to improve working conditions on an industry-wide basis. Third, the sales-price control that TELBA attempted to implement at the time was not fully adhered to by the industry. ICC, therefore, pursued the application of price control via suspension of the supply of KELGILU workers to those factories that violated the control. Similarly, ICC systematically applied the labor supply suspension against factories that did not cooperate with the establishment of the above-mentioned mutual aid system and the adoption of the standard wages. I conclude that the economic control and industrial cooperation movement developed in complement as a way to bring about both stabilization of business administration and improvement of working conditions in the Electric Lamp Glass Industry.
著者
小堀 聡
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.3, pp.48-64, 2007-04-30

The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the efforts of energy-saving developed in interwar Japan, in particular focusing on the nensho shido (technical guidance for fuel burning),which encouraged improvements in factories' fuel-burning technologies. From the end of the 1910's, against a background of not only rising coal prices but also a consciousness of the limits of domestic coal reserves, the Fuel Research Laboratory of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce was established and engineers and researchers interested in combustion engineering organized a group called the Fuel Society of Japan. In the second half of the 1920's, activities promoting fuel economy were implemented in several prefectures among which Osaka prefecture proved most aggressive in Japan. The Osaka Prefectural Institute for Industrial Management (OPIIM) established its nensho shido division in 1929 and provided guidance to local factories in saving fuel. OPIIM guidance focused on the methods in which the factory boiler workers burned fuel, rather than building new facilities or refitting older facilities for burning fuel. Furthermore, because OPIIM thought that in order to improve the manner of burning it was necessary for boiler workers to acquire higher levels of skill, Osaka prefecture established a qualification for boiler workers and OPIIM opened a training school for them. Osaka prefecture's development of nensho shido was considered an industrial rationalization, and therefore was imitated by several municipalities and regional organizations for industrial management. Furthermore, the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which had become more interested in fuel economy from the beginning of the 1930's, started nensho shido in 1938 as the Sino-Japanese war exacerbated the tight coal supply situation. It was technicians from Osaka being posted to or sometimes visiting the other regions that promoted the spread of nensho shido. During the interwar era, nensho shido was immature because the scope of guidance was limited to burning with a boiler. However, the groups of combustion engineering technicians formed during the interwar era would later lead the development of energy-saving technology in wartime and postwar Japan. Since the interwar era, against the background of limited domestic resources, Japanese industrial rationalization has made a point of reducing production costs rather than acquiring merits of scale.
著者
須藤 功
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.1, pp.1-15, 1984-10-20

This study deals with the development of the Chicago Money Market from 1863 to 1894. The main goal of this study has been to determine Chicago's financial position, which has often been disregarded, and to understand the American banking structure in this period. To do so, we began by analyzing the correspondent banking system, which became general under the National Banking System (1863). The system of correspondent banking was reinforced by interbank borrowing (or loan) and by the commercial paper market resulting in the establishment of a national money market with New York as its center. New York banks acted as mediator of the internal and international flow of funds. Next we examined Chicago's position in the American money market. By the 1890's, after it became established its pre-eminence as a commercial, agricultural and manufacturing center, Chicago became the major financial fulcrum of the Midwest; second only to the New York money market. With its industrial base, the position of Chicago as a money market was different to New York. While Chicago bankers had acquired, like New York bankers, the accounts of numerous country banks, they could not help but lend these funds to the Midwestern industries because New York monopolized the security market and because business in the Midwest made increasingly larger demands for credit. In the process of the formation of big business and the development of agriculture in the Midwest and in the West, therefore, bankers in Chicago forecast the rise of their city to surpass New York as the top-ranking American financial center. These competitive relations between Chicago and New York became even keener with the intended reform to the financial structure after the panic of 1893. Directly after the panic, the Midwestern city bankers organized a plan for a new currency based upon a bank's general assets. It was called the "Baltimore Plan" (1894), and it met with strong opposition from Eastern bankers, and was never passed into law. Though the powerful New York bankers were aware of the dangers in the existing banking system, their first thought was to protect their pre-dominance, and they rejected the reform. Subsequently, and ironically, many country bankers joined "Wall Street" because they feared Chicago banks would dominate them. It is the formation and breakdown of the Baltimore Plan that we consider as epitomizing the American banking structure in the late-nineteenth century. Following the collapse of the Plan, the movement for financial refom formalize the conflict among New York, Chicago and other country bankers, and finally the Federal Reserve System, the American central banking system, is established.
著者
原 朗
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.3, pp.1-3, 1996-04-20

This paper briefly summarizes the purpose of this symposium as an opening address by the conference organizer. Based on a general review of the history of reserch activities in the past fifty years, detailed analysis of three points are proposed as a matter for furthur research. Each of these three points is discussed by other three papers. The first thing to be considered is the systematic mobilization of munitions industries especially in the last stage of the war, then the reaction of private enterprises to the governmental control, finally the mobilization and social integration of the peasantry and small traders.
著者
工藤 秀明
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)
巻号頁・発行日
pp.144-153, 1999-09-30

It was around 1970 when the environmental problem became an object of public concern. Since then, many economists have tried to apply their principles to the problem and "environmental economics" has become a new field of economics. But the problem has become serious and now "the global environmental problems" are threatening the global ecology with destruction. We should ask whether economics has appropriate conceptual system to understand the relationship between nature and human beings, and to create a new economic paradigm. It seems that in Marxian Economics we need to reexamine the whole work of Karl Marx from the newer point of view, and to reorganize the system of "Critique of Political Economy" in order to be able to solve the contemporary environmental problem fundamentally.