著者

吉田 宗男

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.213-215, 1998

著者

山崎 龍明

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.723-730, 1998

著者

小林 正博

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.129-133, 2009-12-20 (Released:2017-09-01)

著者

金 炳坤

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.321-315, 2019

---

<p>The <i>Pŏphwa kyŏng chiphŏmki</i> 法華経集験記 (Jpn. <i>Hokekyō Shūgenki</i>), thought to have been completed in 718 AD, was first reported by Shōjirō Ōta to exist in Japan in 1958.</p><p>However, because in this manuscript the name of the author was written only using the character Zyaku 寂, the theory was that it was written by Yiji 義寂 (919–987) from China, who was active during the period of the Song Dynasty.</p><p>In 1980, Ōta argued that the author of the manuscript was Ŭijŏk 義寂 (7th to 8th century), who was active in Silla during the Tang dynasty, but the evidence for his theory is inadequate.</p><p>In this paper I prove that Ŭijŏk of Silla was a disciple of Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664), and because the influence of the disciples of Xuanzang can be seen in the preface to this manuscript, the author of the manuscript is Ŭijŏk of Silla.</p><p>In addition, because there are discrepancies between the records in Buddhist catalogs and the manuscript of this book, it will be clarified that this manuscript is not the original <i>Pŏphwa hŏmki</i> 法華験記 written by Ŭijŏk of Silla, but an abbreviated version of it.</p>

著者

杉木 恒彦

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.3, pp.1169-1175, 2020-03-25 (Released:2020-09-10)

参考文献数

15

被引用文献数

1

---

インド古典では広く,刑罰は王権の主要な機能であり,その創造の理由でもあるとされた.インド仏教においても同様である.だが死刑や身体をひどく損傷させる重度の身体刑は,不殺生の戒めとの関係が問題になる.本稿は,Kūṭadantasutta,Milindapañha,ナーガールジュナ作Ratnāvalī,Satyakaparivarta,チャンドラキールティ作Catuḥśatakaṭīkāを主題材に,インド仏教における刑罰観の一側面を明らかにする.インド仏教の刑罰論は,不殺生に加え,刑罰の目的と効果,王と受刑者の業の状態,刑を執行する際の王と受刑者の心理状態をめぐる論点を含んでいる.上記文献が説く刑罰観を大きく3つに分類することができる.(1)王は死刑を含む刑罰を執行できる.死刑は受刑者自身の業の報いとして生じる.ここでは刑を執行する王の業の問題は議論されない.(2)王は死刑と重度の身体刑を除く刑を執行できる.死刑などの重刑は殺生に相当するため,王に悪業の問題が生じる.加えて,大乗文献には,刑罰は罪人の矯正を目的として憐れみをもって行うべきとする見解がある.それらの文献では,この観点からも死刑などの重刑が禁止されている.(3)刑の執行は,もし問題の解決に至らないのであれば,必須ではない.

著者

坂内 龍雄

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.1, pp.361-364, 1977

著者

井上 綾瀬

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.3, pp.1045-1049, 2018-03-25 (Released:2019-01-25)

参考文献数

6

---

塩は比丘の健康維持のために生涯,持ち歩き摂取することが許可されていた薬(人形寿薬)の一種である.塩は動物の生命維持に必要不可欠であり比丘の生活に密着していた.インドで使用されている塩の種類は,律文献やアーユルヴェーダ文献における塩についての記述の用例から判断して古い時代より今日まで大きな変化はみられない.パキスタンのソルトレンジから採掘される無色透明から白色,ピンク色の岩塩が文献中でsindhuと呼ばれる塩で岩塩のなかでも価格が高く,黄色の岩塩はnādeya,硫黄臭がする黒い岩塩はsauvarcalaと呼ばれる.また,romakaはサンバル塩湖から完全天日製塩される塩である.律文献における用例より,比丘たちが使用していた塩は,岩塩・塩湖塩・海塩sāmudra(-ka)が中心であったことがわかる.塩の色や形状をめぐってその使用有無を限定する条文は律文献中になく,比丘は「塩」であれば,どのような塩でも使えた.“lavaṇa”という語は「塩全般,もしくは,塩味の物質」を示し,岩塩や塩湖塩,海塩,塩味の灰を含んでおり,漢訳語の「塩・鹽」がこれに通じる.基本的には,岩塩や塩湖塩,海塩が「塩」に相当するが,場合によっては「塩味の灰」も塩と見なされる.しかし,これら岩塩などの塩も塩味の灰もあくまでも食事とは区別されていた.

著者

井上 綾瀬

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.1064-1059, 2020-03-20 (Released:2020-09-10)

---

In this paper, basing myself upon the descriptions of the Vinayas and the historical distribution channels of spices, the pungent taste of India before the introduction of chili is explored. In the case of udara-vāta-ābādha (pain caused by the wind dosa in the belly), eating tekaṭulā-yāgu (gruel made of three pungent ingredients) is relatively common in the Vinayas. The ingredients of tekaṭulā-yāgu are pepper, Indian long pepper, and ginger. yāgu was cooked from cereals such as rice, sesame and beans. In addition, yāva-jīvika includes pepper, Indian long pepper, and ginger, which is common to the Vinayas. In modern India, clove and cumin are used as curry ingredients as one of the pungent tastes, but they do not fall under the Vinayas.

著者

佐々木 閑

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.456-450, 2019-12-20 (Released:2020-09-10)

参考文献数

9

---

The author has confirmed the validity of the claim that a monk is required to acknowledge his offense before he can be subject to any form of punitive legal action, focusing on the aniyata section, the third section in the Pātimokkha/Vibhaṅga of the vinaya. As a result of an investigation of sikkhāpada and vibhaṅga of the first aniyata section and the meaning of the tassapāpiyyasikā procedure which appears in the vibhaṅga of the rule, the following facts have come to light.1. The first sikkhāpada of the aniyata section of all of five vinayas except the Mahīśāsaka vinaya, a reduced version, can be interpreted either to mean, “a monk is required to acknowledge his offense before he can be subject to any form of punitive legal action,” or “the monastic community can take punitive legal action against a monk without his acknowledgement.”2. The vibhaṅga of four vinayas, that is, except the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, adopt the former interpretation, and only the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya adopts the latter.3. The vibhaṅgas of three vinayas of the above mentioned four vinayas, the Dharmaguptaka, Mahāsāṃghika, and Mūlasarvāstivāda vinayas, introduce the tassapāpiyyasikā procedure, one of seven adhikaraṇasamatha-dharmas, as part of handling methods of aniyata. The tassapāpiyyasikā is a kind of punitive action performed by the Buddhist order against a monk who has made inconsistent allegations. Only adopting the former interpretation, the introduction of the tassapāpiyyasikā procedure can be contextually rational. No rational explanation can be possible in adopting the latter interpretation. Therefore it is inconsistent that the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, which adopts the latter interpretation, contains the tassapāpiyyasikā procedure in its vibhaṅga.Based on these facts, the following conclusion can be drawn. It is inconceivable that the sikkhāpada of aniyata was enacted on the interpretation that “the monastic community can take punitive legal action against a monk without his acknowledgment.” Such an interpretation is unique to the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya. It is quite possible that the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya later introduced it in place of the traditional one, the former interpretation. Borgland’s idea that all vinayas hold in common the principle that the monastic community can take punitive legal action against a monk without his acknowledgment has to be reconsidered.

著者

静 春樹

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.898-893, 2017

---

<p>The emergence and propagation of the Kālacakratantra doctrine was a great event in the latter phase of Indian Buddhist history. Standing against antinomian trends that dominated some Buddhist groups in those days, the flag bearers of that doctrine brought some new systems into the Vajrayāna world, which consisted of tantra-oriented bhikṣus and lay yogins.</p><p>A commentary on the <i>Hevajratantra</i> named <i>Vajrapādasārasaṃgrahapañjikā</i> (<i>Pañjikā</i>, hereafter) was compiled based on the basic philosophy of the Kālacakratantra circle. First, this paper examines the problem of the complier of that text (Some believe that the <i>Pañjikā</i> was composed by Nāropa). Secondly, it discusses the period of the appearance of the Kālkacakra group. As the contemporary Italian scholar Claudio Cicuzza says, if the <i>Laghutantraṭīkā</i> written by Vajrapāṇi, one of the <i>Cakrasaṃvaratantra</i> commentaries, upon which the <i>Pañjikā</i> is based, and to which it refers several times, was the earliest text of the Kālacakra doctrine, it is highly plausible that a new system of organizational principles (an integrated system of bhikṣu-supremacism and meritocracy) was introduced into the Vajrayāna by Vajrapāṇi through group-oriented practices (<i>caryā</i>) such as the <i>gaṇacakra</i>. Furthermore, the appearance of the ritual called <i>vīrabhojya</i>, the sisterhood ritual of the <i>gaṇacakra</i>, can be ascribed to Vajrapāṇi himself. </p>

著者

静 春樹

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.377-372, 2017

---

<p>Vajrapāṇi, the author of <i>Laghutantraṭīkā</i>, a commentary on the beginning of the ten and a half stanzas of <i>Cakrasaṃvaratantra</i>, presented epoch-making theories and practices, which contributed to the newly emerging circle of the Kālacakratantra school. This paper firstly refers to the <i>vīrabhojya</i>-ritual (Heroes' feast), which is a saṃgha version of the <i>gaṇacakra</i> introduced to the Buddhist tantric world by Vajrapāṇi. Secondly the paper considers his basic opinion of the <i>bhikṣu-ācārya</i>'s supremacy to the <i>cellaka-ācārya</i> (monastery-dwellers, but non-monks, rather priests) and <i>gṛhastha-ācārya</i> (householders, lay Buddhist tantrists), considering the qualification of <i>vajrācārya</i> or <i>guru</i>. Vajrapāṇi proclaims the enforcement of Vāgīśvarakīrti's principle, '<i>bhikṣuṃ vajradharaṃ kuryāt</i>' through <i>abhiṣeka</i> rituals. Throughout his opinion of strong monastery-orientation and the principle of the organization constitution in the Buddhists world, we can presume his own identity of formally being a monk, after taking <i>abhiṣeka</i>, becoming a <i>vajradhara</i> (vajra-holder). In the last chapter of the <i>Laghutantraṭīkā</i>, Vajrapāṇi explains the application of Vajrayāna's discipline and suitable manner (<i>samaya</i>) to each category of Buddhist followers when they participate in the saṃgha's activities.</p>

著者

静 春樹

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.937-932, 2020

---

<p>This paper argues that the concept of sexual-yoga in the <i>Āmnayamañjarī</i> is influenced by Vajrapāṇi's <i>Laghusaṃvaraṭīkā </i>(<i>LTṬ</i>). Vajrayāna Buddhists, specifically in the anuttarayoga stage, declared that their whole basic doctrine is based on and interrelated with <i>rāga </i>(<i>kāma</i>) <i>caryā</i>. Firstly, this paper elucidates the interpretation of <i>aṣṭasamaya</i>, the eight major applications of vows in the <i>Cakrasaṃvaratantra</i>, construed by Vajrapāṇi in his <i>LTṬ</i>. He applied the analytical concept of 'inner and outer' to this topic. He proclaims that in the case of 'inner,' emission of seminal fluid (<i>bindu</i>) must be prohibited unconditionally for the achievement of both mundane and supramundane accomplishments. In the case of 'outer,' however, practitioners should be allowed the emission of <i>bindu</i> for the experience of enjoyment and physical hygiene. Secondly, this paper argues that this important description by Vajrapāṇi in his <i>LTṬ</i> is cited in chapter 5 of Abhayākaragupta's <i>Āmnāyamañjarī</i>.</p>

著者

佐藤 もな

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.614-616, 2001

著者

川口 高風

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.368-371, 1978

著者

新井 慧誉

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.866-870, 1984

著者

井上 綾瀬

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.3, pp.1179-1184, 2017

---

<p>漢訳律文献では,砂糖を表す際に「石蜜」という翻訳がしばしば使われる.しかし,紀元前後のインドには,サトウキビの絞汁を1/4に煮詰めた糖液(phāṇita/phāṇita),含蜜糖(黒糖,guḍa/gauḍa/guḷa),粗糖の結晶が浮いた廃糖蜜(khaṇḍa/khaṇḍa),廃糖蜜(matsyaṇḍikā/*macchaṇḍikā),薄い色の粗糖(śarkarā/sakkharā,さらに薄い色vimala/vimala)などが存在し,「砂糖」は複数存在した.サンスクリット語やパーリ語で残る律文献には,phāṇita,guḍa,śarkarā,vimalaが砂糖として示され,仏教教団にも複数の砂糖が知られていた確認ができる.しかし,教団内では砂糖は全て「薬」として使用された為,厳密な砂糖の種類を言及する必要はそもそもなかった.そのため,漢訳律文献において複数の砂糖をひとつの「石蜜」という単語に訳しても「砂糖=薬」の原則故に問題が無かった.そのため,漢訳律文献中の「石蜜」という訳語が示す砂糖は複数ある.漢訳律文献中の「石蜜」が,どの砂糖にあたるかは文脈や規則の内容から総合的に判断しなければならない.</p>

著者

麦 文彪

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.3, pp.1114-1119, 2020

---

<p>紀元前後のものとされる<i>Gārgīyajyotiṣa</i>は,64章からなるサンスクリット語の著作であり,インド天文史の中で最も古い現存資料の一つと見なされている.Karmaguṇaと名付けられた第1章では,ティティ,ナクシャトラ,ムフールタ,カラナという四つの天文単位に関する知識が述べられている.この知識はVṛddhagargaに帰され,第2章以降の内容と異なり,のちのGargaの作品よりさらに古い年代に属すると考えられる.ムフールタは時間の単位として1日の30分の1を意味し,概念としてはティティ(朔望月の30分の1)に類するものである.本論文では,この章におけるムフールタ,ティティそしてナクシャトラの体系を,漢訳仏典に残されているインド天文学に関する記述と比較する.それによって,かつて基本的な知識としてインド中に広く行き渡り,インド以外の地域にも大きな影響を与えた天文資料の共通の核が明らかとなる.しかしそれは,紀元後5世紀頃には,惑星運動とホロスコープによって特徴づけられたギリシャインド系天文学にとって代わられた.本論文は,<i>Gārgīyajyotiṣa</i>におけるムフールタに関する諸説について分析し,初期インドにおける天文学資料の中の位置づけを試みた.</p>

著者

松田 和信

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.1-11, 2019

被引用文献数

3

---

<p>The "<i>Tridaṇḍa</i>" is a ritual sūtra or sūtra used for the purpose of liturgical chanting, in which <i>āgama-sūtra</i>s are sandwiched between Aśvaghoṣa's verses. Researchers have so far believed that only the <i>Anityatā-sūtra</i>, which Yijing translated into Chinese, is the <i>Tridaṇḍa</i>. The Sanskrit manuscript of the <i>Tridaṇḍamālā </i>preserved at sPos khang monastery in Tibet, however, contains forty <i>Tridaṇḍa sūtra</i>s. With the discovery of this manuscript, it has been proven that the <i>Tridaṇḍa</i> does not indicate the <i>Anityatā-sūtra</i> only, but rather the entire forty texts as a whole. The <i>Anityatā-sūtra</i> is the eleventh among those forty <i>Tridaṇḍa </i>texts. In this presentation, I analyze the eighth <i>Tridaṇḍa</i>, the <i>Paramārthaśūnyatā-sūtra</i>, and provide the entire Sanskrit text of the <i>Paramārthaśūnyatā-sūtra</i>, a famous sūtra often quoted in numerous Abhidharma treatises, fully retrieved from this manuscript for the first time. Furthermore, I was able to identify that the verses presented before and after this sūtra are from Aśvaghoṣa's <i>Buddhacarita</i>. It is especially noteworthy that I was able to retrieve fifteen verses on non-self (<i>anātman</i>) from Canto 16 of the <i>Buddhacarita</i>, the Sanskrit version of which had been missing until now. Finally, I have thus far collected 123 verses, corresponding to the missing verses from the <i>Buddhacarita </i>Canto 15 or later from this <i>Tridaṇḍamālā </i>manuscript.</p>

著者

加藤 純章

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.397-406, 1972-12-31 (Released:2010-03-09)

著者

張 文良

出版者

日本印度学仏教学会

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.734-739, 2020-03-20 (Released:2020-09-10)

参考文献数

1

---

According to the Śrīmālādevī-siṃhanāda Sūtra, the birth and death of all living creatures and the cause of every conditioned existence (生滅法) is not the Tathāgatagarbha, but avidyāvāsabhūmi (entrenchment of ignorance 无明住地). However, the question “Why would the Tathāgatagarbha, which is originally free from evil and defilement, generate mountains, rivers and lands (如来藏本来清净, 為什麼突然生出山河大地)?” is asked in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, which indicates that the sūtra has a tendency to consider the Tathāgatagarbha as the origin of mountains, rivers and lands. Additionally, in the same sūtra, the Tathāgatagarbha as cittaprakṛti (心性) is qualified with the function of knowing (知). Compared to the theories of Tathāgatagarbha in Indian Buddhism, the theory in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra is apparently of a different nature. Then how did this theory form? Combining the theories of Tathāgatagarbha which were presented by Huiyuan of the Jingying-si and Fazang, this article evaluates the theory of the Tathāgatagarbha in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra on the basis of how these theories of the Tathāgatagarbha were altered.