著者

大島 立子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

山本英史編『中国近世法制史料読解ハンドブック』(東洋文庫、2019年)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.53-90, 2019-03

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本論文には正誤表があります。下記よりご参照ください。http://id.nii.ac.jp/1629/00007241/

著者

黒澤 直道

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.33-65, 2020-09-17

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The Naxi ethnic group in southwest China is famous for its peculiar pictographic scripts—Dongba Scripts. For many years, scholars thought that Dongba scripts were only used for Dongba religious texts, which were chanted by Dongba priests in their religious ceremonies; few Dongba scripts were used for other purposes. However, in areas less influenced by the Han Chinese cultures, such as the Naxi neighborhood in the Diqing Prefecture, Yunnan province, it was found that some Dongba scripts were used for non-religious purposes. In this paper, the author describes the reading sounds in the Naxi language and the Japanese interpretation of The Genealogy of the Xi Family written in Dongba scripts, found in the Naxi township of Diqing Prefecture, and compares them with other texts of the Naxi genealogy. Generally, Dongba scripts are written in rectangular handmade papers. Pictographic scripts are divided into frames and are laid out in one frame almost freely. Seen from the sequence of frames, Dongba scripts are basically horizontal text. In The Genealogy of the Xi Family, handmade papers are also used in rectangular style, but the scripts are written in vertical lines. This is not the ordinary writing style found in Dongba scripts. A possible explanation would be that it has the influence of the Han Chinese writing style. In the first part of The Genealogy of the Xi Family, the ancestors' names are basically identical to the names in other texts of the Naxi genealogy, but some names have unique features, which will aid in the understanding of the variation of names in other texts of the genealogy. After the second part, few names given on the father-child principle are found, which are characteristic in other texts of the Naxi genealogy. On the other hand, several constituents, like word prefixes, are found in some of the Xi ancestors' names. Because this feature can also be found in some names of the ancestors in other texts of the Naxi genealogy, it is hoped to give a clue that reveals social changes of the time, such as the process of unification from several tribal groups. By considering these features of genealogies, the author points out that the discovery and examination of non-religious texts of the Naxi may help to clarify the condition of their society in the pre-modern times.

著者

佐藤 健太郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.98-100, 2019-03

著者

桑原 隲蔵

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.1-62, 1924-07

著者

松浦 晶子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.1-29, 2018-12

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This article attempts to clarify the realities of Song Dynasty court music in terms of music history rather than as part of scientific, intellectual, or political history. It focuses on changes to the form of chime bells (bianzhong)—the core court music instrument—discussed in great detail by Northern Song Dynasty bureaucrats, and analyzes their musical significance. Since pre-Qin times, chime bells had a form that featured rows of studs or bosses on the bells’ surface that served to deaden reverberations. Their sides were flattened, and they were hung at an angle. Consequently, the bells had little sustained and in musical performance did not blend in with the other instruments. However, during Northern Song Emperor Renzong’s reign (r. 1022-1063), the official charged with reforming music institutions, Li Zhao, altered the instrument by making bells rounder and hanging them straight down. This changed their sound. The notes now lingered much longer and the sound became one that shrouded those of the other instruments. Two of Li’s successors, Tuan Yi and Hu Yuan, made further alterations of the same sort. They also changed the sizes of the bells. While the sizes of individual bells since pre-Qin times had varied, Tuan and Hu now divided them into two size-based classes and changed individual bell size so they roughly conformed to one or the other class. Some previous research on these instruments has been skeptical about these changes, wondering if they had made the bells impossible to play as musical instruments. However, it is clear from the historical record that—regardless of whether those made by Li or those made by Tuan and Hu are the subject—these changes were made with due consideration given to the bells’ musical function. The true significance of these alterations is that they indicate there was a change in the elements that comprise music, namely rhythm, harmony, and melody; namely, they show that the role of the bell-chimes in the musical performance as a whole had changed. We may surmise that the musical sensibility of people during Song had changed in a way that would have been unacceptable going back to pre-Qin times, and that this was accompanied by a major change in the musical landscape of court music.

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

氣賀澤保規編『濱田徳海旧蔵敦煌文書コレクション目録』(東洋文庫、2020年)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.277-290, 2020-03-12

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

氣賀澤保規編『濱田徳海旧蔵敦煌文書コレクション目録』(東洋文庫、2020年)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.1-36, 2020-03-12

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

氣賀澤保規編『濱田徳海旧蔵敦煌文書コレクション目録』(東洋文庫、2020年)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.37-276, 2020-03-12

著者

小松 久男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.3・4, pp.292-299, 1991-03

著者

板橋 暁子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.3, pp.1-31, 2015-12

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The evolvement of an imperial Chinese ruling structure comprised of territories and subjects completely integrated politically, legally and ideologically into junxian 郡県 administrative districts (neichen 内臣) and territories and people governed by foreign heads of state swearing political and ideological allegiance to China (waichen 外臣) has been studied focusing mainly on the Han China's aristocratic (feudal) and bureaucratic institutions. In contrast, the author of the present article is of the opinion that the research to date has not sufficiently explored 1) statements and writings of individuals that may offer clues to changes occurring in perceptions concerning China's "nei" and "wai" in general and 2) specifically, the unique view of "the world" (tianxia 天下) adopted during the early years of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, when the gap between ideals and realities the concerning "the world" had become greater than ever before. Consequently, this article is an attempt to point the research in a new direction by analyzing three pieces of correspondence recorded in the Jinshu 晋書 of the biography regarding Murong Wei 慕容廆 (350-385). These letters clearly reveal an attempt on the part of high level court officials and "protectors of the realm" (fanping 藩屏) to redefine the geopolitical distinction between "nei" and "wai"and to revise the Han Chinese view of "the world." The author makes the following three points in this respect.1. The first two letters (A & B) written by Murong Wei and members of his entourage argue that from the standpoint of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the territory ruled by the Murong kings clearly lies "beyond ["wai"] its borders;" therefore, Murong Wei should be considered as a legitimate non-imperial family feudal king. 2. The fact that Letters A and B were specifically addressed to Tao Kan (259-334), the renowned Jin Dynasty military commander and provincial governor, was, according to the author, due to Tao's southern (nanren 南人) origins and his lack of support compared to northern enthusiasts,"beiren 北人,"for the Eastern Jin's official "world" view aiming at the recapture of northern China and the re-establishment of the former social structure. 3. In the third letter (C), Tao does affirm Letter B's argument for the infeudation of the King of Yan (Murong), but on the basis that his realm constitutes "nei" within the Jin Dynasty's "world." Based on the gap between the ideal of the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the de facto rule exercised in northern China by the Murong royal family, Tao's compromising attitude is in effect both anti-official and non-traditional in character. As a matter of fact, both the Murong royal family and nanren Chinese were considered as "peripheral" within the beiren Han Chinese order envisioned by the Jin Dynasty. From the arguments and responses to them appearing in the three letters dealt with in this article, the author detects a new imperial integration framework appearing simultaneously with the decline of the dynasty a core for the purpose of linking peripheral elements institutionally similar in service and allegiance to its core.

著者

中村 淳

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.p229-259, 1994-03

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The disputes between one sect of Taoism Quan-zhen-jiao (全真教) and the Zen sect (禅宗) of Buddhism arose three times in the reign of the Emperor Möngke. According to the Zhi-yuan-bian-wei-lu (至元辯偽録) compiled by a Buddhist monk which have been regarded as the only relevant literature, it is reported that these disputes ended in a victory for Buddhism. As the result of examining relevant parts of a report of mission composed by William of Rubruck and a Tibetan chronicle Hu-lan-deb-ther, we have found that Möngke supervised several disputes among Buddhism, Christianity and Islam in Qara-qorum. The first and the second disputes between Taoism and Buddhism form a through process because the two disputes were supervised by Möngke in Qara-qorum.The third dispute between Taoism and Buddhism was supervised by Qubilai at Kai-ping-fu (開平府) in 1258. Qubilai was ordered to rule China by Möngke in 1251 and intended to exclude Quan-zhen-jiao from the administration of China, for this sect absorbed the intellectuals who had nowhere to go after the suspension of ke-ju (科挙) and participated in politics of North China. This dispute was performed as a major ceremonial function for the sake of Qubilai's manifestation. At this time, Qubilai also ordered a young Tibetan Buddhist monk 'Phags-pa to take part as the main disputant. At Qubilai's accession at Kai-ping-fu in 1260 ʻPhags-pa was appointed as State Preceptor guo-shi (国師). Qubilai appointed ʻPhags-pa who didn't have any base in China as the highest priest of the empire and obstructed the rise of the Zen sect in the place of Quan-zhen-jiao, which was similarly a refuge for the intellectuals. Thus a new and full-scale Mongol Empire come to start in China.

著者

西 英昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.35-36, 2019-09

著者

大澤 正昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.72-74, 2018-09

著者

岩谷 將

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

近代中国研究彙報 (ISSN:03877914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.79-94, 2009

著者

山本 英史

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

山本英史編『中国近世法制史料読解ハンドブック』(東洋文庫、2019年)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.197-238, 2019-03

著者

斉 会君

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.1, pp.1-31, 2018-06

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This article is an attempt to confirm the chronology of the four official state documents (guoshu 國書) issued by the Tang emperor to the Kirghiz ruler during the Huichang 會昌 Era (841-846), then analyze the process by which they were drafted. The Huichang Era was a time marked by a transition from Uighur to Kirghiz rule in Mongolia, a development which the Tang Dynasty had to heed with caution, leading to the drafting and issuance of state documents, the process of which is described in part in the extant historiography. Despite the importance of this event in the study of Tang period diplomatics, the related sources have yet to be analyzed in detail. The four documents of state in question were issued to the Kirghiz in the following order: 1) “To the King of the Kirghiz” 25th -30th day of the 2nd month of Huichang 3 (843); 2) “To the Qaghan of the Kirghiz” during the 3rd month of Huichang 3 (843); 3), “To the Qaghan of Kirghiz” during the following 6th month; and 4) “To the Kirghiz” during the 2nd month of Huichang 4 (844).An analysis of the Chinese renditions of the name “Kirghiz” reveals that diplomatic letters brought by the Kirghiz envoys were not written in Chinese, but rather written either in Turk-runic presented orally, then translated into Chinese by official translators of the Imperial Secretariat (Zhongshu-sheng 中書省) before being submitted to the emperor. During the late Tang Period, imperial orders for the drafting of documents of state would be directed to either chancellors, drafters of proclamations (Zhizhigao 知制誥), Secretariat clerks (Zhongshu Sheren 中書舍人), or scholars of the Hanlin 翰林 Imperial Academy. When the chancellor was ordered to draft a document of state, he would receive an imperial directive to that effect, then make a draft based on the result of other ministers’ conference with the foreign diplomats concerned, resulting in a manuscript that would be submitted to the emperor; and in the case of the documents sent to the Kirghiz, the original manuscripts were authored by de facto Chancellor Li Deyu 李德裕 (according to his collected works Huichang Yipin Ji 會昌一品集) and rewritten with amendments proposed by Emperor Wuzong 武宗 himself, before being issued to the Kirghiz.

著者

山本英史編

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

2019

著者

彌永 信美

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.39-41, 2018-03

著者

辻 大地

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.4, pp.454-430, 2017-03

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This article discusses the influence of the suspension of local autonomy by Yuan Shikai (袁世凱) in February 1914, focusing on the irrigation project in Jiangnan (江南). As the summer of that year was marked by drought through Jiangsu (江蘇省) province, an irrigation project involving dredging and so on had to be conducted in both the Jiangnan and Jiangbei (江北) regions. After the suspension of local autonomy, the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau (Jiangnan Shuili Ju 江南水利局) was established to bring the project into effect, which marks the starting point for this article's examination of local government administration at that time. A part of the research done to date suggests that, after the Third Revolution (第三革命), the provincial assemblies were revived, but local autonomy on the prefectural level was not restored, as the prefectural administrators (xian zhishi 県知事) strengthened their power by continuing to deny local autonomy. However, the author of this article has found that the irrigation project, conducted as one facet of governance at the local level in Jiangnan, were operated as before by the local gentry, in cooperation with authorities such as prefectural administrators and the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau. In the amidst of political instability after the Xinhai Revolution (辛亥革命), the Beijing (北京) government found itself in fiscal difficulties, and was forced to rely in part on capital funds raised at the local level not only for such public works as the irrigation project, but also for the maintenance of law and order by armed vigilance committees (tuanfang 団防). Consequently, although reforms in legal institutions were carried out from the top down by the central government, public works at the local level still depended as before on local autonomy. In the case of Jiangnan in 1914–15, the importance of the role played by the prefectural gentry in basic echelons of society at the local level continued to be recognized, while the authorities―the prefectural administrators, who had taken on the role of the prefectural administrators in Dynastic China (zhouxian guan 州県官)―were crucial in the affairs of local governance. That being said, after the suspension of local autonomy, the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau that was established in Suzhou (蘇州) brought together the prefectural gentry. Therefore, although the importance of provincial level administrative offices did increase from that time on, the prefectural gentry still continued to play a very important role in local governance.

著者

池内宏 著

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

vol.別編 第1, 1936