著者

近藤 信彰

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.1・2, pp.053-083, 1994-10

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It has been pointed out that local elites who de facto ruled provinces played the important role in Iranian society during 18th and 19th centuries. The purpose of this paper is, as a case study of these elites, to analyze public buildings and Vaqf endowments of Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family in Yazd province and to examine their contribution to the local society and their social and economic background.Public buildings of Moḥammad Taqī Khān who ruled Yazd from 1748 to 1798 fall into three categories: (a) buildings in the suburb of Yazd city, like qanāts and baāhs (gardens), (b) buildings in the bazar area of Yazd city, like a madrasa, commercial establishments and a public square, (c) buildings in Taft, like qanāts and agricultural land. These buildings became political, economic and cultural center of Yazd city and promoted the city expansion to the suburb. His 1755’s vaqf endowment covers the expense of the madrasa which he built and by 1797-8’s vaqf deed he decided the terms for maintenance of qanāts. His children succeeded his activities and built a lot of qanāts, bāghs, and agricultural land. At last his family’s endowments reached about 40% of all vaqf endowments in Yazd. These activities not only sound investments and means to hold estate but also good deeds for local society and means to get local support to their government in Yazd. The fact that they controlled the finance of local government and employed it freely made these activities possible.We may, therefore, reasonably concluded that Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family had a solid social and economical base in the local society as a result of these activities. And I suppose that the existence of such local elites as Moḥammad Taqī Khān had a strong influence on the structure of Qajar dynasty that united Iran again.

著者

尾崎 貴久子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.3, pp.336-364, 2006-12

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There are twelve food names and simple recipes for each under the heading “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 in the Chücia Piyung Shihlei, seven of which are transliterated into Chinese characters from their original languages Arabic, Persian or Turkish. There is the Persian sweetmeat, shakarbūra, the Turkish pasta dish, ṭuṭumāj, the Arabic flour porridge, harīsa and four Arabic sweetmeats, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’, qurṣ zalābīya. Thc other five names are paraphrastic translations appearing as Chinese ideographs: samosa (chüanchienping), rice porridge (kaomi), sweet and sour meat stew (suant’ang), savory bottled custard (hailossŭ), and stuffed lung (hêhsifei).According to the Arabic sources regarding the seven transliterated foods, five (other than shakarbūra and qurṣ) were popular and well-known throughout the Islamic world during the 13th century and were often served at parties and on festival days. Harīsa, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’ and zalābīya were also sold at food stands in the markets of the eastern Islamic world. Shakarbūra, however, is found only in Persian sources; and there is no sweetmeat in either the Arabic or Persian sources resembling qurṣ, Ḥalwā’ and ṭuṭumāj first appeared in the Arabic sources in the 13th century, which implies that the Chinese description of “huihui Shihp’in” 回回食品 was written around that time.Four of the five foods appearing in paraphrastic translation have their counterparts in the extant medieval Arabic cookbooks, and nothing resembling stuffed lung hêhsifei can be found.The reason why the recipes for “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do not call for the spices that were generally used in the Islamic world is because the Chüchia Piyung Shihlei was compiled for Han people who had no actual intention of cooking for Muslims or trying to obtain the rare spices in the original dishes. Rather, the description of Muslim food in the Chinese sources was provided for members of the Mongol ruling elite and Han bureaucrats and wealthy bourgeois who had found it necessary to know about Muslim cuisine in order to entertain highly ranked Muslims who came into their company, since most Chinese sources of the time reflect nothing but loathing for Muslims in general.Notwithstanding, the descriptions of “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do show relatively closer political and economic relationships between Muslims and the Chinese within the political and economic environment created under the Yüan Dynasty.

著者

粕谷元編

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

2007

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.01-037(420~456), 1968-12

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The Kṣatriyas, ruling and military caste in ancient India, had the Kṣatradharma as their guiding principle to be observed. But what is meant by the Kṣatradharma as is seen in the epic literature of ancient India? Broadly speaking, it falls into two categories: the dharma of the ruling caste in peace and that of the military caste in war.The former, which is almost equal to the Râjadharma, is applied to the ruling of the people in accordance with right and justice (protection and punishment), the preservation of order in the age-honoured caste system, and the honouring of the Brahmins, their spiritual authority. The distinctive feature of the Kṣatriyas, however, consists in power, which is denoted by such Sanskrit words as bhuja-virya, vikrama, virya, tejas, ojas, and bala. It is by dint of this power that the ruling caste is relied upon by the people. Besides power, anger (manyu) and steadfastness (dhairya) are also said to be peculiar to the Kṣatriyas, while detection (glâni), perseverance (kṣamâ) and boastfulness (vikatthana) are qualities improper to them. The praise of power among the Kṣatriya warriors makes the nature of the Kṣatradharma violent (raudra), and thus they are styled razor-hearted. Even murder of their elders and teachers is justified in the name of the Kṣatradharma. From the reliance of power derives the spirit of non-begging as their attribute. Thus it is only through their exercise of power, namely by appealing to the sword, that they accept or take anything from others. This exercise of power justified by the Kṣatradharma distinguishes them from robbers. The violent and merciless aspect of the Kṣatradharma naturally calls forth repulsion not only among commoners but also among some of the Kṣatriya warriors, and hence a number of passages found in the epic literature condemning the Kṣatradharma.It is in time of war, however, that the essence of the Kṣatradharma is best illustrated. The Kṣatriyas are said to be the caste who live on weapons and battles. Engagement in battles is said to be their duty. They are required to do their best in fighting without the slightest regard to their life. In battle they are forced to choose either of the two ways: to kill enemy or to be killed by enemy. If they kill enemy they will gain land and fame. Even if they are killed by enemy they are promised attainment to Heaven. Accordingly, battle is said to be never fruitless as long as, of course, they fight bravely. To die on the battlefield, which is put in such figures of speech as to lie on the arrow-bed and to embrace their beloved (i. e., bhûmi, “earth”), is highly praiseworthy of the Kṣatriya warriors; but to die at home surrounded by their family and relatives is a disgrace to them. When they fan on the battlefield or are “purified by weapons” they will be received by the heavenly nymphs (apsaras) and immediately sent to Heaven, which is called in such varied names as svarga, vîra-loka, and brahma-loka. Thus widows of the fallen warriors feel jealous of the earth and the heavenly nymphs who are supposed to embrace their husband. There is yet another alternative, namely, to retreat from the battlefield. Retreat is considered highly condemnable, for it is nothing but abandoning ,the Kṣatradharma. It is against the Kṣatradharma. The destiny that awaits such cowardly warriors is but to fall into hell.

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.01-034(271~304), 1968-09

著者

大島 正二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2~4, pp.310-342, 1975-03

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The present paper is the report of a part of the investigation on the Chin-shu-yin-i (the Phonetic Glosses to the Chronide of the Chin Dynasty) by Ho Ch’ao 何超 (ca. 740 A. D.). This investigation forms a part of the writer’s main study on the phonology of Chinese of the T’ang Dynasty together with the previous studies of the writer on the phonetic glosses in the Han-shu 漢書, the Chi-chiu-p’ien 急就篇, and both the So-yin 索隠, and the Chêng-i 正義 Commentaries of the Shih-chi 史記 which were already published, including a study on the Hou-han-shu-yin-i 後漢書音義 (the Phonetic Glosses to the Chronicle of the Later Han Dynasty) which will appear soon.After having made clear the phonological peculiarities on the basis of the analysis of the phonetic glosses, the writer has pointed out in this paper that the Chin-shu-yin-i has incorporated some phonetic modifications which had been produced or were in progress during the T’ang Dynasty into the basic system of the Ch’ieh-yün 切韻 (601 A. D.) that is supposed to have remained as the authority of the reading of the Chinese characters throughout the reign of the T’ang Dynasty. Further,the writer corroborates his hypothesis that besides the norm of the Ch’ieh-yün another tradition of reading was maintained exclusively among the T’ang scholars (cf. S. ȎSHIMA, “A Phonological Study on the So-yin and the Chêng-i Commentaries to the Shih-chi”, the Tōyō Gakuhō Vol. 55, No. 3, 1972), since the phon6logical peculiarities reflected in the Chin-shu-yin-i are identical in nature with those found in the So-yin Commentary (between 719 and 736 A. D.) and the Chêng-i Commentary (736 A. D.), both of which were compiled practically at the same time as the Chin-shu-yin-yi was written. It can be added that the phonological peculiarities reflected in Yen Shih-ku 顔師古’s Han-shu-yin-i 漢書音義 (641 A. D.) and Chi-chiu p’ien-chu 急就篇注 (between 627 and 644 A. D.) support this supposition. (cf. S. ȎSHIMA, “A Study on the Finals of Yen Shih-ku’s Phonetic Glosses to the Han-shu”, the Gengo-Kenkyū, Vol. 59, 1971; S. ȎSHIMA, “A Study on the Phonetic Glosses in Yen Shih-ku’s Commentary on the Chi-chiu-p’ien”, the Memoirs of the Faculty of Letters of the Hokkaidō University, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1974).The writer also touches in this paper on the methodology of a phonetic history based on fragmentary sources like the phonetic glosses. According to the writer, aberrant readings appearing in fragmentary sources such as found in the phonetic glosses do not always reflect the results of real phonetic changes, but may show the traditional readings as they were orally transmitted from teachers to their disciples. Therefore, these two should be clearly distinguished for a careful observation. For the purpose, the writer believes, a comparative study between all the phonetic commentaries is necessary besides the “projection” method in the treatment of phonetic glosses in one phonetic commentary, (i. e. the method intended to find out divergences between the system of the Ch’ieh-yü and that of the phonetic commentary in question, by projecting the reading of a certain character on the system of the Ch’ieh-yün). The writer pays attention to this idea by citing concrete examples and waits for a further study in future.

著者

水谷 真成

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.4, pp.337-367, 1957-03

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Since Henri Maspero pointed out in his work published in 1920 the denasalization which took place in the Northern Chinese dialect during the T’ang period, the fact has been generally acknowledged. Still it is not clear how the denasalization proceeded and, therefore, the debate concerning the value of Initial ‘Jib’ (日) in the Ch’ieh-yün 切韻, whether it was pronounced as n’ or as n’z’, has continued without any convincing evidence.Having examined the phenomenon in various dhāranīs written at the end of the Sui Dynasty or at the beginning of the T’ang Dynasty and in the Ta-t’ang His-yü-chi (大唐西域記), the writer has found the following points:(1) This tendency of denasalization had already extended to the dialect of Lo-yang 洛陽 between the periods of Sui and T’ang. It seems to have begun to appear in the Ch’ang-an 長安 dialect not long before that period.(2) This tendency was commenced first in the narrowing of Initial Jih and gradually expanded to other points of articulation.(3) The denazalition first appeared in words having no nasal final and affected also those ending in nasals at the beginning of the 8th century.Parallel with this new tendency the older transcription was maintained. Finally, it has been made clear that the unbalance in the speed of phonetic change continued for a considerable length of time.

著者

村上 正二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.305-339, 1961-12

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The Mongol term soyurqal, which meant a kind of fiefdom in Činggis Qan's Empire of the early thirteenth century, was obviously derived from the verb soyurqa-qu, 'to grant a favor'. This verb, along with its passive form soyurqaγ-da-qu, frequently occurs in the Mongolian text of the Secret History of Mongols where it is voiced reciprocally between the knight and the lord in the oath of allegiance, in a set pattern of expression. The noun soyurqal seems to have originally meant any kind of gracious deed or thing bestowed by the lord upon the knight in reward for the latter's lasting service or distinguished merits. Later it came to denote a wide range of inherited privileges conferred upon grand knights and princes, concerning their emčü irgen (subject-peoples), sometimes accompanied by the so-called darqan right, i. e. special right of tax exemption or impunity. In the early stage of the Mongol Empire, those subject-peoples, who were granted to knights or princes, mostly consisted of non-Mongolians, qari-yin irgen, or, to be more exact, natives of non-steppe areas who had been captured on the battle-field. As soyurqal was a special favor of the Qan, the recipient was excused from the duties such as taxes and corvées otherwise to be assessed upon it by the State. On the other hand, the majority of the people of the Mongol States and Empire, generally called ulus irgen or qanliγ irgen, were mainly peoples of steppe origin, who were .placed under a direct control of the central government and were imposed upon with all sorts of nomadic taxes and corvées. In contrast to the emčü irgen, the ulus irgen were portions of heritage, qubi kešig, of the common property, i. e. the Empire's peoples, divided among Činggis Qan's family members in accordance with the traditional law of succession of Mongols. In Mongolia of this stage, a Qaγan or a king of a State had a double personality, public and private; as a private person, even he could possess his own private domain in the form of an ordo with all its paraphernalia, while a prince or a knight had soyurqal instead. This was why the ulus irgen of the Empire or the States were registered in census books under an entirely different category from that of the emčü irgen of the kings or knights.

著者

張 志雲 姜 水謡

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.01-028, 2021-06-30

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The Inspector-General (IG) of the Wang Jingwei government’s Maritime Customs Service, Kishimoto Hirokichi 岸本廣吉, was one of the most outstanding employees in the history of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service. He had the third longest years of service after Robert Hart and Frederick Maze among all the IGs and held the post of Chief Secretary for more than nine years, the longest term in history. His career demonstrated that an East Asian could be as successful as a Westerner in the Chinese maritime customs even before the Second Sino-Japanese War. During the ‘Solitary Island’ period of Shanghai, Kishimoto collaborated with Frederick Maze, the British IG at that time, for securing the integrity of the customs service. Having taken office as IG, Kishimoto initiated a series of reforms to the Wang Jingwei government’s custom houses in the middle and lower Yangtze plains. The biggest challenges he had to stand up to were brought by the Northern Political Council in North China and the Japanese army in South China, both of which acted virtually independently. He managed, however, to maintain the status quo of the Wang Jingwei government’s customs service until the end of the Second World War by using his best endeavours. Kishimoto paid off 1001 Japanese employees during the final days but failed to do same for the other nationals. The present article will illustrate how Kishimoto, as the Japanese head of the British dominated Chinese institution, displayed his political flair in balancing the power of employees from the three countries and how he combined his own national identity and his sympathy to China.

著者

兎内 勇津流 松重 充浩

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

近代中国研究彙報 = Kindai Chugoku Kenkyu Iho (ISSN:03877914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.1-46, 2020-03-13

著者

渡邊 美樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.63-94, 2020-12-17

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In the research to date on the history of the Liao Dynasty, the reign of Emperor Shengzong 聖宗 (982–1031) is regarded as the turning point in the Dynasty’s tribal system, based on the facts that Shengzong 1) reorganized the six nomadic tribes under the leadership of Xiwang 奚王 that had existed since the founding of the Dynasty and 2) formed subjects not of Qidan 契丹 ethnic origin—the Ordo 斡魯朶 people and imperial slaves—into tribes. Since there is no record of any new tribal formation in the Liaoshi 遼史 histories from that time on, Shengzong’s reign is regarded as marking the completion of the Dynasty’s tribal system. Referred to in the Liaoshi as “Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes” (Shengzong Sanshisibu 聖宗三十四部), the research to date has inferred that this tribal collectivity was formed for the specific purposes of firmly establishing a centralized system of governance and expanding the tribal defense forces on the borders, despite the fact that no attempt have yet been made to ascertain the circumstances under which each individual tribe was formed. In order to fill this gap, the present article examines from which tribe each of Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes originated through a careful survey of the background and motivation for each tribe’s formation. What this survey reveals is the possibility of classifying the thirty-four tribes into two distinct groups: those people already under the Liao rule prior to Shengzong’s reign and those people organized on the occasion of the acquisition of human resources in the expeditions during Shengzong’s reign. Furthermore, the purposes behind formation varied from tribe to tribe: for example, compensating for population scarcities, accounting for war captives, the restoration of order on the frontier, and appeasing groups of people to submit to Dynasty rule. In other words, Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes were not formed collectively under a consolidated policy of political centralization and border defense, but rather formed separately and incrementally in the process of the Liao Dynasty attempting to solve domestic and foreign problems that had arisen during Shengzong’s reign. Despite the fact that the research to date has viewed the Liao tribal system as depicted in the Liaoshi as a self-evident conclusion and has avoided any discussion other than the aims of creating the system as a whole, the author concludes that tracing the circumstances of formation tribe-by-tribe casts doubt on the argument of the research to date that Shengzong conceived his own master plan when reorganizing the tribal system. In the future, only careful examination of conditions evolving over time promises to reveal the actual raison d’etre of the tribes formed under the Liao Dynasty.

著者

八木 啓俊

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.01-028, 2020-09-17

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Due to a dearth of historiographical sources, the analysis of local potentates under the Timurid Dynasty (1370–1507) has been lacking. In the present article, the author takes up the case of one of those potentates, the Mar'ashīs, who set up a Sayyid political regime in the region of Mazandaran on the Caspian Sea in present day northern Iran and compares it with the Badakhshān regime, based on the Timurid chronicles and a local histoty entitled, Tārīkh-i Tabaristān wa Rūyān wa Māzandarān. After his conquest of Māzandarān, Tīmūr (r. 1370–1402) appointed two military figures based in Khurāsān as the governors (dārūgha) of Sārī and Āmul. However, since both dārūghas continued to maintain relations with their bases, Tīmūr attempted to limit their power by demanding military service and political hostages. When the dārūghas rebelled, the Timurids switched to indirect control over Mazandaran through the Mar'ashīs. With the establishment of the 'Alī Sārī regime in 1411/12, the Timurids ordered the Mar'ashīs to submit taxes, although at that point in time Māzandarān was still attempting to recover from the Timurid invasion and thus in no financial position to take on additional tax burdens. After the death of 'Alī Sārī in 1418, the Timurids took advantage of the resulting conflict and division among the Mar'ashīs to raise silk taxes through the promises of local rule to the highest bidder, who turned out to be Murtad ̣ ā. Then provisions pertaining to the taxation of Māzandarān were determined, and these rules would be followed by all succeeding amirs of the Timurid Dynasty. While the Timurid authorities did grant the Mar'ashīs a certain amount of autonomy regarding the administration of their regime and religious affairs, tax collection never wavered on the crucial economic resource of Māzandarān silk. In his comparison of Māzandarān and Badakhshān governance, the author finds similarities between the two concerning frequency of taxation, destinations of taxation, dispatch of tax collectors and military service, while noting a difference in the political status enjoyed by the two regimes at the Timurid court, stemming from the fact of the Badakhshan regime being formed later than the Mar'ashīs', thus resulting in the former's lower status.

著者

森山 央朗

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.2, pp.162-170, 2008-09

著者

細谷 良夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.1-43, 1968-06

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‘The Eight Banner organization is usually understood to be a part of the bureaucratic mechanism under the powerful control by the emperor, that is, a military and administrative institution. In the period from the end of the sixteenth century to the Manchu conquest of China in the early seventeenth century, however, the Eight Banners were the state organization of the Manchus based upon their tribal community system. To speak in a more abstract way, each prince of imperial blood was lord of his banner/banners or arrows (niru), subordinate units of a banner. In other words, the Eight Banners were a group of organizations of feudal control by the banner princes, not to be regarded as a bureaucratic system under a single control by the emperor. When we examine the Eight Banners between 1644 and 1722 based upon the above facts, the banner princes are found still enjoying possession of their own banners or arrows, while the emperor apparently did not governed all of the banners and arrows. Furthermore, the control of banners by the banner princes seems to have been of a nature threating to undermine the power of the emperor. The Eight Banners thus continued to be an organization of feudal control, which was later transformed into a bureaucratic system by a series of reforms made in the reign of Emperor Yung-cheng, 1723-1735.

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.1-32, 2013-06

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.1-30, 2015-03

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There have been for some time various views concerning on what date the Confucian thinker Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer papers.No matter how trivial the question may seem at face value, it is, however, related to the very important issue of whether or not the ideas of Dong Zhongshu genuinely influenced the link that was established between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought, known as “establishment of Confucianism as state religion,” and if so, how.Concerning the Hanshu’s 漢書 account of the three examination questions (zhice 制策) posed by Emperor Wu and the three outstanding answers (duice 對策) to them submitted by Dong Zhongshu, there is the opinion that they were actually posed and submitted in the order described by the chronicle.However, this way of thinking poses a problem in that the context and content of the second Q & A exchange is closely connected to exactly what year Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer.From an investigation of the content of the examination, the author concludes that a 2nd-1st-3rd series of questions and answers is much more likely to have been the actual sequence of the examination.Unconvinced by the various explanations that have been offered so far as to the date of the examination, the author proceeds to reexamine the problem, concluding that the examinations were submitted three successive times in the period between the6th month of the 6th year of the Jianyuan 建元 Era and the 10th month of the next year.Furthermore, although it is generally believed that the post to which Dong Zhongshu was appointed after his examination was as an administrator (xiang 相) in Jiangdu 江都, the author shows that in fact he was granted the bureaucratic rank of zhongdafu 中大夫.The author is also of the opinion that the local civil service examination subject of xiaolian 孝廉, regarding filial piety, very likely “originated from Dong Zhonshu.The decisive moment in establishing the link between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought was the acceptance and implementation by Emperor Wu of institutions intellectually based on Dong Zongshu’s ideas about state ideology.Therefore, the raison d’être of the monarch as to governing based on moral guidance in accordance with the will of heaven was enthusiastically adopted; and imperial rule soon assumed, in the guise of 10th Han Emperor Yuan, leadership based solely on Confucian ideas.

著者

付 晨晨

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.1-30, 2019-09

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The origins and earliest history of the Leishu 類書 genre of encyclopedias quoting passages from earlier literary erudition on selected themes, and thus expressing the worldview and scope of knowledge of the compilers, is not yet fully understood, due to the fact that almost all Leishu compiled before the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 periods have been scattered and/or lost. A recent important study has shown that the earliest Leishu could be categorized into two types based on their content: those of the Southern Dynasties (南朝) and those of the Northern Dynasties (北朝); however, disagreement still remains among scholars over such issues as the order and collation style of the items contained in the earliest works. This article, accordingly, analyses the characteristics of the early genre based on a critique of the research to date, in order to place the historical development of the Leishu within the context of the history of scholarly inquiry between the Han and Tang Periods. After re-confirming that the passages quoted in the remaining fragments of Xiuwendian Yulan 修文殿御覽, compiled by the Northern Qi (北齊) Dynasty were arranged according to the four traditional literary categories of Jing-Shi-Zi-Ji 經史子集, the author shows that the citations of Hualin Bianlüe 華林遍略, compiled by the Liang 梁 Dynasty, did not, as already known, conform to that order, but rather one in accordance with the three categories of “Zishu 字書 (Chinese dictionary)-Jing 經-other books (listed in chronological order).” In view of the fact that Dunhuang Document P.2326, while not Hualin Bianlüe, but also compiled by the Southern Dynasties, are arranged in this same latter order (with no chronological order for “other”), such a structure should be regarded as the standard by which the Leishu from the Southern Dynasties were compiled; and was strongly influenced by the development of the art of annotation-commentary on the Jing, Shi and Ji genres from the Han Dynasty on. So it does not follow that the Leishu genre always presented comprehensive surveys of the all the Jing-Shi-Zi-Ji works from the start, but rather with both changing styles of erudition and historical consciousness, Leishu gradually came to cite works from a more and more diverse number of themes, topics and sources. The author concludes that the Leishu compiled in the Southern Dynasties, were not convenient reference books for writing poems, but rather encyclopedias for understanding the worldviews of ancient literature, developing in close connection with the growth of scholarship, in general, and historical consciousness, in particular, from the Han Period on.

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1・2, pp.115-139, 1989-12

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On 17 Dhû a1-Hijja 717 A.H./20 February 1318 A.D., a man appeared at Qirtiyâwus in the Syrian province of Jabala and called himself Muhammad b a1-Hasan al-Mahdî. Three thousand of al-Nusayrîs immediately assembled around him asserting the deity of Alî b. Abî Tâlib. They proclaimed publicly the abolition of both prayer (salât) and abstinence from drink, and then attacked the Muslims of Jabala in public prayer. Among the rebels was included a youth named “Ibrâhîm b. Adham”, a popular sûfî saint who died in Jabala in the latter half of the 8th century. Received the news of their revolt, amir Shihâb al-Dîn Qirtây, governor of Tripoli, despatched 1,000 cavalries under the command of his three Mamlûk amirs. On Dhû al-Hijja/25 February they battled with al-Nusayrîs and succeeded easily in suppressing the revolt after they killed 120 rebels including al-Mahdî.According to the contemporary sources such as al-Nuwayrî’s Nihâya al-Arab and Ibn Battûta’s Rihla, the revolt was clearly against the religious policy of the Mamluk government toward al-Nusayrîs. In 1317 Sultan al-Nâsir (1293-94, 1299-1309, 1310-41) carried out the cadastral survey (rawk) in the province of Tripoli including Jabala and ordered al-Nusayrîs to construct mosque (masjid) in each village. Then he prohibited them strictly from holding the initiation called “khitâb” in which new participants are granted the secret creeds peculiar to al-Nusayrîs. Al-Maqrîzî (d. 1442) explains that they believe Alî’s deity and insist the idea of heaven and hell to be denied. The sunnî ulamâ’ in the Mamluk period regarded al-Nusayrî’s belief as infidel and estimated them inferior even to the Christians and Jews. We find its example in the fatwâ of Ibn Taymîya which was delivered at the revolt of a1-Nusayrîs in 1318.

著者

小笠原 弘幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.1, pp.86-112, 2008-06

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Ottoman historians often claimed the existence of a close relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Seljuk Dynasty, although no reliable contemporary source can show this relationship to be based on historical fact. Nevertheless, these accounts of such a relationship were of value because they provided legitimacy for Ottoman empire rule. The purpose of this article is to investigate how the Ottoman historians of the 15th and 16th centuries went about narrating this pseudo-genealogical relationship.During the 15th century, Ottoman historians stressed the Oğuz origins common to the Ottoman Empire and Seljuk Dynasty (see Yazıcıoğlu, Kemâl and Neşrî), and even invented a marriage between the Ottoman ancestor and the Seljuk royal family (see Enverî, Râdvûn and Ebû’l-heyr). These accounts worked as a means of legitimizing Ottoman rule in 15th century Anatolia, where many Turkish emirates claimed to be successors of the Seljuks.However, the narrative concerning the Seljuks drastically changed during the 16th century, with no Ottoman historian writing about the above-mentioned marriage and only a few (Bitlîsî, Nasûh and Lokmân) regarding the Seljuk Dynasty as Oğuz in origin. The most popularly supported non-Oğuz origin was Afrasiyab, the legendary Turkish king of Shāhnāme (see Bitlîsî, Küçük Nişancı and Lokmân), who was generally favored among such Persian historians as Mustawfī. Another possible ancestor was the Prophet Abraham (see Zaʻîm, Abû’l-ʻAbbâs), although no non-Ottoman historian ever mentioned any Abrahamic origins regarding the Seljuks. Some of the sources argued that the Turks originated from Abraham, however(see Jāhiz, Ibn ʻInaba).The author concludes from this examination that the change of narrative between the two centuries in question was caused by two factors: the political situation and historiographical trends. During the 16th century, the legitimizing force of the Seljuks was deemphasized, as the Ottoman Empire developed beyond the former territories of the Rum Seljuks and came under the stronger influence of Persian historiography.

著者

仁井田 陞

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.4, pp.602-620, 1952-04