著者

大出 尚子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.4, pp.27-55, 2023-03-17

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This article discusses the history of the management of the three Shengjing 盛京 mausoleums in relation to the problems of modern Chinese history, such as the treatment of the “ancestral temple and mausoleums” and of the “private properties” of the Qing Imperial Household after the promulgation of the “Articles of Favourable Treatment of the Great Qing Emperor after His Abdication.” In particular, we elucidate the characteristics of the management system based on Puyi’s 溥儀 intention to be deeply involved in the preservation of the three Shengjing mausoleums during the Manchukuo period, and approach the reality of the Manchukuo. From the Qing dynasty to the collapse of Manchukuo, the management system by the Qing dynasty was severed only when the Republic of China made it into a park after the promulgation of the “Revision to the Conditions of Special Treatment of the Qing Royal Family.” After the establishment of Manchukuo, the management system by the Government Administration Office, Imperial Household Office, and related organizations under the direct control of Puyi, namely the Qing Imperial Household, was restored. Preservation of the Qing dynasty property has a history of being linked to efforts to restore the Qing dynasty. Nevertheless, in Manchukuo, which had Puyi as its head of state but denied the restoration of the Qing dynasty, not only was the administration system on the Qing Imperial Household side restored, but Puyi’s intentions were also reflected in various aspects such as the establishment of the management organization, personnel affairs, and repair budgets. In this way, the reality of Manchukuo was evident in the fact that the political heritage of the late Qing dynasty, which was deeply related to the restoration of the Qing dynasty, could not be eliminated. The process of appointing Chen Zengshou 陳曾壽, who played a central role in the management organization since the early days of Manchukuo, revealed that Puyi, who appointed him, was the main figure in the preservation of the mausoleums. Puyi’s intention in preserving the three Shengjing mausoleums was to appear as the “Great Qing Emperor” by reviving the mausoleums as the “private property” of the former Qing Imperial Household and reviving visit to the mausoleum.

著者

黄川田 修

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.29-37, 2018-03

著者

桑原 隲蔵

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.1-62, 1924-07

著者

田村 晃一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.2, pp.214-219, 2005-09

著者

張 天恩

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.4, pp.27-56, 2021-03-15

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During the Sino-French confrontation in the summer of 1883, not only Chinese diplomats overseas, but also several mandarins in China tried to take advantage of the conflict brewing between the French government and Parliament to make gains in their diplomatic negotiations with the French side. In particular, the Chinese minister in Paris, Tseng Chi-tse, attempted to manipulate French public opinion and lobby members of the Parliament to influence French policy towards Vietnam. To begin with, the present article elaborates how such activities were conducted and the responses of the Chinese and French governments at the time, followed by a clarification of the ways in which these activities influenced Chinese policy toward France, and finally considering their significance for the overall character of the Qing Dynasty throughout the 1880s. As Tseng Chi-tse kept constant watch in Paris over the conflict between the French government and Parliament, and took every opportunity to influence French policy towards Vietnam, the Superintendent of Northern Trade Li Hung-chang, while not always complicit with Tseng, did cooperate with Tseng’s Parliamentary lobbying strategy by refusing to further negotiate in deadlocked talks with French Minister Arthur Tricou, by abruptly departing for Tientsin in July 1883. After the conclusion of the Treaty of Hue of 1883, Tseng held high expectations for an anti-government movement by the opposition forces in Parliament, which did not go undetected by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. After winning a vote of confidence, the French government proceeded to use it to put pressure on China. After the resumption of Parliament, Tseng countered by launching an intense campaign to publish diplomatic documents damaging to the French government and winning praise in the press for brandishing a “new diplomacy.” The author concludes that it was this “new diplomacy” that provides a significant clue for reassessing Chinese diplomacy during the 1880s.

著者

前田 直典

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.62-91, 1948-10

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1・2, pp.202-207, 1978-11

著者

宇野 伸浩

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.3, pp.p201-234, 1989-03

著者

護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.49-79, 1965-06

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The present writer points out that some passages in a memorial presented to Yang-ti by Ch’i-min-qaγan in 607 bear striking similarity to the T’u-chüeh inscriptions as regards to their phraseology, and concludes that the Chinese texts are translations from the Turkic (T’u-chüeh).1) In the memorial, we read: “Among the populace of T’u-chüeh, those who did not die came together again and became the populace.” Such expression is not common in Chinese. On the other hand, in the inscriptions are found the following examples: “il ymä il boldï, budun ymä budun boldï. (The state also became the state. The populace also became the populace.)”, “ičikigmä ičikdi, budun boldï. ölügmä ölti. (Those who surrendered surrendered and became the populace. Those who died died.)”, “ïda tašda qalmïšï qubranïp yiti yüz boldï. (Those who remained at wood and stone (?) came together and made seven hundred.)”, etc. The above-cited passage in the memorial may be reflections from such a Turkic expression as: “ölügmä ölti, anda qalmïšï qubranïp budun boldï.”2, We read in the memorial: (A) “Your Majesty the Emperor,…… grasping the four directions of the whole country, took the seat (of the Emperor)”, and (B) “The Sage, the preceding Emperor,…… let me take the seat as the Great Qaγan.” In these passages, any accession to a throne is expressed by the word “坐” (to sit down, to take a seat)”. This word “坐” coincides with the Turkic word “olur- (to sit down, to take a seat)” which means “to accede to a throne”. The Turkic expression “özümin ol täŋri qaγan olurtdï ärinč (That Heaven had let me take the seat as the Qaγan)” may be prototype of the above-cited Chinese passage (B). Moreover, in the inscriptions are such expressions as “tört buluŋdaqï budunuγ qop almïš (He grasped the whole people in the four angles (directions))”, etc. We may assume this Turkic expression to be prototype of the Chinese phrase, “grasping the four directions of the whole country”.3) Ch’i-min-qaγan expresses his gratitude to Yang-ti that the preceding Emperor and Yang-ti nourished and revived (養活) himself and the populace of T’u-chüeh. In the inscriptions, the deeds of “igid-” and “tirgür-” of qaγans and tigin are highly praised. The word “tirgür-” means “to revive, to restore to life”. The word “igid-” in the inscriptions have been translated as “to raise, to elevate, to restore”. But, this word means “to nourish, to educate, to bring up, to cultivate” originally. Thus, the Turkic “igid-” and “tirgür-” coincide with the Chinese expression “nourish and revive” in the memorial.4) In the memorial is a passage saying: “When I looked up, I saw only Heaven. When I looked down, I saw only Earth.” It is not improbable that such view of the world was introduced from China. But, as is seen in the inscriptions and other Chinese sources, T’u-chüeh worshipped Heaven, Earth and Water originally. Moreover, there are such expressions in the inscriptions as follows: “üzä kök täŋri, asra yaγïz yir (the blue Heaven over (us) and the black Earth under (us))”, “üzä täŋri asra yir (Heaven over (us) and Earth under (us))”, etc. In the light of such expressions, one feels that the above-cited Chinese passage must have been composed under Turkic influence.

著者

五十嵐 大介

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.75-102, 2009-06

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During the Mamluk period, powerful figures, especially the Mamluk military aristocracy, began to convert their private property into waqfs (Islamic religious endowments) for the purpose of securing the endowers’ private sources of revenue. The growth of the so-called “self-benefiting” waqf, that is、 a waqf earmarked for the endowers themselves as the main beneficiaries of the revenue earned from the waqf, reflected such circumstances. This article attempts to show the realities behind the “self-benefiting waqf,” examining 1) the ways by which endowers could include themselves as waqf’s beneficiaries, 2) the social stratum of such endowers, 3) the size of the waqfs in question, and 4) stipulations providing for beneficiaries after the death of the endowers contained in waqf deeds.Theoretically, the three schools of Islamic law, except the Hanafi school, denied the legitimacy of the “self-benefiting waqf,” however, in reality, the practice became widespread in both Mamluk Egypt and Syria. There were three methods by which waqf endowers could include themselves as beneficiaries. The first was to expend all earnings from the waqf’s assets on the endower himself; the second was to expend the surplus from waqf earnings after expenditures on the maintenance of waqf-financed religious or educational institutions, salaries and other compensation for the staff, etc; and the third was to divide waqf earnings between the endower and his charitable activities.Among the three methods, the first was the most popular, no doubt because it was a way by which the endower could benefit most directly from his waqf. In this ease, anyone who donated his private property as waqf, which involved the abandonment of all rights of ownership over it, could, nevertheless, continue to oversee the endowed property and pay himself compensation as the waqf’s controller (nazir). It can be said that there was no change in the de facto relationship between the property and its “ex”-owner before and after the endowment was made. In short, the “self-benefiting waqf” of this type could be seen as a way of securing the actual “possession” of one’s estate against such emergency circumstances as sudden political upheavals, sudden death by natural disaster, outbreak of war, or political intrigue, situations under which the subsequent confiscation of property could have occurred at any moment.

著者

藤田 衛

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.4, pp.1-26, 2021-03-15

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Jiaoshi Yilin 焦氏易林 (hereafter Yilin) is a book of divination, which is thought to be written by Jiao Yanshou 焦延壽, who served the imperial court of Former Han Dynasty Emperor Zhao (昭帝; r. 87–74 BCE). This article takes up the issue of the work’s approach to divination, which has been argued to conform to shifa 筮法 of I-Ching 易經. However, during the Song Period, a debate arose regarding that approach, resulting in a method of adoption quite dissimilar to that of I-Ching. The author proceeds to examine for the first time the Yilin approach to divination focusing on that very controversy and the discussions that have followed up to the present day. The author begins by laying out the characteristic features of the work and compiling a bibliographical genealogy of the extant copies. The existing genre may be generally categorized into the Yuan-Period manuscript (元抄本), the Ming-Period print (明刻本) and the Song-Period collated print (校宋本), the last of which is thought to be based on the first, in spite of its name. The author argues that one reason why large discrepancies exist between the texts of the Yuan manuscript and the Ming print is that the former was based on a version which predated the collation done by Huang Bosi 黃伯思 (1079–1119), while the latter postdated it. Moreover, the manuscript which the author discovered in the National Library of China contains prefaces which carries information regarding the fengua-zhiri 分卦直日 method of assigning hexagrams to days of the month. The author then turns to Yilin’s methodology via an examination of the prefaces to the texts and related sources from the Song Period, which reveals at least three possibilities: 1) the I-Ching method for deriving hexagrams using divining sticks; 2) the above mentioned fengua-zhiri method; and 3) a combination of 1) and 2). That being said, since the fengua-zhiri method was specifically discussed during the Song Period, it was probably first proposed at that time in the work’s history, leading the author to conclude that as it is impossible to state definitively what the orthodox divination method of Yilin is, it should be considered as a work outlining a number of different approaches.

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.4, pp.01-033, 2023-03-17

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There is a blank period of contemporary historical materials between the Angkor and the post-Angkor periods. The well-known history of this period, from the 14th century to the 16th century, had been edited from the Dynasty Chronicles compiled after the end of the 18th century, inscriptions of the early 14th century and the late 16th century, and Portuguese or Spanish records. The parts not described in those texts have been filled with imagination. In this paper, we reexamine the inscriptions from the 14th to the 17th century and the earlier versions of the Dynasty Chronicles, to ascertain which data were cast aside, which story was derived from guesses when constructing the accepted Cambodian history, and to identify what is definitely written in the above historical materials. The results. 1) The fact that the Angkor Kings do not appear in the Dynasty Chronicles or modern inscriptions suggests the possibility that historical records were not inherited through the blank period. 2) In the late 16th-century inscriptions, the Angkorian sites are given the qualifier “of old Cambodia.” In addition, the King’s inscription refers to the builders of those foundations as “the ancestors of the King,” indicating a recognition that his own royalty was to be traced back to that era. The statements that many “old” statues and buildings were “restored” and that recovering “the old prosperity” through the spread of Buddhism was desirable suggest that there might have been major destruction and confusion, or there might have been a time when Buddhist statues were left unattended. 3) In modern inscriptions, the title of kamrateṅ was not attached to the King’s name but put after the words symbolizing Buddhism. Moreover, a 16th-century inscription contains the word varman in the King’s name. These suggest the possibility that classical knowledge had been handed down to the society’s upper class. 4) The lack of donations of lands and personnel, which were seen in inscriptions up to the 14th century, and the fact that the words prefixed to people’s names to indicate their sex and social status had changed before the 16th century, suggest the structure of society and the economy transformed during the interim period. However, as the gap period lasts as long as two centuries, rapid changes should not necessarily be assumed.

著者

山下 智也

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.01-08, 2022-09-16

著者

岡井慎吾 著

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

1933

著者

髙村 武幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.1, pp.1-31, 2015-06

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In the administrative system of ancient China, the decisions were made about various administrative matters and were communicated by means of typical official documents. There are, however, many points that remain unclear about the process whereby decisions were made and the documents that were used during this process. I accordingly examined the administrative decision-making process in local government during the Qin-Han period and the documents that were used during this process.First, I examined administrative matters that required their own decision-making at the county level during the Qin, and as a result I show that the greater part of such matters concerned judicial judgements. It is known that during the process leading up to the county head’s making a decision when judicial and other decisions were made, discussions were held in which several officials would exchange views orally, that is, their views were solicited in a meeting format. But because it is thought that such meetings would have been held by assembling the officials concerned who were under the jurisdiction of the county head, frequent meetings would have interfered with their administrative duties. Accordingly documents were used in lieu of the direct oral expression of views, and in such cases documents with the characteristics of correspondence were used instead of typical official documents. It is to be surmised not only that the “unofficial” nature of correspondence would have been preferred because such documents were used during the process before a final decision was made, but also that another quality of correspondence—as a substitute for direct conversation—would have been favoured as a substitute for meetings and discussions in which views were expressed orally directly to the county head and other officials.In view of the above points, it is to be surmised that during the Qin-Han period a method in which decisions were made after the officials concerned had expressed their views orally was considered desirable in administrative decision-making. This could be described as a remnant of the system in earlier times in which men with the right to speak on political matters gathered to discuss state affairs (jiyi 集議). It has also become clear that documents with the characteristics of correspondence that were used in an administrative context could be regarded as a vestige of the conduct of administration through the medium of the spoken word.

著者

鈴木 直美

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.4, pp.407-437, 2008-03

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The aim of this article is to determine the meaning of the terms “tongju” 同居 and “shiren” 室人 as seen in Shuihudi Qin Slips 睡虎地秦簡 through a comparison with the information regarding household registration in the Liye Qin Slips 里耶秦簡. Such an analysis will hopefully stimulate discussion of the research methods employed in studying household composition under the Qin 秦 dynasty.The specific characteristics of the recording system used for household registries are as follows. One wooden tablet was used for each household and contained all the pertinent records. Separate columns on the tablet were reserved for male/female, adult/minor and household servants. Wives and children were listed with notations identifying the names of their husbands or fathers, thus defining simple family units within the household.The term “wushi” 毋室 in the registries confirms that a member’s name had been removed from their parent’s registry, but does not indicate their present household. These people were like those appearing in the early Han 漢 dynasty Zhangjiashan Han Slips 張家山漢簡, who held rights to arable and residential land and were registered in the order of which they were deregistered from their parents’ households. The tom thus shows that the same system existed during the Qin period and functioned in the same manner.Considering both the writing style of the Qin registries and the procedures for confiscating wives and children to make them wards of the state, the term shiren referred to a simple family unit made up of an adult male, his wife and any minor-aged children, while tongju referred to the cohabitation of two or more adult males within a single household, or the practice of several nuclear family units headed by adult males cohabiting within a single household. These two terms limit the scope of the confiscation of wives and children and the implication of criminal behavior, while also regulating military conscription from a single household. These features all can be interpreted as policies giving precedence to the preservation of household communities.

著者

金 昇來

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.2, pp.1-28, 2021-09-16

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Even before the decline of the Qing Dynasty, which began at the turn of the 19th century, there were cases of the construction of access roads in and out of the former British Settlement of Shanghai; then as early as 1869 the ratepayers of the consolidated International Settlement approved the management of “extra-settlement roads” by the Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC). In 1885, with the introduction of a private subscription system, the SMC began collecting monetary dues to pay for various infrastructure projects and law enforcement services beyond the Settlement’s boundary. While this move was initially intended to provide security in this area, the SMC gradually employed the policy to expand its influence outside the Settlement. Through proposal of the special tax of water in 1906, the SMC attempted to bring its private subscription system into the new millennium, by renewing its contract with the Shanghai Waterworks and levying surcharges on existing water rates. The same method was then used in contracting telephone services. On the other hand, the chief executive of the Qing Dynasty’s Shanghai local administration, the Taotai, was not about to recognize any encroachment of foreigner influence beyond the Settlement and thus refused to allow any SMC tax collection outside its border. At the same time, however, the Taotai was forced to recognize the utility of the Settlement’s various infrastructure projects on the periphery, thus approving water supply, while prohibiting the collection of external taxes to pay for them. Nevertheless, these actions did not mean that the SMC’s surcharges were completely eliminated, as the Taotai merely avoided mentioning their existence, resulting in Chinese subjects paying water surcharges to the SMC until 1911, when finally exempted; but the Council continued to collect from foreign residents. However Taotai might recognize all along the fact that the surcharges were still collected even after he banned, so rather than make further action on prohibiting their collection, he no doubt preferred to concentrate on the modernization of local administration in the Chapei region adjoining the Settlement. This is why it was necessary for the Taotai to continue to stress that the northwest suburb of Paoshan prefecture along the Yangtze River was not an open port, but rather a part of the Chinese inland territory, in order to demonstrate his success in preventing the expansion of foreign influence into its inland regions.

著者

伊藤 匠平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.2, pp.01-08, 2021-09-16

著者

根無 新太郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.1-27, 2018-03

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There were two types of military force used to suppress rebellions during the late Qing period: bing (兵), or regular troops consisting of the Green Standard Army and the Eight Banners, and yong (勇), or temporary volunteer troops organized into Yongying (勇營), mainly under governors-general and governors, in addition to tuanlian (團練) units on the village level. In Zhili (直隸) Province during the outbreak of the White Lotus Rebellion of the 1860s, bing, yong and tuanlian forces were deployed together to quell the insurrection, but the lack of discipline on the part of the bing-yong troops during the operation merely added to the civil unrest caused by the Rebellion. The Qing Court, in consideration of the effects of the worsening law and order on the capital of Beijing, reorganized the Green Army at the hands of the governor-general of Zhili in order to strengthen the government’s control, thus leading to the formation of Zhili Lianjun (直隸練軍).However, after the outbreak of the Nian Rebellion led to the further deterioration of law and order in Zhili Province, and as it became necessary to reinforce Zhili Lianjun with Yongying, the Court designed a new capital defense plan under which Yongying were deployed to limited areas, including southern and coastal areas of Zhili, either far away from Beijing or at the spot of the actual fighting, while Zhili Lianjun was stationed around Peking. This new capital defense plan was partly based on the Court’s, especially its Board of War’s (Bingbu 兵部), suspicion of Yongying, which included former rebels who had surrendered, and were thus deemed untrustworthy to serve around the Capital. This suspicion was further deepened due to the fact that Yongying also served as the governors-generals’ militia. As well, the Board of War had intervened several times during the establishment of Zhili Lianjun, owing to its concern over its close relationship with the governor-general of Zhili. The author takes up the Board as an excellent example of how the center’s attitudes toward the periphery began to change during the late Qing period.

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1・2, pp.191-198, 1983-01