著者
岡崎 正孝
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.3・4, pp.307-335, 1988-03

The waters of the Zāyandeh-rūd in Esfahān had traditionally been distributed among some 500 villages of seven irrigation districts through 105 madis, or main irrigation channels. In the Safavid period, however, a Royal order was proclaimed to abolish the customary water distribution systems and replace them with new regulations. Under the Qājārs, the regulation was altered by certain powerful individuals.The new regulation of the Safavids, known to be drawn up by Sheikh Bahā’ī of Amilī, a distinguished scholar at the court of Shāh ʻAbbās, was intended to gain a monopoly over the river’s summer irrigation water for the rice cultivation in four districts, in which the Crown lands were concentrated. Naturally, this caused the devastation of three other districts when their water supply was stopped.Furthermore, under the Qājār, with the rapid development of the reclamation of lands, the Safavid’s regulation was arbitrarily altered by such influential personages as the Crown Prince Zill al-Soltān, leading mojtaheds and large landlords at the ruinous, selfish sacrifice of the weak.This paper aims to illustrate one of the characteristic features of the land holding system of Iran through examining how irrigation water had been controlled by men of power.
著者
大石 真一郎
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, no.1, pp.95-120, 1996-06

This paper attempts to examine the social and political situations of the Turkic Muslims, who are now called Uygur, at Kashgar in the early twentieth century and their reformist movement.After Ismail Gasprinski, the Crimean Tatar reformist, opened a model primary school at Bakhchisaray in 1884, his new-method (usul-i jaded) education had an important effect in the Muslim regions of Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and so on.Husayn and Baha’al-Din. the brothers of the Musa Bayof family, whose native place was Ustun Artush in the suburb of Kashgar, were representative millionaires in Eastern Turkistan (Sinkiang). They endeavored to introduce the new-method education, and opened schools at Ustun Artush and Gulja in 1908 at the latest. At Kashgar, the reformist ‘ulama ʻAbd al-Qadir Damulla also established a new-method school in 1912.But, the reformist movement was severely hampered by conservative ‘ulama and influential persons at Kashgar. The activities of the Turkish teacher, Ahmed Kemal, who had been sent by “the Committee of Union and Progress” and opened a new-method normal school at Ustun Artush under the assistance of the Musa Bayofs in 1914 made clear the conflicts among the Muslims. ‘Umar Bay who had rivaled the Musa Bayofs in commerce was one of the conservative leaders. He made approaches to the Chinese authorities and the Russian consul to suppress the reformists. Especially during World War I, the authorities were also fearful of the Pan-Turkic and Pan-Islamic inclination of Ahmed Kemal’s education.Though the authorities were cautious about the reformist movement, the native reformists actually never verbally nor physically oppose the Chinese rule, for, in those days, their objectives were limited to reforming the traditional Islam and enlightening the ignorant Muslims. Consequently,however, the Chinese authorities’ suppressions gave the occasion for the reformists to incline to drastic nationalism later.
著者
白 玉冬
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.3, pp.384-360, 2015-12

The success of the Tang Dynasty in quelling the Huang Chao 黄巣 Rebellion (875-884) was in large part made possible by the contingent of Shatuo 沙陀 Turks and Tatars 達靼 led by Shatuo warlord Li Keyong 李克用, whose son, Li Cunzu 李存勗, would found the Later Tang polity of the Five Dynasties Period. The close relationships that would exist between the Later Tang Dynasty and the Tatar settlements in the north Gobi Desert at the beginning of the 10th century dates back at least to 878, when Li Keyong along with his father Li Guochang raised their own rebellion against the Tang Dynasty, were defeated and took refuge among the Tatar tribes. The purpose of this article is to trace the origins of the Tatars who interacted with the Shatuo warlords during the final years of the Tang Dynasty, by discussing the Nine Tatars settled in the northern Gobi. To begin with, the author points to a letter written by Li Keyong to his arch-enemy Zhu Quanzhong 朱全忠, in which we discover the existence of a tribal settlement in Yinshan 陰山, which Li refers to as Yiqin 懿親. A review of the use of "Yinshan" in the Tang Period sources, mainly epitaphs mentioning people of Turkic descent, shows that while 1) Yinshan could refer to the present day Yinshan and Tianshan mountain ranges of the southern Gobi Desert, there is also its use as 2) a synonym for all of northern China and 3) possible reference to Ötükän yïš 于都斤山 (the Khangai Mountains of central Mongolia) in the northern Gobi. The problem is 1) that there is no record of Tatar (Shiwei 室韋 in the Tang records) settlements in the Yinshan Mts, and the fact that the Yinshan region, being a mixed agricultural-pastoral area, played only a peripheral role in the nomadic states of the period, meaning that the only region capable of spawning large powerful nomadic organizations was the northern Gobi. Consequently, the author reasons that the migration of Tatar tribes into the central Mongolian steppe around the time of the collapse of the Eastern Uighur Khanate must have included at least one part of the Nine Tatars, the Kelie 克烈 (the Kereyids), settling there during the latter part of the 9th century. The Yuanshi's 元史 biography of Suge 速哥 describes the Kereyids as matrilineal kin to the "Li Tang", a polity which should be interpreted as the Later Tang Dynasty, which the Shatuo Li Family claimed to be the legitimate successor to the Tang Dynasty. And if so, the Kereyids correspond to Li Keyong's Yiqin settlement. The author concludes that the Tatars who protected Li Keyong and his father in exile, then fought beside the Shatuo warlord in the counterinsurgency effort against Huang Chao were in fact the Nine Tatars of mainland Mongolia, or least one contingent thereof i.e., the Kereyids. Therefore, the history of Mongolia around the 10th century becomes closely connected to the development of the dynasties in mainland China and thus constitutes an indispensable part of eastern Eurasian history.
著者
斯波 義信
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.100, no.2, pp.66-70, 2018-09
著者
原 實
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.4, pp.01-010(597~606), 1969-03

2 0 0 0 OA 元寇の新研究

著者
池内宏 著
出版者
東洋文庫
巻号頁・発行日
vol.〔本編〕, 1931

2 0 0 0 IR 禺氏辺山の玉

著者
榎 一雄
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.p109-132, 1985-03

In the Sections on Ch'ing Chung 輕重篇 in Kuon-tzu, there appears several times the name of Yü-shih/chih which is generally considered as identical with the tribe Yueh-shih/chih 月氏 or Ta Yueh-shih/chih 大月氏 which migrated from the north-western part of China as far as Ta-hsia 大夏or what is now the northern half of Afghanistan.The Yü-shih/chih of Kuan-tzu is described as either a tribe or a place in which yü 玉 or jade was collected in abundance. As is well known, it is the region of the present Khotan in Chinese Turkestan where so much jade has been collected from ancient times and brought to China. And the statement of Kuan-tzu concerning Yü-shih/chih is taken as meaning the occupation of the Khotan region by the Yueh-shih/chih tribe or as the trading of jade which the Yueh-shih/chih collected and brought to China.The author of the present article tries to establish that the name Yü-shih/chih itself designates Khotan and that the statement in Kuan-tzu intends to say that the jade was collected in the Khotan region. It is for the following three reasons: (1) the Sections on Ch'ing Chung in Kuan-tzu are considered to have been compiled in or sometime after the reign of emperor Wu 武 of the Former Han Dynasty, as has been clearly pointed out by Professor Ma Fe-po 馬非百, when the name of Khotan was known by the Chinese for the first time as the result of the first mission of Chang Ch'ien 張鶱 to Central Asia; (2) the name of Khotan was recorded by Ssu-ma Ch'ien 司馬遷 in the Shih-chi 史記, Bk. 123, as Yu-t'ien 于○ which later corrupted into Yu-chih 于寘 is shown by almost all current texts of Shih-chi; (3) the compiler of the Sections on Ch'ing Ch'ung of of Kuan-tzu who saw the corrupted form Yü-chih, changed it into Yü-shih/chih in reference to the name Yü 禺 which is recorded as a mysterious place or tribe in Mu-t'ien-tzu chuan 穆天子傳 and Shan-hai-ching 山海經.○は寘のうかんむりと眞の間に儿
著者
津田 左右吉
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.2, pp.257-272, 1916-05
著者
岩井 大慧
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.4, pp.439-528, 1932-04
著者
岩井 大慧
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.3, pp.445-456, 1933-03
著者
曾我部 静雄
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, no.3, pp.383-404, 1937-05
著者
藤田 豊八
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.1, pp.55-70, 1923-05
著者
遠藤 光暁
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.76, no.3・4, pp.01-025, 1995-03

The close examination of the Zhongzhou Yuefu Yinyun Leibian 中州楽府音韻類編 (ZYYL), one version of the Zhongyuan Yinyun (ZYYY), reveals that the ZYYL had been originally compiled according to the Guangyun 広韻 and then the ZYYY was revised and enlarged on this basis. The phonological properties of the ZYYY are slightly different from those of the ZYYL, hence the authors of these two editions can not be the same person (i.e. Zhou Deqing 周徳清).
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋文庫年報 = Toyo Bunko nenpō (ISSN:27585077)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2021, 2023-03-16