著者

濱口 重國

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.35-69, 1936-11

著者

今西 龍

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.2, pp.282, 1912-05

著者

今西 龍

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.1, pp.96-104, 1912-01

著者

志茂 碩敏

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.1-71, 1971-06

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The “Qarāūnās” mentioned in the sources dealing with the history of the Īl-Khānate was an appellation, after the Khānate, 1258-1335, had been firmly established, for the half-breeds between the twenty-thousand Mongol troops dispatched to, and stationed in Hindūstān and Kashmīr immediately after the accession of Ūktāi Qāān in 1229, and local women.The Qarāūnās, who had been in Hindūstān and Kashmir protecting the flank of the active conquests of Hūlāgū Khān came, toward the end of his reign, 1258-1265, under the command of Abāqā when the prince was dispatched to govern Khurāsān. In 1265 when Abāqā returned to Adherbāijān to take over the Khānship, he took along with him a part of the Qarāūnās, whom he organized into a tūmān, for myriarchy directly under him, with an amīr close to him at its head. This was the “Qarāūnās Tūmān of the Khān’s own” which was under the successive control of influential amīrs close to the Khāns until the reign of Ghāzān Khān,1295-1304.Prince Abāqā, when returning to Adherbāijān, organized into two more tūmāns those Qarāūnās who did not accompany him, to garrison Khurāsān under the command of amīrs loyal to him. These were the “Qarāūnās Tūmāns of Khurāsān.”The Qarāūnās who had made themselves independent along the Eastern borders of the Īl-Khānate by the time when Prince Abāqā was dispatched to govern Khurāsān, continued their plundering raids into the Īl-Khānate territories even after the prince’s accession as Khān.From the reign of Arghūn Khān, 1284-1291, on, the myriarchs of the Qarāūnās Tūmāns of the Khān’s own and of Khurāsān disturbed the Īl-Khānate with their court intrigues and frontier revolts, until finally they were united under Ghāzān Khān.Qārā of qarāūnās derives from qara, black, in Mongolian, while ūnās (ūnā, ūna) appears to be the same name as the Hsiung-nu. Hence qarāūnās means the Black Huns.

著者

磯野 富士子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1・2, pp.57-80, 1985-12

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The anda relationship has been interpreted by most of the Western scholars of Mongolian history as one of “sworn brothers”. Nevertheless, a careful study of the Secret History of the Mongols seems to indicate that, at least at the time of Chingis Khaan, the anda relationship was not a fictitious blood relationship but a military and political alliance of two men established by an oath on the base of equality of the two parties.Even though the word “brother” in most of the Western languages implies equality, in Mongol, as well as in Chinese and Japanese, a brother always has to be either elder or younger involving the question of seniority. In the Secret History Chingis and Jamukha address each other as anda; and the word akha (elder brother) or düü (younger brother) is used for somebody who is not actually related by blood only when there is a clear difference in the status of that man in relation to the speaker.There is no symbolic action like mingling of blood in the ceremony to establish an anda relationship. The most important element is an exchange of presents of equal value. Many instances observed in more or less primitive societies show that the one-sided offer of presents makes the receiver stand in an inferior or subordinate position, as is seen in the Anglo-Saxon poetry.Among the Mongol tribes before their unification andas were very often khudas (two persons whose son and daughter are married). As the Mongols practiced strict exogamy a marriage alliance was not likely if the anda relationship was really conceived as “brothers”, even fictitious.Chingis and Jamukha were destined to become mortal enemies, not in spite of but precisely because of, their being andas. When Chingis succeeded in making himself the Khaan of all the Mongols, there was no room for anyone who could claim equality with him, and Jamukha would not accept a lower status.

著者

白鳥 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.307-351, 1934-04

著者

青木 健

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.01-09, 2022-12-16

著者

中村 慎之介

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.37-66, 2022-12-16

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Goryeo was a country that existed on what is now known as the Korean Peninsula for 475 years, from 918 to 1392. For the sake of the prosperity and stability of the ruling dynasty, Goryeo focused on the establishment of close relationships with the Buddhist community, which provided assistance to the lay regime. The Buddhist community flourished under the royal patronage. The state preceptor (Kor. guksa) was the highest-ranking Buddhist monk in Goryeo, who was honored to be a teacher of the Goryeo king. The Goryeo Dynasty granted various privileges not only to the Buddhist monk who was appointed as guksa, but also to his disciples. Therefore, disciples lobbied for the nomination of their masters for the position of guksa. On the contrary, the dynasty was able to control the Buddhist community by bestowing favor upon it. This paper focuses on the practice of the complementary relationship between the Goryeo Dynasty and the Buddhist community: a royal family member who did not succeed to the throne become an ordained Buddhist monk of the Huayan 華嚴 sect, and after his death, he was immediately posthumously appointed to the position of guksa, the highest honorary position in the Goryeo Buddhist community. This practice was confirmed only in the eleventh–thirteenth centuries. This study traces, in as much detail as possible, the political process from Daegakguksa 大覺國師 Uicheon’s 義天 ordination (1065) to the conferral of the guksa upon Jing’eom 澄儼 (1141) over a period of about eighty years and thus approaches the aspect of the complementary relationship between the Goryeo Dynasty and Buddhist community. The results of the study revealed the following two points. (1) The disciples of Uicheon sought to inherit political influence based upon the blood relationship between Uicheon and the king. They also sought the additional conferral of the guksa, which entailed concessions. (2) Injong 仁宗 (r. 1122–1146), who was forced to establish a new relationship with the Buddhist community because of the rebellions of Lee Jagyeom 李資謙 and Myocheong 妙淸, made Buddhist monks from the royal family to join Huayan, Zen 禪, and Weishi (or Faxiang 法相) sects, aiming to use them as intermediaries in the establishment of a dominant structure in the Buddhist community. In other words, this practice was established because of the coincidence of interests between Injong and the disciples of Uicheon.

著者

森川 哲雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1・2, pp.127-162, 1976-12

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Čaqar Tümen, the most important myriarchy among mediaeval Mongolian tribal organizations, consisted of eight otoγ, Qaγučid, Kemǰigüd, Sönid and Üjümüçin of the Right Wing and Auqan, Naiman, Kesigten and Tatar of the Left Wing. The Left Wing otoγ first became private fiefs of Dayan Qaγan’s sons, and the Right Wing ones were later allocated by succeeding qaγans to their sons. The circumstances are referred to in Erdeni-yin Tobči with many errors, which should be corrected on the basis of other Mongolian chronicles The Čaqar otoγ were further subdivided as generations passed, as reported in such Mongolian sources as Gangga-yin Urusqal, Bolor Erike, Altan Kürdün Mingγan Kegesütü, etc.

著者

浜川 栄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.2, pp.147-174, 1999-09

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What influence did the Yellow River dikes collapsing twice have on the society during the transition period from former to later Han dynasty? This question has not been fully discussed. Among the few studies on this subject, Hans Bielenstein and Kimura Masao emphasize that the destruction of the dikes was a major cause of the fall of Wang Mang’s regime. I feel this view is open to further analysis. In this article, I analyzed this theme from a different viewpoint.During the transition period, influential families throughout the country built forts to defend themselves from local bandits. However, this measure of self-defense could not be seen in the plains south of the Yellow River and north of the Huai River (Huaibei plain 淮北平野) when the Red Eyebrows 赤眉 invaded the region. As there were several cases, though exceptional, in which people were captured but then released by the bandits after winning their sympathy, it is probable that influential families did not exist in this area.This can also be assumed from the feud between Liu Xiu and Liu Yong 劉永. Although Liu Yong was holding the strategic position of Sui Yang 唯陽 in the Huaibei plain, being closest to the throne among the Liu clan, he was defeated by Liu Xiu who was expanding his power in the Hebei plain 河北平野. This was because Liu Xiu was able to gather the influential families of the Hebei plain, whereas Liu Yong could not in the Huaibei plain.Since the Warring States Period, the Huaibei plain possessed vast superiority in population, economic power, and etc. over the Hebei plain. However, judging from the above-mentioned situation, it is evident that the area had gradually lost its advantage. It was the collapse of the Yellow River dikes that caused the decline. The influential families had evacuated the area to escape inundation caused by unrepaired dikes. Obviously, resistance against the bandits was no longer possible, moreover, there was no potential for Liu Yong to expand his power.The collapse of the Yellow River dikes had an influence on the society not as a direct cause of Wang Mang’s fall, but as a primary factor for Liu Xiu to establish the Later Han dynasty.

著者

梅村 坦

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.3・4, pp.80-86, 1996-03

著者

フォン ガベン アンネマリー 護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, pp.378-388, 1962-12

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The way of sitting on chairs as high as the knee and the use of tables fitting to it was introduced to China from the West only secondary, Japan refused such an attitude. When the Uigurs lost their “Empire of the Steppe” in Mongolia, and founded a kingdom at Ko-ch’o 高昌 (to-day: Turfan-oasis, Eastern-Turkistan) in the middle of the 9th century, they changed from semi-nomad life to the way of the agrarian and towns-building people of their new country. From the wall-paintings and miniatures of Ko-ch’o may be recognized, which attitude the Uigurs adopted, what was looked at by them as dignified, and what as mean; how they behaved in reverence and how in leisure.On those pictures we see the difference between noblemen and simple people (1), the former’s hair hung loose and they bound their caps by a red ribbon under the chin. The people (2) arranged the hair on the back of the head by fastening it with a thin material or a dark cap; this cap was bounded by a ribbon, the loose ends of which hung down into the neck. Only the belts of the aristocracy (1, 11) were adorned with pendants. To have the feet bare was only the way of hard working people (3). Even the feet of the Buddha were covered with sandals (4), otherwise unknown among the Uigurs.Chairs were only used as lecturing desk (5), not in common life. Reading was done in putting the book on the lower left arm, a finger of the right one following the lines (see again 5, right side). Or, a book was put on a low stand with crossed shelves (6, middle). For writing, a pad was put on the crossed legs of a person (see again 6, right, down), or a low little table was put in front (7). In all these cases, people would sit crossed-legged. But that was just an attitude of the clergy. Sitting easy was usually done on the floor, esp. on a little carpet so as to kneel and sit on the lower legs (8 and 9). In working or in attendance, people would kneel with one leg, the foot of the other one flat on the ground (10), so as to be able and jump up quickly if required. Deep reverence was not so much shown by the attitude of the whole body, but particularly by that of the hands. In front of the Buddha, a man would stand upright or sit easy, a woman and a monk would likewise stand upright (11) or kneel upright. To offer something, a man or a woman had to cover the own hand, but a monk might touch the gift by his hand (12).As a sign of complete submissiveness, and as a sign to have no weapons at hand, people would in front of the Buddha clasp the palms of the hands together, the top of the fingers turned up (again 9). Or they would put the hands into the mouth of the sleeves (again 11). Still unexplained remains the meaning of a long flower-twig in the hands of a donator in front of the Buddha, very much too heavy as to be cast on him in reverence (13). Not infrequent, those twigs are just painted across the breast and by the side of the donator’s head, without being hold with the hand (again 11).So, we see, the Uigurs at the time of their Kingdom at Ko-ch’o did not adopt the Chinese way of sitting on chairs, but remained on the floor, on mats and small carpets.

著者

河野 六郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.520-525, 1966-03

著者

尹 国花

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.59-89, 2022-09-16

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This article analyzes the activities and the dissolution process of the Yanbian Democratic League (“the League”), a Korean social organization formed in Yanbian in the early period after the World War II. In this way, the article clarifies the interrelationship between the political trends of the area and the ethnic policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After the war, various social organizations led by Koreans were formed one after another in Yanbian, and were integrated into the League. Initially, the CCP planned to incorporate the Korean communist in the League as a means to promote its influence in Yanbian’s society. Therefore, to verifying the activities of the League and its interaction with the CCP is extremely important for making clear that what the ethnic policies of the CCP were in Yanbian. Previous studies often assumed that the League was established and dissolved spontaneously. Nevertheless, the formation of the League was largely stimulated by the instruction of the Soviet forces stationed in Yanbian. Before CCP and its grassroot organizations penetrated the local communities, it was actually the League that served as the basic unit of the political power in Yanbian. And the success of the League in enhancing local presence was due in large part to the support and the guidance of the Soviet military, which sought to maintain its influence in the locality by training Soviet-leaning cadres. Even so, since the cadres of the League had a long-term base of residence in Yanbian, many of them remained in Yanbian after the war. Many of them recognized Korea as their homeland and gave top priority to the liberation of the Korean nation. While working with the League and absorbing its cadres into the CPC, the CCP was at the same time wary of the growing power of the League, and dissolved the League as the Soviet forces withdraw from Yanbian. This action by the CPC was also a policy located in the border region between China, the Soviet Union, and the North Korean state, which aimed to eliminate the tremendous influence of the Soviet Union and the North Korean state, and establish a stable CPC government in Yanbian.

著者

尹 敏志

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.31-58, 2022-09-16

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The Seven Jia Collection (Qijia ji 七家集) contains seven historical documents of the late Ming, all of which were written from a perspective conflicts with the Qing dynasty, four of them were forbidden in Qianlong 乾隆 era. The Qingbai Caolu 淸白草廬 manuscript collected in Kunaicho Shoryobu 宮内廳書陵部 (the Archives and Mausolea Department, the Imperial Household Agency) was compiled before Qianlong era and then imported to Japan, which was lost in China. According to the Qing manuscript of the Eight Jia Collection (Bajia ji 八家集) in the Peking University Library, it was compiled by adding the Biographies of Four Kings (Siwang hezhuan 四王合傳) to the Seven Jia Collection. Before 1808, the Eight Jia Collection was imported to Japan, attracting the attention of Sinology (kangaku 漢學) and Japanese classical (kokugaku 國學) scholars. There are 13 existing manuscripts of the Eight Jia Collection in Japan, all derived from a single source. By comparing the catalogs and texts of the manuscripts, it is highly likely that exist the formation order of firstly the Seven Jia Collection of Kunaicho Shoryobu, secondly the Eight Jia Collection of Peking University Library, and lastly manuscripts of the Eight Jia Collection in Japan. In the late Edo Era, the books contained in the Eight Jia Collection were published three times. The first was the wooden type version of the Ten Days of Yangzhou (Yangzhou shiri ji 揚州十日記) by Saisentei Tetsuya Jube 採撰亭鐵屋十兵衞. In 1830, Gyokugando 玉巖堂 in Edo extracted the Biographies of Four Kings, published it with Pingding Sanni Shulüe 平定三逆述略 by Zhao Yi 趙翼. In 1834, Saito Nanmei 齋藤南溟 added guiding marks (kunten 訓點) and comments to the Ten Days of Yangzhou and A Record of Slaughter in Jiading (Jiading tucheng jilüe 嘉定????城紀略) and published Jishukan 自修館 edition. The authors of the preface and afterword of Jishukan edition were Sinology scholar living in Edo, Endo Kakushu 遠藤鶴洲 and other Kishu 紀州 feudal retainer emphasized the instructive role of the Eight Jia Collection. On the other hand, Koga Toan 古賀侗庵 emphasized the cruelty of the Qing army and pointed out that the history of Ming-Qing alternation period would be a cautionary tale for Japan. The formation, transmission and publication of the Seven Jia Collection and the Eight Jia Collection shed light on the history of the reception of Qing dynasty forbidden manuscripts, which has not fully concerned in the past..

著者

宇都宮 美生

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.61-96, 2022-06-17

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The imperial garden was a private garden that made up the pre-modern Chinese capital together with the palace and residential areas. The garden was located on the north side of Sui-Tang Chang’an 長安 City, while Xiyuan 西苑 was located on the west side of Luoyang 洛陽 City. In this article, the author explains how Xiyuan’s location related to the purpose of defense against the western peoples and the use of the terrain formed by the rivers. In the eastern part of Xiyuan, Sui Yangdi 隋煬帝 established water facilities and production activities to manage water on a daily basis while supporting entertainment and regulating the water supply to the city, while in the western part, a variety of free-range animals were maintained for use in ritual sacrifices and as a symbol of the emperor’s dignity and assets. The Tang emperors abolished these facilities, building palaces in the mountainous areas for use as hunting bases and summer vacation houses, and showed a gradually diminishing interest in water. The fact that there was no major flood damage in the Sui period while such damage occurred frequently in the Tang period indicates that the water management in Xiyuan was extremely important for Luoyang City downstream, as well as reflecting Yangdi’s reverence for and imitation of Qin Shi Huang 秦始皇帝 and Han Wudi 漢武帝. The differences in water management between the two periods reflects changes in the concept of imperial gardens. Xiyuan might be termed a comprehensive imperial garden that inherited northern traditions since the Qin and Han periods while incorporating elements of nomadic cities such as Ye 鄴 City of Northern Qi (Bei Qi 北斉) and Jiankang 建康 City during the Southern Dynasties. It also indicates that the role of the imperial garden should not be discussed solely with reference to the functions of the Chang’an garden (jinyuan 禁苑), but that water management, a tradition since Qin, should be added as one of its important roles.

著者

柴 棟

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.31-60, 2022-06-17

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During the abdication rite of the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the founding monarchs of the new dynasty usually acceded to the emperor’s throne in the altar place (tanchang 壇場) or the southern suburban altar (nanjiao 南郊) and offered sacrifices to heaven in person. In contrast, the founders of the Sui-Tang Dynasties acceded to the emperor’s throne in the main hall (zhengdian 正殿), and no longer offered sacrifices to heaven in person, but sent an agent whose role was to worship heaven. Although in certain cases researchers have mentioned this change, it is mainly investigated from the aspect of etiquette, especially the change of enthronement etiquette and the normalization of vicarious conduct (yousi sheshi 有司攝事). Therefore, it is necessary to discuss this topic from different perspectives. This study explores the reasons for the changes in enthronement etiquette of abdication in the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties. Consequently, it analyzes the location of the Chancellor of State’s residence (xiangguo fu 相國府), those who received abdication (shoushan zhe 受禪者) in Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties, as well as the relevant political situation in the Sui-Tang Dynasties at the time of abdication, further clarifying the influence of factors, other than the ritual system, on the formation and change of the enthronement ceremony. Therefore, this study investigates the effects of two aspects, namely, the location of enthronement and the executor of the proclamation to heaven, on dynastic change (gaodai jitian 吿代祭天) at that time. We find that the changes in the enthronement etiquette of the Sui-Tang Dynasties’ founding monarch are not caused primarily by the internal ceremony system, but by an expedient measure based on the location of the Chancellor of State’s residence and the political situation at the time. Therefore, this directly reflects the difference in abdication between the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties. Moreover, even though the executor of gaodai jitian changed from emperor to agent during the Sui-Tang Dynasties, Yang Jian 楊堅 and Li Yuan 李淵 took an extremely cautious attitude about the selection of the agent on the day of the ceremony.

著者

福永 善隆

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.1-29, 2022-06-17

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After the reign of Wudi 武帝 of the Former Han Dynasty, Censorate (yushitai 御史台) whose chief was the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary (Middle Aide) (yushi zhongcheng 御史中丞) was formed as an inspector organization. Up to now, that process has been discussed in the context of the formation of the Inner Court (neichao 內朝) and its growing importance. However, the relations between the Secretary of the Censorate (yushi 御史) and the Inner Court, or its core the Office of Palace Writers (the Office) (shangshu 尙書), was not fully elucidated. The traditional view of the Han Dynasty’s political and institutional history that the Inner Court take over the authority of the existing bureaucracy in the Outer Court (waichao 外朝) and the latter declined as its result has recently come under doubt. This study explores the relations between the Secretary of the Censorate and the Inner Court or the Office and demonstrates the evolution of the former in the bureaucratic structure in the latter half of the Former Han Dynasty, which is being reexamined from a new perspective. Attendants in the Inner Palace, who were the members of the Inner Court officials, had the same authority of inspector and impeachment as the Middle Aide. The “Meeting of Officials in the Inner Court,” the general meeting of the officials involved with the Inner Court, had a role as a kind of inspector to denounce the illegality of the Chancellor (chengxiang 丞相) and the Imperial Secretary (yushi dafu 御史大夫), who were in charge of the Outer Court. The authority of inspection is understood to have originally belonged to the Inner Court as a whole. However, the Middle Aide had no direct relation to the Imperial Court (jinzhong 禁中), which was the space where the Inner Court officials worked. On the other hand, the Office, the core of the Inner Court, also inspected and impeached. This study therefore focused on the consideration through the Office, which had the office space in the Imperial Palace, like the Middle Aide. At the end of the Former Han Dynasty, the Office became involved in the personnel matter of officials higher than the 600 picul level (liubai dan 六百石). We can regard this as the consequence of the improvement of the personnel system via the introduction of the investigation by the Office since the reign of Xuandi 宣帝 and Yuandi 元帝. The Office seemed to use the provincial director’s reports (cishi zoushi bu 刺史奏事簿) as one of the reference materials for investigation. In other words, its involvement in the performance assessment would be institutionalized using the lines of command and control between the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary and the provincial directors. On the other hand, the Middle Aide is thought to have gained more authority to inspect counties as time went on. It is obvious that the performance assessment and inspector and impeachment are inextricably linked. Hence, we can safely conclude that the deepening of the Office of Palace Writers’ involvement in the personnel matter of high-ranking officials concurred with the expansion of the inspection discharged by the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary.

著者

越智 重明

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.186-222, 1963-09

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The present article deals with the new system for appointing government officials instituted by Ts’ao Ts’ao曹操 in the third decade of the third century when Ts’ao Ts’ao was yet to found the Wei 魏 Dynasty. At that time this new system was called chiu-p’in 九品 or chiu-p’in-chih 九品制, and it was only after the system had become obsolete in the later period that it was called chiu-p’in kuan-jên fa 九品官人法 or chiu-p’in chung-chêng 九品中正.The new system was adopted for two purposes: the first was to enable officials concerned in the Central Government to be in full command of personnel administration throughout the country; the second, to eliminate possible causes of unfair connections which used to exist between personnel officers and aspiring applicants for high positions. In the Latter Han 後漢 period, the personnel system was largely affected by this private relationship, sometimes infringing upon the Emperor’s ruling power, as was typically shown in the case of Tang-ku-yu 党錮獄.The above-mentioned two purposes were almost fulfilled by the enforcement of the new system. After thirty years the system was subject to a large revision, but even thereafter it remained quite effective for the second purpose, although no longer effective for the first.

著者

栗原 益男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.4, pp.430-457, 1956-03

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The present article is a sequel to the writer’s “a Study of the Nature of the Fictitious Relationship of Father and Son in the T’ang and Five Dynasty Periods” (Shigaku-Zasshi, Vol. 62, No. 6). Two types of Chia-tzŭ 假子, i. e. the adopted son, are recognized; namely, by a group and by an individual. But any information of names and ages of individuals can be obtained only in the latter case. They appeared in most cases in the T’ang and Five Dynasty Periods and the fathers adopting them were mainly Fan-shuai 藩帥, i. e. local leaders. This paper is intended to consider the nature of the power of these local leaders, by investigating names and ages of sons adopted by individuals.The fathers gave names including second name indicating age-rank (pei-tzŭ 輩字) to their adopted sons just as to their real sons, and thus controlled the sons under their patriarchal rule. They did not allow their subordinates to adopt sons as they did. The difference in age between fathers and sons was unnaturally small. In general the adopted son was considerably older than the real son and the leaders proclaimed their adoption of Chia-tzŭ before their real sons were born.From these facts it is observed that Fan-shui a playing a leading role during the T’ang and Five Dynasty Periods extended the parentage to non-cognates and they confirmed their rule on the patriarchal caused by the relation