著者

西村 陽子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.678-715, 2016-03

著者

西村 陽子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.678-715, 2016-03

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This paper clarifies the activities of groups of Turkish 鐵勒 troops in the central government and military cliques in Northern China during the latter half of the Tang era through an examination of the Rebellion of Zhu Ci 朱泚 that occurred during the Jianzhong era (AD. 780-783). These Turkish groups occupied important positions in the central government and military cliques in Northern China during the latter half of the Tang era as they gradually moved their power bases to the Daibei 代北 and Hedong 河東 districts. This paper argues that these corps of Turkish warriors, while maintaining strong influence over a large area extending over the Daibei, Hedong districts and as far as the Ordos, merged with the Shatuo 沙陀 Turks, and that this was the background of the establishment of the Shatuo (Five) Dynasties. In the first section, the author takes up the Zhu Ci rebellion as an example of the spread of the nomadic tribes in military cliques in North China after the Anshi Rebellion, and points out these nomads occupied high positions not only in the central government but also in the military cliques and that they included many Turks and Soghdians. In the second section, the author points out that Hun Jian 渾瑊, who was a famous premier and general during the reign of Emperor Dezong, was a chief of the Hun 渾 Turks, doubled as commander of Gaolanzhou, which was a Jimizhou 羈縻州 established for the Turks, and was a relative by marriage to Qibi 契苾 Turks, who composed one of the Daibei Five tribes 代北五部. The movements of the Hun and Qibi Turks resembled one another, both migrating from Lingwu 靈武 to Daibei, where they held great power. A hidden factor behind the energetic activity of Hun Jian was the large migration of Turks, who had built up power in this area and merged with the Shatuo Turks. At this time, there was a movement of Turkish, Soghdian, and Tangut 党項 peoples to migrate to Daibei and Hedong, and at the end of the Tang dynasty many of these groups joined the Shatuo Turks. Therefore, behind the establishment of the political power of the Shatuo Turks, we can see the coalescing of these nomadic tribes.

著者

中田 美繪

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.448-484, 2016-12

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This paper attempts to consider the background of the conversion to Buddhism of Sogdians in China through an examination of cases of the acceptance of Buddhism by Sogdians in China proper in the Tang era and their expectations of the role of Buddhism in the process of their migration to and settlement in China. First, for Sogdians, taking the Buddhist tonsure was a means to advance in society, comparable to secular success, and allowed them to acquire higher social status. Likewise, for some lay Sogdian Buddhists who supported temples and priests as donors due to their financial strength, Buddhist-based economic ethics had great influence. Furthermore, they were conscious that the links with temples and priests and with local society that underpinned them meant the acquisition of social trust. In addition to the close ties with temples, above mentioned, the activities of the Sogdians extended into imperial court. Sogdian priests built bonds with women in the court such as empresses and princesses during the first half of the Tang era, and with eunuchs, whose influence surpassed that of these women, in the latter half. In other words, during both the first and the latter half of the Tang era, they increased their Buddhist activities with big temples in the imperial capitals as their bases of operation while cementing ties with political powers in the imperial court. For political powers such as women and eunuchs who could not secure legitimacy for their power in the world of Confucian values, Buddhism provided authority and played the role of pushing them on to political stage, as can be seen in the case of Empress Wu who captured the throne by actively using Buddhism. Based on such characteristics of Buddhism, the Sogdians operating as priests built up links with political powers in the imperial court as a political strategy, intending to acquire the protection of those powers. Furthermore, some also employed an economic strategy as in the case of Huifan who allied himself with Princess Taiping and expanded commercial activities under her protection. From the above, we see that the Sogdians conversion to Buddhism had aspects of a survival strategy and also had proactive aspects designed to acquire political and economic benefits.

著者

中田 美繪

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.448-484, 2016-12

著者

石見 清裕

出版者

専修大学社会知性開発研究センター

雑誌

専修大学社会知性開発研究センター古代東ユーラシア研究センター年報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.5-16, 2016-03

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文部科学省私立大学戦略的研究基盤形成支援事業

著者

菅沼 愛語 SUGANUMA Aigo

出版者

京都女子大学史学会

雑誌

史窓 (ISSN:03868931)

巻号頁・発行日

no.73, pp.1-25, 2016-02

著者

任 小波 河野 剛彦

出版者

学習院大学国際研究教育機構

雑誌

学習院大学国際研究教育機構研究年報 = The annual bulletin of the Global Exchange Organization for Research and Education, Gakushuin University (ISSN:21890838)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.134-145, 2016

著者

井上 直樹

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.98-136, 2016-06

著者

井上 直樹

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.98-136, 2016-06

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In 670 the people of the former state of Koguryo 高句麗 revolted against Tang 唐 with the support of Silla 新羅. Silla had been in conflict with Tang over the territory that had been controlled by Baekje 百濟. Therefore, Silla supported the people of the former Koguryo who revolted against Tang in order to stop Tang's large-scale military intervention. In this process, Keommujam 劍牟岑, from the former Koguryo state, invited Ansung 安勝, who was a son of the Koguryo minister Yongjaengto 淵淨土, to return from Silla and recommended him as their lord. But, Ansung killed Keommujam and escaped to Silla with 4, 000 households from the former Koguryo. Silla recognized Ansung as the legitimate son of Koguryo's last king, appointed him as the king of Koguryo, and supported the people of the former Koguryo who resisted Tang. In such circumstances, Silla supported the diplomacy of the people of the former Koguryo towards Japan. Because of conflict with Tang, Silla had to improve relations towards their former-enemy Japan and to prevent Japan from cooperating with Tang. Therefore, Silla used the people of the former Koguryo, who had maintained good relations with Japan before the state's downfall, and tried to obtain Japan's support with the people of the former Koguryo. After suppression of the resistance by the people of the former Koguryo to Tang, Koguryo envoys were dispatched under the escort of Silla missions on the pretext of requesting support for So Koguryo 小高句麗, which had been revived in Silla, in order to prevent Japan from cooperating with Tang. The Silla missions disguised themselves as missions from Imna 任 那, which had previously maintained good relations with Japan, in order to gain an advantage in diplomacy with Japan. After the downfall of Koguryo, Silla used the people of the former Koguryo instead of the Imna mission in order to build good relations with Japan. The activities of the people of the former Koguryo were closely related to Silla, Tang and Japan in the late 7th century. Here we can see the meaning of the activities of the people of the former Koguryo in East Asian history.

著者

葛 継勇

出版者

勉誠出版

雑誌

アジア遊学

巻号頁・発行日

no.199, pp.46-66, 2016-08

著者

齊藤 茂雄

出版者

関西大学東西学術研究所

雑誌

関西大学東西学術研究所紀要 (ISSN:02878151)

巻号頁・発行日

no.49, pp.121-138, 2016-04

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This research analyzes historical sources such as epitaphs and classical Chinese texts, to focus on political tendencies among both the nomadic tribes of the First Turkic Qaghanate and warlords in northern China in the late Sui to the early Tang dynasty. The analysis reveals that the Zhishi 執失, a powerful Turkic tribe, was split by allegiances to both the Qaghanate and the Tang, so that while Zhishi Sili 執失思力 played a key role as a chief vassal of Xieli Qaghan 頡利可汗, Sili's father, Zhishi Wu 執失武, formed a cavalry corps under Li Shimin 李世民. On the other hand, of the warlords that maintained spheres of influence in northern China, those with only relatively limited power, such as Zhang Changsun 張長遜, Guo Zihe 郭子和, and Wan Junzhang 苑君璋, swore their allegiance to both the Türks and the Tang at the same time. Both the Türks and the Tang felt it to be dangerous that these warlords pledged their allegiance to the other side, and sometimes carried out attacks or executions when they ascertained that this was the case. Conversely, there were also cases in which they encouraged the warlords to betray the other side. It is thought that both the Türk nomadic tribes and those warlords with minor spheres of influence sought to survive by shifting between both sides.

著者

聶 順新 吉田 愛

出版者

学習院大学国際研究教育機構

雑誌

学習院大学国際研究教育機構研究年報 = The annual bulletin of the Global Exchange Organization for Research and Education, Gakushuin University (ISSN:21890838)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.146-163, 2016

著者

石野 智大

出版者

法史学研究会

雑誌

法史学研究会会報 = Bulletin of the Society for Legal History (ISSN:13457195)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.44-67, 2015

著者

熊谷 正朗

出版者

一般社団法人 日本機械学会

雑誌

日本機械学会誌 (ISSN:24242675)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.1057, pp.968-969, 2006-12-05 (Released:2017-06-21)

著者

矢越 葉子 YAGOSHI Yoko

出版者

お茶の水女子大学

雑誌

お茶の水女子大学人文科学研究 (ISSN:18801633)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.55-63, 2016-03

著者

丸橋 充拓

出版者

京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科松浦茂研究室

雑誌

アジア史学論集 (ISSN:18835325)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.43-61, 2016-01

著者

渡辺 信一郎

出版者

唐宋変革研究会

雑誌

唐宋変革研究通訊 (ISSN:21882894)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.15-33, 2016-03

著者

新見 まどか

出版者

関西大学東西学術研究所

雑誌

関西大学東西学術研究所紀要 (ISSN:02878151)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.101-119, 2016-04-01

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This paper investigates the use of the title "Great King" (大王) by the military governor of Lu-long (盧龍) at the end of the ninth century, using a stone inscription called the "Zhongcan sheliji (重蔵舎利記)" at Mingzhong (憫忠) temple in You-zhou (幽州) as a reference. In this inscription, Li-Keju (李可挙), military governor of Lu-long, is called "Great King," but this is not an isolated occurrence; I have been able to confirm its use in other historical sources from the 880s and 890s, such as Guiyuan bigeng ji (『桂苑筆耕集』)and Ermu ji (『耳目記』). Around this time, changes in the Tang system of investiture permitted individuals of commoner origin, such as military governors, to use the title of "king" (王), a privilege formerly reserved for members of the imperial family. "Great King" is presumed to be an honorific form of this title. Moreover, the forms of spacing and line breaks employed in the inscription suggest that the monks of Minzhong temple were according a military governor with the title of king even greater respect than the emperor. In the late-ninth century, the power and prestige of the imperial court had been dealt a major blow by the rebellion of Huang-Chao (黄巣), and the military governor of Lu-long had embraced the ambition of overthrowing the Tang court and seizing the empire for himself. Such power relations, political and military, between the Tang court and the military governor would appear to have influenced the style and format of the "Zhongcan sheliji" inscription.

著者

新見 まどか

出版者

関西大学史学・地理学会

雑誌

史泉 = Shisen : historical & geographical studies in Kansai University (ISSN:03869407)

巻号頁・発行日

no.123, pp.17-33, 2016-01

著者

山内 敏輝

出版者

龍谷大学大学院文学研究科紀要編集委員会

雑誌

龍谷大学大学院文学研究科紀要

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, 2016-12-26