著者

伊藤 浩明 森下 雅史 山田 緑 大島 美穂子 坂本 龍雄 田中 昭

出版者

一般社団法人日本小児アレルギー学会

雑誌

日本小児アレルギー学会誌 (ISSN:09142649)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.65-68, 2005-03-01 (Released:2010-08-05)

参考文献数

13

被引用文献数

2 2

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ヤマイモは, 仮性アレルゲンを含む食品として知られているが, 一般臨床でIgE抗体測定ができなかったために, ヤマイモアレルギーに関する報告は少ない. 本稿では, ヤマイモ摂取により即時型アレルギー反応を認め, ユニキャップによりIgE抗体が陽性であった乳幼児7例を報告した. ヤマイモアレルギーの症例は, 顔全体から全身に及ぶ紅斑・蕁麻疹又は浮腫を認め, 2例で呼吸器症状 (咳嗽・喘鳴), 1例で消化器症状 (嘔吐・下痢) を認めた. 患児は, ヤマイモを含むかりんとうや焼いたヤマイモなど, 加熱された加工品にも反応した. 一方, IgE抗体陰性者7例で認められた誘発症状は口周囲の紅斑に限定されており, 仮性アレルゲンによるものと思われた. 以上より, ヤマイモ特異IgE抗体測定は, 真のアレルギーと仮性アレルゲンによる反応との鑑別に有用であると考えられた.

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

日本国際政治学会 ; 1957-

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.189, pp.1-16, 2017-10

著者

大島 美穂子 成瀬 徳彦 伊藤 浩明

出版者

一般社団法人日本小児アレルギー学会

雑誌

日本小児アレルギー学会誌 (ISSN:09142649)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.5, pp.551-559, 2020-12-20 (Released:2020-12-20)

参考文献数

15

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【背景】食物アレルギーによる給食の除去対応は,給食で提供される最大量を超えて食べられることを確認したうえで解除される.【目的】地域の学校給食における卵,乳の最大使用量を明らかにする.アレルギー対応食の栄養を評価するとともに,食物アレルギー児が通常給食を喫食できる基準を考察する.【方法】愛知県豊田市の2018年度の学校給食198食を対象に,卵と乳の使用量を献立表と加工品の納入物資明細書より調査した.また,卵,乳アレルギー対応給食と通常食の栄養価を算出し,学校給食摂取基準と比較した.【結果】豊田市の飲用牛乳を除いた給食1食における卵の最大使用量は45 g,乳タンパク質最大含有量は5.93 gであった.乳を完全除去した牛乳アレルギー対応食では,カルシウム摂取が学校給食摂取基準の21.9±9.2%にとどまった.【結論】自治体の給食における使用量より,食物アレルギー対応が必要な基準を示すことができた.乳除去対応は著明なカルシウム不足につながるため,除去解除の根拠となる具体的な使用量を開示することは有意義であると考えられた.

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.189, pp.189_1-189_16, 2017-10-23 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

22

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The purpose of this volume is to review the relationship between International Politics and Regional Studies from the perspectives of each field, and to re-examine Regional Studies contribution to International Politics. It has been quite some time since Stanley Hoffmann, among others, indicated that International Relations (IR) was an American social science, and it has become commonplace to affirm that IR is not “international” at all, but is rather characterized by a pervasive Anglo-American mode of thought and resulting conceptual and spatial boundaries. Since then a limited number of studies have emerged to enhance our understanding of how IR is perceived in distinct places around the globe, and one of the most important of these is a series on “geocultural epistemologies in IR” by Arlene B. Tickner and Ole Wæver. The configuration of the JAIR membership shows that in Japanese academic circles IR has developed in a dual format with one branch focusing on theoretical research and global studies and the other on regional studies and historical research, and, moreover, that those tendencies are different from American IR. As another distinct feature, these two areas of research do not exist in an isolated manner, and more than a few members not only carry out regional studies but also incorporate a profound knowledge of theoretical research into their work, which has led to the development of significant resources and achievements. However, it is difficult to sustain this linkage as a steady process, and it seems that the majority of members, throughout their careers, study in a very narrow range of specialization with limited crossover into alternates branches of the field.It can be said that regional histories, as well as their political, economic, and social structures, have been formed in the context of international politics and that we cannot discuss regional issues without regard to international politics and vice versa. In this volume, by presenting the relationships between international politics and regional issues in the Middle East, Latin America, East Asia, South-East Asia, Russia and Europe, and by engaging in analysis of regional alliances in international conflict, we would like to try relativizing IR and the interaction of regional and international politics in evidence based research.

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

北東アジア学会

雑誌

環日本海研究 (ISSN:13430300)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.15-27, 1998-10-25

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In this paper I study three levels of actors in Baltic Sea cooperation, that is to say, international organization such as the EU, the central governments, and the local administrations, focusing on environmental problems. In Baltic Sea cooperation, which is a pioneer case of sub-regional cooperation, these three actors are in the same direction and are interdependent. This structual tendency of Baltic Sea cooperation is different from that of Japan Sea cooperation. The reason is that in Baltic Sea those three actors have the common interests in cooperation especially of environmental problems. But at the same time the cooperational system in Baltic Sea is not always top-down and the three levels are sometimes entangled in each other on environmetal issues. These animations of the trans-national activities reflects the European situation after the Cold War, but it also shows the essence of environmental problems, in which it is difficult to draw the lines among international organizations, the central governments and the local administrations. And there local administrations are in a way of grasping the regional situation and making an effective proposals, which may get over the national boundary.

著者

飯田 敬輔 大島 美穂 大矢根 聡 酒井 啓子 中西 寛

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.200, pp.200_175, 2020-03-31 (Released:2020-04-16)

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

バルト=スカンディナヴィア研究会

雑誌

北欧史研究 (ISSN:02866331)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.29-42, 2020-12

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

世界法学会

雑誌

世界法年報 (ISSN:09170421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.11, pp.39-45, 1991-10-15 (Released:2011-02-07)

参考文献数

4

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.110, pp.39-54,L7, 1995

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In this paper 1 consider the process and meanings by which the Nordic countries, in face of their identity crisis, inclined toward Baltic Sea cooperation as a new framework of regional cooperation.<br>After the Cold War, paradoxically the Nordic countries seemed to lose their superiority in Europe, because it became clear that their stability and unity, whose characteristics are a lower tension area with no nuclear weapons and no foreign troops, and a welfare society, was dependent on the fact that they kept their distance from East-West confrontation. In today's Europe, distance from Central Europe and the EU means away from the centre of Europe's new dynamism, and the Nordic countries changed into the periphery. In this threat to their existence the Nordic countries tried to seek another way of regional cooperation and committed themselves to Baltic Sea cooperation.<br>Apart from self-containment Nordic cooperation, Baltic Sea cooperation because of its location, is not only open to East-West relations, but also can contribute to smooth relations between "the developed West" and "the developing East".<br>Besides the emergence of sub-regional cooperation, such as Baltic Sea cooperation, has something to do with the changes of the qualitative and territorial meanings of security in Europe. The qualitative change is from the old security that meant only military affairs in a limited sense. This has lost meaning and instead means security in a broad sense, including refugee and minority problems, societal insecurity, and ecological problems. Thus security is related to the whole of society, so called human security. Baltic Sea cooperation based on Nordic multiple cooperation, that is in the social, legal, cultural and communication fields, can cope with security in a broad sense, and bring security to the region.<br>On the other hand, as the Treaty of Maastricht shows, the EU has moved into common diplomacy and security policies which nation-states previously monopolized, and the meanings of state and territory are being eroded by the EU. The rearrangements of the EU's role and each nation's role gives new significance to sub-regional cooperation. particulary Baltic Sea cooperation, between East and West.<br>In these senses, even though Baltic Sea cooperation is a very young and small attempt, it can be an important sub-regional approach to European security, as the nation-state system enters a new stage.