著者

江里口 拓

出版者

The Japanease Society for the History of Economic Thought

雑誌

経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.23-40, 2008-07-31 (Released:2010-08-05)

参考文献数

65

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The purposes of this paper are, first, to present a critique of B. Semmel's social imperialist inter-pretation of Sidney and Beatrice Webb's theories, and second, to establish the compatibility of the Webbs' ideas on “national efficiency” with the “internationalism” of the world economy. Pivotal to their program of national efficiency were the idea of “national minimum” and strategies developed at the London School of Economics (LSE).As they argued in Industrial Democracy (1897), the Webbs believed that national minimum policy should be based on free trade, and from that standpoint they criticised the protectionism of W. Ashley. However, the Webbs did not recognise the necessity for an “international minimum” as proposed by A. C. Pigou in The Economics of Welfare (1920) because effective use of the national minimum policy would by itself ensure efficiency in the British economy. This idea was affirmed with the founding of LSE (1895), which was established with the objective of promoting the application of scientific knowledge and skills (especially in areas of commerce and public administration) to the British economy. The Webbs hoped that their policies of national efficiency, which they saw as compatible with free trade, would be adopted by every civilised nation.Behind the Webbs' approach to the social imperialists were the realities of British party politics at the turn of the century, just before the blossoming of the “new liberalism.” That was the context in which they sought to realise their policies of national efficiency. It is therefore important to carefully distinguish their political behaviour from their economic thought.After the Second World War, G. Myrdal (1960) criticised the welfare state on grounds of its nationalist bias. However, the Webbs' idea of national efficiency based on free trade continues to offer an important clue to the resolution of that aporia in the logic of modern welfare states.

著者

渡会 勝義 新村 聡 小峯 敦 石井 穣 江里口 拓

出版者

早稲田大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2012-04-01

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経済学の歴史において、人口は国民の貧困や福祉に重大な影響を与える要因として、常に注目されていた。本研究ではこの視点を各国比較の参照枠として捉え、フランス、イタリア、インドなどを具体的に取りあげた。その結果、現在の経済学では所与と捉えがちな人口という条件が、人々の生活(つまり貧困や福祉)にいかに影響を与え続けてきたか、という歴史的な教訓を再確認することができた。科研費メンバーはそれぞれ、リヨン(フランス)、サレント(イタリア)など各地に赴き、現地の研究者と交流することで、今後、この論題を発展する手がかりをつかむこともできた。

著者

江里口 拓

出版者

経済学史学会

雑誌

経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.119-120, 2008-07-31 (Released:2010-08-05)

著者

江里口 拓

出版者

The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought

雑誌

経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.40, pp.13-23, 2001 (Released:2010-08-05)

参考文献数

31

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The perspective offered by Pat Thane in the “Mixed Economy of Welfare” will necessarily introduce a new point of view into the history of social policy thought in Britain. The purpose of this paper is to try to clarify the interrelationship between some of the thoughts concerning social policy in the early 20th century from this point of view, especially around issues of poverty and unemployment as addressed in the “Report of the Poor Law Committee” (1909) and the “Liberal Reform” (1908-11).It has been understood that the Bosanquets and the Webbs confronted each other in the “Poor Law Committee” because the former based their thinking on an individualistic view of poverty, while the latter were Socialists. However the two parties' views coincided on both the issue of interference with paupers, and on the extension of “Collectivism” (trade unions, co-operation, friendly societies) to ordinary men, believing that this was necessary. Their differences lay in the way they wanted to approach this interference, the Bosanquets through charity and social work, the Webbs through state interference to the men below the national minimum standard.However, the New Liberalists (J. A. Hobson, L. T. Hobhouse) and W. H. Beveridge were opposed to interfering with individual men in general, and insisted on social insurance. The New Liberalists depended on the “optimism of human progress”, while Beveridge relied on the “market mechanism” and on “rational economic man”. But both sought new relationships between the state and collectivism.Views on the division of function between the state and collectivism were shared by all of the parties discussed in this paper. This may be the common feature of British social policy thinking in the early 20th century.

著者

江里口 拓

出版者

The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought

雑誌

経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.34, pp.65-76, 1996 (Released:2010-08-05)

参考文献数

39

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The purpose of this paper is to show the character of the Webbs' theory of trade unionism through examining its relationships with their social reform scheme.The scheme is based on Sidney's three essays, which make it clear that the mechanism of ‘industrial progress’ is worked by competition among firms for greater ‘rent’ of ‘ability’ and of ‘capital’.In Industrial Democracy, the Webbs argue that this mechanism should be accelerated by the minimum labour conditions which the trade union regulates, and propose the supplement of this regulation by a legislated ‘national minimum’. This proposal is founded in their recognition, in The History of Trade Unionism, that trade unionism has already changed from a negative political action to a positive one.Before studying trade unionism, they had already analysed the consumer's cooperative movement and the municipal government and realised that trade unionism was profitable for the improvement of consumers' or citizens' livelihoods. Thus, the theory of trade unionism was introduced into their social reform scheme, and the scheme was reinforced by the theory.The Webbs' theory of trade unionism is a part of their social reform scheme for improving the nation's livelihood.

著者

関 源太郎 高 哲男 姫野 順一 岩下 伸朗 荒川 章義 江里口 拓

出版者

九州大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2007

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20世紀イギリスの経済社会改良思想は、19世紀末に古典的リベラリズムの時代的限界を打破するべく登場したニュー・リベラリズムの形成とその後の戦前・戦後における多様な展開、1980年代の一時的消失、20世紀末の再生という動的過程を基軸に理解することができる。その際、特に注目すべきは、(1)ニュー・リベラリズムの形成はリッチーの社会進化論が大きな契機となったこと、(2)その展開は戦前・戦後期のマーシャル、ピグー、トーニー、ウェッブ夫妻、ケインズらの経済社会改良思想にも伺うことができること、(3)1980年代サッチャー政権下で消失した観を呈した経済社会改良思想におけるニュー・リベラリズムの伝統は、サッチャー政権の諸政策を推し進めようとしたメジャー保守党政権が新たに提起した市場への政府介入を推し進め、新らたに変化した時代環境に適用したニュー・レイバー労働党政権によって1990年代末に再生されたということである。