著者

安岡 孝一

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.542-533, 2010-03

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[ササ]" has been regarded as a "wrong" character by MJJ (Ministry of Justice Japan). It is excluded from the Unified Character Set for Family's Registers 戸籍統一文字) in Japan, and from the computer character sets such as JIS X 0213 or Unicode. In September, 2009, MBS (Mainichi Broadcast Station) reported about a family, whose family name had been "[ササ]山" and was changed into "密山" by MJJ. MJJ has been trying to exclude "wrong" characters from Family's Registers, correcting them into "right" characters. MJJ considered "[ササ]" as a "wrong" character and corrected it into "密" . MBS contacted CIEAS (Center for Informatics in East Asian Studies, Institute for Research in Humanities, Kyoto University) about the character "[ササ]", and the author, a faculty member of CIEAS, was interviewed. In fact "[ササ]" is less common nowadays. Thus the author, also a member of JIS committee, did not include "[ササ]" in JIS X 0213, since JIS X 0213 should include characters that are common in Japan. However, "[ササ]" was used more frequently in the Kamakura period and appeared in old Japanese dictionaries. "[ササ]" is a rarely-used character but not a "wrong" one. As a result MJJ withdrew their decision about "[ササ]" and re-corrected the family name into "[ササ]山". But MJJ is still trying to exclude other "wrong" characters from Family's Registers even now.

著者

二宮 文子

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, pp.412-393, 2012-12

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In the 13th century, the northwestern area of South Asia was situated between the two strong powers of the Mongols and the Delhi Sultanate. There were many small groups in that area trying to secure their autonomy as much as possible. This article deals with one of those small groups called Qarlugs. The first leader of the group is Sayf al-Din Hasan Qarlug, who was appointed by Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din as a ruler of Ghazna, Kurraman and Bannu in 1224. Due to Mongol pressure, he was compelled to move toward Multan, though he kept occupying Bannu, situated on the route from Ghazna to Multan. Though they had been controlled by Mongols through shahna (armed tax collectors), Sayf al-Din's son and successor, Nasir al-Din Muh ammad Qarlug, tried to tie a matrimonial relationship with Giyat al-Din Balaban in Delhi. In the consequence, envoys were exchanged between Balaban and Hulagu Khan of the Il-khanate, in 1260. In the end, Nasir al-Din Muhammad was killed by Hulagu Khan based on an accusation of Sams al-Din Kurt, a semi-independent ruler based in Herat. Sams al-Din Kurt's aim seems to have been to remove an obstacle against his expansion towards the southern part of Salt Range and Sind province. Through the history of the Qarlug, s, we can see how Mongol rule and/or geographical conditions affected the activities of small powers in the northwestern area of South Asia.

著者

冨谷 至

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.1-79, 2013-12

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During one millennium, from the inception of the Han Statutes (漢律) in the 3rd century BC until the establishment of the Tang Criminal Code (唐律) in the 8th century AD, Chinese codified law changed and developed towards a combination of criminal code (律) and administrative statutes (令). Judged by any criteria within the period in question, this was a considerable achievement.Yet despite being a precocious feat, what sort of resource did the Tang code effectively offer in actual cases of legal judgment? The Code's article on 'judgments and prison sentences' stipulates : "All criminal sentences must cite a formal provision from the Code, Statutes, Regulations, or Ordinances." However, scholars have hitherto found no evidence to verify this requirement in the historical sources of the Tang period. On the other hand, a mass of historical and archeological data from the Han period is available to prove that the demand to cite relevant Han statutes was regularly observed. I argue that these divergent Han and Tang practices arose out of extremely different character and conceptions of law in the two periods. My analysis considers four factors : 1). the changing relationship between the Confucian canon and legal codifications ; 2). the enduring consideration of individual mitigating factors in the application of code articles ; 3). the historical ascent of new social conditions through which to constitute crimes ; 4). the appearance of new ordinances 格 to guide actual practices concerning judgement. I conclude that during this period the concepts underlying the various processes of legal codification developed from what I have called Han norms of adjudication into Tang norms of conduct. This conceptual shift had important implication for the practical business of interpreting and applying the law during the formative period of Chinese imperial government.

著者

竹内 實

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.715-764, 1980-03-15

著者

室寺 義仁

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.442-423, 2013-12

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In the cultural sphere of the Pāli canons the three sutta-phrases that have been transmitted are "all compounded things are impermanent" (Pāli : sabbe sankhārā aniccā), "all compounded things are suffering" (sabbe sankhārā dukhā), and "all dhammas are without a self" (sabbe dhammā anattā), which originate from the words of the Buddha (see the Dhammapada, vv. 277-279 in the Chap. XX 'magga'). As is known from the appearance of these three phrases among the sayings of Aññā-Kondañña (see the Theragāthā, vv. 676-678), who would become the Buddha's first disciples at the time of his first sermon, the Pāli transmission of the three phrases has been believed to the present to possess the three marks (tilakkhana) of the Buddha's teaching for those following his path. On the contrary, in the Chinese linguistic cultural sphere the three phrases "all conditioned things are impermanent" (Skt. : sarvasam skārā anityā), "all dharmas are without a self" (sarvadharmā anātmānah), and "nirvān a is peace" (śāntamnirvānam) have their source in the Buddha's words and are sūtra-phrases used by the Buddha's disciples led by Ānanda soon after his parinirvān a as part of a new trend of thought from "all is suffering" to "nirvān a is peace" (see the Sam yuktāgama, No. 262). These three phrases were fixed during the first period of translation in China of the Āgamas and the Sarvāstivādin Ābhidharmic literature from around the end of the 3rd century to the first half of the 4th century. Concerning the term 三法印, the original Sanskrit is, as far as we know, a newly coined word, dharmamudrā trilaks an ā, used by the Buddhist poet Mātr cet a to poetically evoke non-self, momentariness, and peace in the first verse of the sixth chapter Avivādastava of the Varm ārhan astotra in about the 2nd century.

著者

濱田 正美

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.353-401, 1983-03-15

著者

「六朝道教の研究」研究班

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.567-786, 1998-03

著者

岡村 秀典

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, pp.1-54, 2009-03-30

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Chinese bronze mirrors are highly appreciated by Chinese and Japanese archaeologists, for they are particularly useful for chronological studies. Aside from the actual design, inscriptions can be found on a great many mirrors of the Han age. The mirror inscriptions have already been transcribed, first by Song dynasty scholars, and then by Qing dynasty epigraphists. In 1920s, Luo Zhen-yu published a fairly extensive collection of mirror inscriptions, and depended implicitly on his deciphering B. Karlgren collected 257 lines in his "Early Chinese Mirror Inscriptions" (BMFEA, No.6, 1934) and made an extremely important interpretation of the meaning. Many of mirror inscriptions are versified, Karlgren as a Western pioneer of Chinese linguistics also indicated the rimes throughout. I organized the Research Project on Chinese Mirror Inscriptions to make a safe interpretation of all the inscriptions known so far, and to investigate the changes of the poetry style during 400 years of Han dynasty. According to my chronology, the Western Han mirrors can be roughly divided into four period. Many of the inscriptions of Period II and III are composed of lines of four-character or three-character, and some of them were imitative of poetic style of Chu Ci (楚辭) and on this ground generated the seven-character verses known as Bai Liang (柏梁) style. The seven-character verses were popular in Period IV, frequently referred to the Confucian scheme conceived the cosmos as the si-shen and presence of Yin Yang Wu Xing and also to the existence of the immortal beings. The latter half of this period was in the time of Wang Mang, he spread propaganda about his political achievements in the mirror inscriptions.

著者

金 文京

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, pp.185-210, 2001-03-30

著者

冨谷 至

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.61-113, 1992-03-31

著者

狹閒 直樹

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, pp.565-610, 2011-08-31

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Nishi Amane 西周, was one of the first Japanese students sent to Europe by the shogunate government. In addition to the knowledge of the Western Learning, Nishi had solid foundation of the philosophy of Zhu Xi 朱熹 as well as that of Ogyu Sorai 荻生徂徠, the latter enabled him to view the former relatively. While in Holland, Nishi studied under Professor S. Vissering of Leiden University, who offered him lectures consisting of five subjects instrumental in building a new nation. Nishi also learned French and made a considerable progress in philosophy which he considered as the basis for every academic discipline. Nishi found that the Modern Western Learning was superior to the Oriental Learning, because it was based on the principle of the dignity and equality of all human beings. After returning home, Nishi translated and published the lectures of Professor Vissering. Yoshino Sakuzo 吉野作造 highly praised them as “the only light illuminating the world of darkness” for those who wanted to understand the way the Modern Western societies were constructed. In transplanting the Western Modern Learning, Nishi deliberately originated technical terms such as ʻenʼeki, (演繹 deduction) ʼ ʻkinou (歸納 induction), ʼ ʻtetsugaku (哲學philosophy), ʼ etc., after giving serious consideration to the accumulated knowledge of Han learning in Japan. Nishiʼs work paved the way for the formation of the “Cultural Sphere” in Modern East Asia.

著者

「六朝道敎の研究」研究班

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, pp.295-412, 1999-03-26

著者

「六朝道敎の研究」研究班

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, pp.567-786, 1998-03-27

著者

「六朝道敎の研究」研究班

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, pp.603-827, 1997-03-31

著者

橋本 敬造

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.323-343, 1987-03-31

著者

大内 文雄

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

東方學報. 京都 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, pp.287-355, 1997

著者

莊 聲

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.320-294, 2013-12-20

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Beginning from the Nurhaci era of Aisin Gurun 金國, Manchu people frequently used their own language to tell stories from the Chinese classics. In doing so they used several unique methods to narrate these Chinese tales, among which were included popular novels in the vernacular. Their priority was to make these stories easy to understand, not necessarily to produce strict translations. By the Hongtaiji era of Taizong 太宗, we can detect that the Manchus had acquired a considerable knowledge of Chinese military classics. However texts such as the Liutao 六韜 and Sanlue 三略 were read not out of military necessity, but for the purpose of general edification. The Manchus had also by this time also become very familiar with historical works such as the Tong jian 通鑒 and the Confucian classics (namely Sishu 四書), and the flourishing practice of reading such Chinese books ended up having a great influence on both politics and military practice. However the Manchus did not merely tell stories drawn from Chinese culture. For example among Han Chinese, when welcoming the new year, what most represented the new year was the Nian hua 年畫(a small poster or banner on which is painted various symbols of prosperity and good luck). Using the Di Jian Tu Shuo 帝鑒圖說 as reference book, and employing Han Chinese artisans, the Manchus made their own Nian hua. Furthermore when compiling the Tai zu Shi lu 太祖實錄圖(an illustrated record of the reign of emperor Taizu), Han Chinese artists were also much employed.

著者

荒井 健

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.127-145, 1973-02-28

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.291-327, 1998-03

著者

古勝 隆一

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.213-241, 2010-03-25

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The Suishu Jingji zhi and the Shitong are known as the most important and influential writings of historiography in the Sui-Tang period. Many genres of books on history appeared in medieval China, and we could say that Suishu Jinji-zhi and Shitong finally overviewed the total historical writings of pre-Sui period. Although two of them dealt with historical writings, their attitudes toward such writing were quite different. In this article, I would like to make clear that the Suishu Jingji-zhi paid much attention to pursuing the cultural origins of genres, on contrast the main concern of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 in the Shitong was how to utilize the wide variety of genres in order to write his ideal official history.