著者

稻葉 穰

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.402-359, 2013-12-20

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There is much obscurity in the history, especially the pre-modern history, of Kabul, the present capital of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. In this paper, an attempt has been made to elucidate as much as possible the history of the city from ancient times up to the 18th century, by integrating the results of the researches on the literary sources, the analyses of archaeological materials, and numismatic studies. As a result, though still provisional, the following conclusions have been attained : 1) In eastern Afghanistan, the regional center shifted according to the politico-military setting among three historical cities, that is, Kābul, Kāpiśī, which was located at the archaeological site of Begram about 50 km by map to the north of Kābul, and Ghazni, which is located 140 km to the southwest of Kābul and flourished from the end of the 10th century as the royal capital of the Ghaznavid empire. 2) Those shifts of the politico-economic center of the region had been related to the geographical circumstances characterized by presumably limited agricultural production and enormously vigorous mercantile activities.

著者

衣川 強

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.245-294, 1973-09

被引用文献数

1

著者

吉川 忠夫

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.115-277, 1992-03-31

著者

吉川 忠夫

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.64, pp.p115-277, 1992-03

著者

林 巳奈夫

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.48, pp.p1-98, 1975-12

著者

船山 徹

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 = The tôhô gakuhô : journal of oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.522-402, 2020-12-25

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This is the world's first attempt to explore the significance of the lost Chinese Buddhist text entitled Chu yao lü yi 出要律儀"Clarification of the Essence of Regulations in the Buddhist Monastic Code, " by exhaustively collecting its fragmentary quotations in later times (ninety-five passages in all) accompanied by Japanese translation and philological notes, and by comprehensive evaluation of the Chu yao lü yi as well. The present article has reached the following conclusions : The Chu yao lü yi was compiled in the early sixth century in the Liang dynasty 梁, and immediately cited in the fascicle three of the Fan fanyü ;翻梵語 "Translations of Indic Terms" arguably ascribed to the monk Baochang 寶唱(d. u.) in the Liang. The Chu yao lü yi was most probably consists of the two sections ; namely, literal quotations of the Chinese Buddhist translations of the monastic code (vinaya) as Major Section and the explanation of Buddhist terms which is called "Yin yi 音義(Pronunciations and Meanings of Words)" as Minor Section. All the fragmentary quotations recorded in the present article belong to the "Yin yi" section. The Yin yi section includes five kinds of information : 1 entry word ; 2 old translations and phonetic transcription prior to Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什(ca. 350-409) ; 3 explanation by "specialist of monastic code (chi lü zhe持律者)" ; 4 explanation by "linguist (sheng lun zhe 聲論者, i. e., Chinese scholar-monk on the Sanskrit)" ; and explanation by "foreign monk (hu seng 胡僧)." It is noteworthy that phonetic transcriptions of Sanskrit words shown by the linguist are sometimes incorrect. The Yin yi section is highly valued as the linguistic explanation of Buddhist terms in the early sixth century prior to what is called Yiqie jing yin yi一切經音義"Pronunciations and Meanings [of Buddhist terms] in the Whole Canon" such as that of Xuan'ying玄應(the mid-sixth centurury). The Yin yi of the Chu yao lü yi are not free from ambiguity about the exact correspondence between Sanskrit and Chinese phonemes, and about the distinction between short and long vowels in Sanskrit, as well as other points. Further, the text is not equipped with systematic treatment regarding the notation of Skt. consonant cluster such as pra-, -tra, and sma. It is indeed true that the linguistic aspect of the Chu yao lü yi is far from satisfactory, but the composition of the Yin yi in a transitional period brought Chinese Buddhist linguistics to the ground-breaking production of comprehensive Yin yi texts called Yiqie jing yin yi in the late sixth century and thereafter.

著者

冨谷 至

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.64, pp.p61-113, 1992-03

著者

外村 中

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, pp.280-205, 2018-12

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The Buddha-avatamsaka-sūtra (also : Avatamsaka-sūtra or Flower Adornment Sutra) with the teaching about Buddha Vairocana is thought to have been compiled in Northwestern India or Central Asia by the end of the 4th century CE at the latest. At present there is no complete version of the original Sanskrit sutra available. On the other hand, two full versions of Chinese translations are still extant : one is the so-called 60 fascicle Huayanjing made in the 5th century CE and the other is the so-called 80 fascicle Huayanjing in the 7th century CE. In East Asia, the Buddha-avatamsaka-sūtra has been considered as one of the most fundamental Mahāyāna sutras. However, due to the fact that the essential information is extremely fragmented and dispersed over the pages of the long texts, up to the present the two Chinese versions' contents concerning the buddha body and the universe have not been clearly understood by modern scholars yet. In order to establish a working basis for comparative discussion in the fields of history of science, arts and culture as well as religious studies, relevant fragments of information were extracted from both versions, organized and analyzed for this paper, coming to the following result : Concerning the issues, the basic idea of the Buddha-avatamsaka-sūtra apparently was established around the beginning of the second century CE or earlier. The original Sanskrit sutra seems to have been the earliest Mahāyāna scripture that explained an idea of a full picture of the universe in relation to the twofold buddha body. The sutra showed that the dharma body, which embodies the human buddha body, pervades the whole space of the universe. It also described the universe as following : 1) existing as one, 2) having limitless space, 3) having limitless time, 4) having no absolute center (=Buddha Vairocana is preaching not at the center of the universe), 5) being pure, 6) including even the inside of the atmosphere of a planet (=a world with Mt. Sumeru), and 7) really existing as a whole. However, for the 5th century CE version, the issue listed under no. 4) was obviously not translated literally, but intentionally edited to propagate the idea that the universe has an absolute center, where there is a cosmic lotus flower, on which Buddha Vairocana is turning the wheel of the dharma. That being so, it could be said that the 60 fascicle Huayanjing should not be considered as a mere translation but rather understood as a sutra, that was newly created in East Asia with a particular agenda. This new interpretation and possibility would have to be taken into account, especially when analyzing works of East Asian Buddhist art with respect to cosmological context.

著者

永田 英正

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.157-196, 1970-03-31

著者

檀上 寛

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.499-524, 1986-03-31

著者

向井 佑介

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.81-110, 2013-12

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This paper will consider the Sinification of the Buddhist stupa, which originated in India, through an examination of archaeological findings, iconographic materials and written documents from early Chinese Buddhism. First, I examine how early Chinese Buddhist temples were planned, and how religious activities were practiced in there. The pagodas at that time were placed in the center of temples and played important role in religious activity. Recent excavation at the northern Wei temple on the western hill of the Yungang 雲岡 caves clarifies that the buildings of this temple consisted of a pagoda placed in a courtyard and a square-shaped monastery surrounding it. This finding indicates that this style of temple, which originated in the Gandharan vihara, was introduced into Chinese Buddhist temples by the late 5th century. In addition, investigation of the Siyuan-fosi 思遠佛寺 temple at Fangshan 方山and the Siyan-fotu 思燕佛圖 temple at Chaoyang 朝陽 proves that the inside of these pagodas were decorated with clay statuary and wall paintings. The inside of these decorated pagodas was a space for not only worship by believers but also meditation by monks, and through these religious practices they prayed for ascending to Tusita 兜率 heaven where Maitreya Bodhisattva 彌勒菩薩 was believed to live. Second, I discuss how people understood the cosmology of Chinese pagodas by fusing the Buddhist perspectives of the universe with traditional Chinese ideas about immortality and ascension. In China, Buddhist stupas were changed into many-storied tall buildings, on the top of which small stupas were placed. This change occurred because the Buddha was thought to be similar to Chinese immortals, and pagodas were built on the model of the tall buildings on which immortals were deified. The objects called Lupan 露盤 on the top of pagodas symbolize the Chinese traditional idea of immortals, as the origin of this term lies not in Buddhist literatures but derives from the word Chenglupan 承露盤, dew basins on the top of the tall buildings for immortals. On the other hand, pagodas, at that time, were sometimes united with Mt. Sumeru 須彌山, and people desired to ascend to Tushita heaven of Maitreya Bodhisattva through this mythic mountain. Connecting heaven and earth, pagodas embodied ideas about immortality and ascension, and increased peoples' belief in them.

著者

向井 佑介

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.133-177, 2010-03

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In the last few decades, a considerable number of tombs were discovered and our knowledge about the mortuary system in the Northern Wei 北魏 Period has rapidly deepened. The transformation of mortuary system in the 5th century reflects not only the Sinification process of the Tuoba Xianbei 拓跋鮮卑 but also intercultural conflict between agricultural and nomadic traditions. The purpose of this paper is to reveal the Sinification process of nomads analyzing the transformation of burial structure and customs in the 5th century. First, I re-examined chronological framework of potteries unearthed from the tombs in the southern suburbs of Datong 大同 and concluded it to be right for the most part. According to the Sinification process of the Tuoba Xianbei, crafting technique of potteries was improved in stages, especially in the late 5th century. Secondly, the burial structure must have been variable according to the status or wealth of its owners. Since early part of the Northern Wei period, a small group of the aristocracy had already been buried in the brick-chambered tombs, such as the tombs at Meidai Village 美岱村 and the mural tomb at Shaling Village 沙嶺村. The brick chamber tombs with curvy-side square plan and pyramidal ceiling were rapidly diffused as the upper-class burials in the late 5th century, while the pit-style or underground cave style burials with wooden coffins held the majority in the lower and middle class cemetery. The square-shaped chambers with terracotta figurines and funerary couches were prepared for its owners' next life. These things indicate that the new type of burial structure which had been diffused in the late 5 th century was attended by ideological changes on burials.

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, pp.291-327, 1998-03-27

著者

山田 慶兒

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.99-134, 1975-12-10

著者

冨谷 至

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.79-131, 2000-03

著者

福永 光司

出版者

京都大学人文科学研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.1-68, 1962-06

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, pp.145-171, 2015-12

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In Joseon Korea, only the king could pass a sentence of death and give the order for the execution of condemned criminals ; because of this, he would take great care in such legal proceedings. In particular, he would order the Board of Punishments to examine a case and the State Council to re-examine it before he approved a sentence of death. Moreover, he would order treble retrials before he approved the execution of condemned criminals. These proceedings were taken from the system described in the Confucian classics. The second of the treble retrials was just a screening, so substantial deliberation only occurred in the first and third retrials. Besides, it was not uncommon that the proceedings of treble retrials were completely skipped over. First, these proceedings were not followed in wartime cases. Second, trials for felons were conducted by the officials of the "three departments, " who acted on behalf of the king himself. Therefore, the king received full information from the "three departments, " so there was no need for him to re-examine a case. Finally, condemned criminals, for whose crimes immediate execution was prescribed in the penal code, were immediately executed in the late Joseon period, even though the procedure of the treble retrials was originally required by the law. The sovereignty of the king, however, was restricted in the case of "border crossings." Condemned criminals who had committed a crime in China and had been arrested in Korea were executed only after the emperor of the Qing dynasty approved their execution. Therefore, Joseon Korea could be called a dependent of China in terms of legal proceedings.

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, pp.229-252, 2017-12

著者

川勝 義雄

出版者

京都大学人文科学研究所

雑誌

東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

no.52, pp.p317-340, 1980-03

著者

室寺 義仁

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.442-423, 2013-12-20

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In the cultural sphere of the Pāli canons the three sutta-phrases that have been transmitted are "all compounded things are impermanent" (Pāli : sabbe sankhārā aniccā), "all compounded things are suffering" (sabbe sankhārā dukhā), and "all dhammas are without a self" (sabbe dhammā anattā), which originate from the words of the Buddha (see the Dhammapada, vv. 277-279 in the Chap. XX 'magga'). As is known from the appearance of these three phrases among the sayings of Aññā-Kondañña (see the Theragāthā, vv. 676-678), who would become the Buddha's first disciples at the time of his first sermon, the Pāli transmission of the three phrases has been believed to the present to possess the three marks (tilakkhana) of the Buddha's teaching for those following his path. On the contrary, in the Chinese linguistic cultural sphere the three phrases "all conditioned things are impermanent" (Skt. : sarvasam skārā anityā), "all dharmas are without a self" (sarvadharmā anātmānah), and "nirvān a is peace" (śāntamnirvānam) have their source in the Buddha's words and are sūtra-phrases used by the Buddha's disciples led by Ānanda soon after his parinirvān a as part of a new trend of thought from "all is suffering" to "nirvān a is peace" (see the Sam yuktāgama, No. 262). These three phrases were fixed during the first period of translation in China of the Āgamas and the Sarvāstivādin Ābhidharmic literature from around the end of the 3rd century to the first half of the 4th century. Concerning the term 三法印, the original Sanskrit is, as far as we know, a newly coined word, dharmamudrā trilaks an ā, used by the Buddhist poet Mātr cet a to poetically evoke non-self, momentariness, and peace in the first verse of the sixth chapter Avivādastava of the Varm ārhan astotra in about the 2nd century.