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1 0 0 0 OA Sino-Tibetan Numerals and the Play of Prefixes

著者: Matisoff James A. マティソフ J.A.
出版者: 国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.20, pp.105-252, 1995-08-10

2018-07-07 07:01:17
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1 0 0 0 IR Limau 村の漁撈活動 : ハルマヘラ調査ノート

著者: 大胡修
出版者: 国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.3, no.3, pp.486-519, 1979-01-23

This report describes the fishing activities of the Galelanpeople of North Halmahera. The data were collected from Septemberto November, 1976, when the author conducted fieldwork inLimau Village. Observations were made from two differentperspectives; (1) the relationship between fishing gear and techniques,and (2) utilization of traditional canoes in social activities.1) Fishing. In general, fishing is of secondary importancein the of subsistence economy, the people mainly depending onsago and several kinds of root crops, including banana and yam.Fishing activities shift seasonally according to the migration andassociated behavior of fish. Several fishing techniques are employed,including handline (pa hau), longline (pa lia), rod and line(pa totobe), scoop net (pa siu), gill net (pa soma bodo), fish trap(igi), and fish hedges (sero). Handline fishing is the most importantsubsistence pursuit. Fish traps and fish hedges seem tohave been introduced from Sulawesi by migrants. The othertechniques appear to be indigenous to Limau.2) Canoe. All canoes in Limau are of the double outriggertype. They are used now for fishing activities and formely also forlocal transportation. Thus can be classified into two types; smalldugouts (awa) and medium size dugouts (bolotu), and large, plankcanoes (pakata). A particular type of canoe is used with specificfishing techniques. The awa and bolotu are used for handline,longline, rod and line, gill net, and the pakata is used only with thescoop net.

2018-07-01 01:00:37
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1 0 0 0 IR リオ族における農耕儀礼の記述と解釈

著者: 杉島敬志
出版者: 国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.15, no.3, pp.573-846, 1991-03-18

The Lionese are an ethnolinguistic group numbering approximately150,000 who inhabit the central part of Flores,Eastern Indonesia. The population of this region is dividedinto numerous traditional domains (tans). These were autonomouspolitical units until early in this century. The dataon which the present study is based were collected during myfield research conducted from May 1983 to March 1985 inTana Lise, one of these traditional Lionese domains.The Lionese economy remains a subsistence one, dependenton the slash-and-burn or swidden cultivation of rice, maize,cassava, sweet potatoes, and various vegetables. Recently cashcrops such as coffee, cloves, and cacao have been introduced inmountainous areas, and irrigated paddy fields are found inflatland in the mountains and near the coast.It is only the swidden agriculture with which multiple andcomplex agricultural rituals are interwoven. These rituals appearto be symbolic behavior apparently related to a cosmologyor world view. But the Lionese people do not know and cannotexplain the symbolic meaning paired with the rituals by asemiological code. They answered my questions about themeaning or purpose of the rituals in a general way by saying'It is our custom' or 'We must perform it that way.' Accordingly,these agricultural rituals are rule-following behaviorrather than symbolic behavior. If this is the case, is it thenimpossible to advance the scientific study of these rituals beyonda mere description of them?My answer is 'no,' because in many cases the Lionese agriculturalrituals can be interpreted relevantly. Therefore wecan proceed from simple description to a fairly detailed interpretationof these rituals. The aim of this study is to describe theLionese agricultural rituals in detail and to investigate the culturalrepresentation of agricultural rituals (i.e. interpretations devisedby the Lionese themselves concerning their agricultural rituals)by means of the concept of relevance developed by Dan Sperberand Deirdre Wilson [SPERBER and WILSON 1986].After the exposition of a theoretical framework in the introductionof this study, three sections follow. In section one,there is undertaken a description and analysis of the knowledgeand beliefs concerning social organization, crops, deities, and thesettings for these agricultural rituals such as the ceremonial house,the village and the garden. These will furnish the backgroundknowledge or 'context' for interpreting the agricultural rituals.In section two, an exhaustive description is presented of allthe agricultural rituals, together with the agricultural practice,seasonal changes in natural phenomena, and the annual cycleof 'seasonal beliefs,' such as the visitation of moro nggele (mysterioushead hunters from overseas) and mitleik e (dreadful witchesfrom the east end of Flores), the coming of balu re' e (season ofdisease and death), and the occurrence of tana watu gaka (MotherEarth crying for the golden treasure kept in the ceremonialhouse).In part one of section three, by amplifying the discussionof section one, the agricultural rituals are interpreted by meansof investigating the contexts that make them relevant. Accordingto the cultural representation of the agricultural rituals thatemerges from this investigation, the crops are the wives given to(male) human beings from Mother Earth and Father Heaven,while the agricultural cycle is the life cycle of the daughters ofthese deities. In the next part of this section, it is shown thatthe seasonal beliefs are a set of images implied by the culturalrepresentation of the agricultural rituals.In parts three and four of section three, the followingproblems are discussed.The people of Tana Lise are not given equal status in thecultural representation of the agricultural rituals. Or, more correctly,through participating in the agricultural rituals, they aredifferentiated into chiefs near to the deities and those far fromthem.Tana Lise is subdivided into a number of semi-autonomoussubdomains (maki) ruled by a chief. The chief, as the personnear to the deities in each maki, exercises various powers, andsome of these chiefs do the same thing at the domain level.Accordingly, the rules of agricultural rituals (i.e. the ruleswhich the people obey when performing the agricultural rituals)or the agricultural rituals themselves as rule-following behavior,work in the same way as the 'power-conferring rules' or the'secondary rules' defined by H. L. A. Hart [HART 1961].Finally, in the conclusion of this study, a brief discussioncenters on the reason why the Lionese people restrict their commentsto the rules of the agricultural rituals and are silent on thecultural representation of the agricultural rituals. As Ivo Streckerpointed out, no anthropological theory has so far answeredthis problem satisfactorily [STRECKER 1988:203].In my view, it is important to recognize that the Lioneseagricultural rituals are rule-following behavior in order to understandthis problem. The rules of these agricultural ritualsare simply accepted by the people holding to an 'internal pointof view' (the viewpoint of 'the group which accepts and uses rulesas guides to conduct' [HART 1961:86]). I suggest as a possiblehypothesis that their silence on the cultural representation of theiragricultural rituals is derived from holding to an internal pointof view, and maintaining silence on the cultural representationof them has the effect of making the rules of these agriculturalrituals function in the same way as the 'representations in quotes'defined by Sperber [SPERBER 1975:99-106].

2018-06-28 15:30:37
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1 0 0 0 OA 北東アジア先住民族の歴史・文化表象 : 中国黒竜江省敖其村の赫哲族ゲイケル・ハラの人々の事例から

著者: 佐々木史郎 Sasaki Shiro ササキシロウ
出版者: 国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.39, no.3, pp.321-373, 2015-01-30

2018-06-13 19:37:38
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1 0 0 0 OA 貝殻交易ネットワークの地域史 : ビスマルク諸島とソロモン諸島地域間におけるムシロガイ交易の歴史的変遷と現状

著者: 深田淳太郎 Fukada Juntaro
出版者: 人間文化研究機構国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.38, no.3, pp.377-420, 2014-03-25

2017-11-23 18:59:36
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http://hdl.handle.net/10502/5313

1 0 0 0 OA 狩猟採集民社会における食物分配 ―諸研究の紹介と批判的検討―

著者: 岸上伸啓 Kishigami Nobuhiro キシガミノブヒロ
出版者: 国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.27, pp.725-752, 2003-03-28

2017-08-15 12:34:53
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http://hdl.handle.net/10502/3260

1 0 0 0 OA 両手の拳,社会,宇宙 ―手の指による数の指示法に組み込まれたキプシギスのコスモロジー―

著者: 小馬徹 Komma Toru コンマトオル
出版者: 国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.14, pp.117-165, 1989-07-27

2017-01-05 18:36:00
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http://hdl.handle.net/10502/2986

1 0 0 0 IR レプリカの天女様のゆくえ : バリ島天女の舞トペン・レゴンにおげる仮面の複製

著者: 吉田ゆか子ヨシダユカコ Yoshida Yukako
出版者: 国立民族学博物館
雑誌: 国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.41, no.1, pp.1-36, 2016

バリ島南部のパヨガン・アグン寺院に伝わる天女の舞トペン・レゴンは,ご神体の天女の面をかぶって少女が舞うもので,その歴史や神聖性のために特別な価値を置かれてきた。この演目が1980 年代に芸術祭に招待された際,寺院側は神聖な仮面の神聖さが損なわれる事を恐れ,レプリカを作成してこちらで代用した。本研究が注目するのは,このレプリカのその後である。レプリカや模造品も,生み出されたあと,人々との関係のなかに入ってゆく。現在このレプリカは,特定の寺院祭儀礼でも用いられる。この仮面を,「代用品の仮面」と考える者も,オリジナルの「子ども」と位置づける者も,オリジナルと混同する者もいる。曖昧かつ両義的に意味づけられるこのレプリカの仮面は,天女の舞の上演に特別な魅力を付与してもいる。本論では,このレプリカの仮面が,オリジナルの仮面とは別のやり方で,天女という神格の一部を「創っている」ということも論じる。Topeng legong is a ritual dance in which masks representing celestialsare worn by little girls. This highly sacred dance has received special attentionbecause of its sacred nature, history, authenticity, and beauty.Currently, there are two sets of masks used in topeng legong. One setconsists of centuries-old masks believed to possess magical powers for protection;the other set comprises replicas. The replica masks were made whentopeng legong dancers were invited to perform in an art festival in 1988.Ketewel locals were afraid that their sacred masks might be "defiled" ifbrought to a secular context or place, so they decided to create replicas assubstitutes.At first glance, people seem to differentiate sufficiently between secularperformances and religious rites by using non-sacred masks. However, theactual situation is more complicated. Some regard the replicas as "children"of the original ones, and show respect for them. Some cannot distinguishthe replicas from the originals. The meaning and role of the replicas are thusambiguous and inconsistent.In this study, I argue that because of that ambiguous status, the replicamasks have generated unique and interesting effects on the development oftopeng legong and its original masks.