著者

Daisuke Murakami 村上 大輔

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.485-548, 2019-01-25

著者

関口 由彦 Yoshihiko Sekiguchi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.467-494, 2005-02-23

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本稿は,近代日本の「他者像」としての「アイヌ」像を検討し,アイヌ民族(とくにアイヌ言論人)自らがそれをどのように「自画像」として主体的に受容したかを明らかにする。そのことを通して,1920~30年代を中心とするアイヌの人々の言論活動が,支配者側が用いた「同化」概念を「流用」しながら,「滅び行く人種」言説に抗するものに他ならなかったことを主張する。支配者側の「同化」概念に対して,アイヌ言論人は二種類の「流用」をもってして対抗した。それは,支酉己者側の「同化」概念の「流用」に際しての主体性の発揮の仕方において区別され得るものであった。違星北斗は,「野蛮」/「文明」という価値づけ(序列)と結びつかない「血」に基づいて,「和人」と区別された「アイヌ」という「種的同一性」を設定し,それが上位カテゴリーとしての「日本人」に内包されることを「同化」として捉えた。他方で,平村幸雄は,「アイヌ」であることと「和人」であることが両立し得るとするアイデンティティ認識に基づいた「和人化」としての「同化」を主張した。かくして,二種類の「流用」を行うことで,アイヌ言論人は支配者側の「滅び行く人種」言説に対抗し,アイヌとしてのアイデンティティを保持する道を切り拓いたのであった。

著者

Yukako Yoshida 吉田 ゆか子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.311-348, 2021-09-30

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本研究は,音楽の越境という現象を,新たなモノ(主に楽器)との出会いとしてとらえなおすものである。本稿では,日本におけるバリ・ガムラン音楽の演奏グループの上演や活動において,バリから運ばれてきた楽器が,さまざまに作用する姿を描き出した。ガムランはバリの信仰とも結びつきながら地域共同体のなかで育まれてきた音楽であり,楽器も現地の物理的社会的条件に適合的に作られている。そのため,それが日本に運ばれてきたとき,人々の生活や環境と齟齬をきたす。日本の演奏者たちは,周囲のモノの配置を工夫したり,新たな人間関係を築いたり,演奏内容を変化させたりしながら,楽器とそれを取り囲む日本の社会的物理的環境を調整し,なんとか楽器と折り合ってゆく。こうして楽器は,バリの人-モノのネットワークから部分的に切り離され,日本で新たな人やモノとの関係に入ってゆくのである。しかしながら本研究からは,バリ製の楽器が,モノらしいユニークなやり方でバリと日本を繋いでいるという面も明らかになる。

著者

Tetsuo Nishio 西尾 哲夫

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.593-668, 2022-03-15

著者

聶 莉莉 Nie Lili

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.61-94, 1994-08-25

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This article aims to describe and analyze the influence of Confucianismon Chinese peasant society. This analysis is based on field workin Haicheng Prefecture, Liaoning Province from August 1987 toSeptember 1988.The influence of Confucianism upon peasant society came throughvarious routes, such as:1) the influence of the intelligentsia.2) education.3) widely read pamphlets.4) folk entertainment.5) the law of the lineage.By these routes, the ethics of Confucianism deeply permeated the peasantsociety, influencing ideas and the form of social relations.On the other hand, Confucianism is, after all, a theory of Confucianscholars, and could not be realized completely in actual society.There are some gaps between the theory of Confucianism and its practicein peasant society. Confucianism maintains that morals have universality,but in peasant society morals are always closely related to specific people.Xiao (filial piety) is one of the most important moral concepts inConfucianism, and includes vang (support) , zang (funeral) , ji (holdingceremonies for the ancestors) , and a strong attachment to one'sparents. But in fact, the obligation of a son to look after his parents isalways related to the inheritance of property from the parents. He (harmony)is taken very seriously in Confucianism, and as a result, peasantsalso regard he as the most ideal moral state. But in the traditional extendedfamily, quarrels between married brothers and each nuclear familyoccur repeatedly.Because of such gaps, there is a dual character in peasant society.That is, although peasants claim to follow Confucian morals, in realitythey think of their own interests. In dealing with others, they make theirrequests in the language of Confucian ideals, but to themselves theyusually stress their own interests with various pretexts.

著者

杉本 良男

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.4, pp.615-681, 2003

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「儀礼」の概念は,ヨーロッパ・キリスト教世界とくにプロテスタントからは否定的なイメージをもたれている。そこには,カトリックとプロテスタントとの対立関係が潜在しているが,とくに19世紀イギリスにおける「儀礼主義」は,福音主義者からのはげしい非難にさらされた。1830年代をさかいにイギリス植民地政策そして宗教政策は,現地主義から文明化路線へと大きく転換をとげた。それは,福音主義的なイデオロギーに基づく変革であり,そのことが,当然ながら植民地スリランカにおける宗教儀礼のあり方にも大きな変化を与えた。小稿では,ポルトガルに始まり,オランダを経てイギリスの植民地支配を経験したスリランカにおいて,「儀礼」がどのような視線にさらされ,またその視線をどのように受け止め,さらにその結果,現在どのような存在形態を示しているのかについて,系譜学的に跡づけたものである。

著者

山下 晋司 Shinji Yamashita

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.1-33, 1992-07-31

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In 1908 the royal family of Klungkung, the oldest and the lastkingdom of Bali, by then part of Dutch East India, committed theto tourism. It aims to make a contribution to the historical anthropologyof the Island as well as to the anthropology of tourism.The main part of the paper consists of four sections. The first sectiondescribes the birth of Bali as the "tourist paradise" in the 1920s tothe 1930s. In this setting, the roles played in the old theatre state of Bali,such as those of sponsors (kings) , director (priests) and actors/audience(peasants) had to change drastically. Now the "theatre" acted as hoststo tourists within the colonial state. The second section pays special attentionto the role of artists, scholars and anthropologists—WalterSpies, a German artist and musician, and Margaret Mead, the Americananthropologist, among others—who stayed in Bali in the 1930s, and whohelped creat the Western perception of Bali as the exotic, oriental "lastparadise." Related to this, the third section examines the re-creation oftraditional Balinese art—dance in particular—under the influence of thetourist, a Balinese version of the "invention of tradition" to quote EricHobsbawm. The final section analyses the present situation in which the"tourist paradise" has been transformed further into the "national parkof beautiful Indonesia" as part of Indonesia's nation building process.Both tourism and nationalism necessarily empasise the beauty of the Indonesiannation, and particularly that of Bali as its foremost tourist attraction.By examining the Balinese cultural dynamics in relation to tourism,I am analysing the Balinese version of what James Clifford has called the"modern art -culture system." Following Clifford, I mean by the "artculturesystem" the way in which the West adopts, transforms and consumesnon-Western cultural elements. In the twentieth century, objectsfrom "primitive" societies have been re-evaluated both as "works ofarts" by artists (and also, importantly, by tourists) , and as "scientificcultural materials" by anthropolgists. In this system artists, tourists andanthropologists play complementary and in some ways, similar, roles,each in establishing the "authenticity" of cultures.It is within this modern art-culture system that the Balinese tourismis embedded. In other words, as is the case with museums whichClifford analyses, it is this modern system which the anthropology oftourism must really analyse. In this sense the anthropology of tourismmust be the anthropology of modernity and/or of post-modernity. TheBalinese case considered here is just one example which demonstratesthis thesis.puputan, mass suicide, by marching helplessly and almost in a state oftrance against the invading Dutch colonial army. It was literally thedeath of negara, the theatre state of nineteenth-century Bali, analysed byClifford Geertz. After the old state died out, however, Bali wasdiscovered by Western pioneer tourists and was reborn again as "the lastparadise" under the Dutch colonial regime.By the 1930s Balinese tourism was well developed, to the extent thatin 1931 Miguel Covarrubias, a Mexican artist and traveller and the writerof the now classic Island of Bali wrote of the Island: "we were disappointed;the tourist rush was in full swing." After a break during theWorld War II and following the Indonesian Independence Revolutionperiod, tourism in Bali reappeared again in the late 1960s as part of thedevelopment policy of the government of the independent Republic of Indonesia.It goes without saying that the Island has now gained worldwidefame as an international tourist site. The number of tourists in1991 is reported as amounting to over 600,000.This paper describes the historical transformation of Bali from thenineteenth-century "theatre state" to the twentieth-century "touristparadise," and examines the dynamism of Balinese culture with reference

著者

佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.261-309, 1991-12-28

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The purpose of this paper is to examine two concepts, which wereput forward by M. G. Levin and N. N. Cheboksarov in 1950s, in the caseof the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin. One is the concept of"economic-cultural types" and the other is that of "historicalethnographicregions". These concepts were born in Soviet ethnology inthe studies of economic and cultural diversity among the peoples of thesame level of socio-economic development.Definition of the concepts by Levin and Cheboksarov is asfollows: the economic-cultural type is to be understood as historicallyformed complexes characteristic of a given economy and culture, typicalfor the peoples living under certain natural geographic conditions, ata certain level of socio-economic development; the historicalethnographicregions are the territories where a definite cultural entitywas formed as a result of continued relations among the people inhabitingthem, of their influences on one another, and of a similarity intheir historical destiny [LEVIN 1972: 3, 5].Levin and Cheboksarov grouped the peoples of northern Siberia intofive by the concept of economic-cultural types: 1. hunter-fishermenin taiga (Siberian forest), 2. sea mammal hunters in the arctic shore andBering sea, 3. fishermen on large rivers, 4. hunter-reindeer-breeders intaiga, and 5. reindeer nomads in tundra. According to them, an examinationof the major economic-cultural types of northern Siberia andthe [Soviet] far East reveals that: 1) the same economic-cultural type maydevelop among different peoples, in different, even remote, regions butonly under conditions of the same level of development of productiveforces and of a similar geographic environment; 2) different types in aparticular territory have definite historical continuity [succession]—under certain historical conditions one type develops intoanother, for instance some hunter-fishermen of the forest zone changedtheir economic-cultual type to "hunter-reindeer-breeders" by introducingrenideer-breeding; 3) the cultural traits characteristic of each type formin the first place through the orientation of the economy to certaingeographic conditions [LEVIN 1972: 5].They also grouped the same peoples by the concept of historicalethnographicregions: 1. Yamaro-Taimyr region, 2. Western Siberianregion, 3. Sayan-Altayan region, 4. Eastern Siberian region, 5. Kamchatka-Chukchi region, 6. Amur-Sakhalin region.Although these two concepts make it possible to classify the peoplesof Siberia and the Soviet Far East by cultural similarity and diversity,one can find some defects which must be corrected by examination ofconcrete cases.For instance, as it stands, the concept of the economic-cultural typescannot explain the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin whohave complex economic systems. Such a defect was caused by the factthat Levin and Cheboksarov did not systematically examine the productiveactivities of the peoples of Siberia and the Soviet Far East.They mentioned only five activities: fishing, forest hunting, sea mammalhunting, forest rendeer breeding, and tundra rendeer breeding; but itis obvious that there are four other activities, i. e. tundra reindeer hunting,nomadism in steppe and forest-steppe zone, cultivating withdomesticated animals, and plant collecting. Each activity has not onlyeconomic meaning but has its own cultural phenomena and activities.In this paper I have made a typology of these productive activities andtheir respective cultures and called it "fundamental types of productiveactivity and culture". There are nine types in Siberia and the Soviet FarEast, because each of the above mentioned activities has its own culturalset and can be considered a distinct type.Economic systems of the peoples of Siberia and the Soviet Far Eastconsist of combinations of these nine types, which are determined byecological and cultural conditions. The economic -cultural type, whichclearly show the relation between the economic system and culture, canbe defined as a combination of some of the fundamental types of productiveactivity and culture.From such a point of view, the "economic-cultural types" of thepeoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin can be grouped as follows: a) combinationof fishing, forest hunting, cultivationg with domesticatedanimals, and plant collecting (Nanais of Amur, Sungari and Ussuri); b)combination of fishing, forest hunting, sea mammal hunting, and plantcollecting (Ul'chi, Nivkhi, Orochi, Ainu, and Negidals), c) combinationof fishing, forest hunting, sea mammal hunting, forest rendeer breeding,and plant collecting (Uilta and Evenki), d) forest hunting, fishing, plantcolledting (Udehes, a part of Nanais and Negidals, and Uilta and Evenkiwithout rendeer).An examination of these corrected "economic-cultural types"reveals that: 1) each type is fundamentally determined by the ecologicalsystem of the region; 2) it is often determined also by cultural andhistorical conditions, e. g., cultural interactions, development of productiveforce and technology, etc.; 3) the same economic-cultural type rarelyappears in regions geographically distant from each other (in contrast to"fundamental types of the productive activity and culture" which arecommon to regions distant from each other); 4) it is possible for a regionto change or step up from one type to another. Such a case is typicallycaused by the adoption of new productive activities or the technologicaldevelopment of present activities.In the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin somecultural elements concerning their productive activities or economicsystems, e. g. foods, fishing and hunting tools, utensils, and so on, arecommon to this area. This is because the people has formed a trade areasince the 17th century in this region and they trade or exchange their productsto provide each other with indespensable things of their daily life.Such a fact could be one of the factors which made this area one of thehistorical-ethnographic regions.As to the concept of the historical-ethnographic regions, there is acriticism that each region has been identified by the author's impression[大林 1990a: 51]. In fact, Levin and Cheboksarov did not show anytheoretical basis to distinguish the above mentioned six regions of theSiberian peoples. They proposed this concept in order to classify thepeople by the cultural elements and historical factors which are commonamong the people of the region but which have nothing to do withecological and economic systems. However, Levin and Cheboksarov didnot indicate such elements and factors in their works at all.In the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin it is true thatthere are many cultural elements and characteristics which are commonand unique to this region, and that therefore this area can be treated as agenuine historical-ethnographic region. However these elements andcharacteristics must be concretely shown.Cluster analysis is an effective way of classifying the cultures of theSiberian peoples, because it can quantitatively show the similarity anddiversity of cultures. Such analysis reveals distributions of the same orsimilar elements and one can clearly find the border of the region.Though it is difficult to show all the common elements and their distributionsin this brief paper, we can guess that there are three types of commonelements in Lower Amur and Sakhalin; 1) elements of fundamentalcultural stratum, 2) common elements of various ethnic origins (e. g.Tungus, Nivkhi, or Ainu origin), and 3) elements of Chinese, Manchu,Korean, or Japanese origin.It is also necessary to review the political and economic history ofthe given areas. The border of the historical-ethnographic region isoften decided by political borders or economic areas.In the case of Lower Amur and Sakhalin, the rule of the Qing dynasty(17th century—middle of 19th century) was decisive in creating a typicalhistorical-ethnographic region. The Nerchinsk treaty (1689) obstructedthe invasion of the Russians to this region, and the dynasty prohibitedthe immigration of other peoples of the empire to northeastern Manchuriain order to monopolize the fur trade in this area. It was only afew administrators and merchants who could visit there and have contactand trade with the people of this region.Such a policy encouraged the trade activity of the people of LowerAmur and Sakhalin to fourish. They traded not only with each otherbut also with the Chinese, Manchu, and Japanese traders at the entrancesof this region. The native traders exchanged ,products of eacharea and provided the people with various things from China, Manchuria,and Japan. Their activity mixed many different cultures, anddistributed them all over the region. It is inevitable that the politicalborder coincided with that of the historical-ethnographic region in thecase of Lower Amur and Sskhalin.In conclusion, we point out as follows: 1) by adopting the conceptof fundamental types of productive activity and culture, it becomes possibleto make a typology of economic systems and cultures of the peopleswith complex economic systems, and it becomes easier to examine theecological and historical factors which determined the characteristics ofeach type; 2) the historical and ethnic background of the historicalethnographicregion can be clearly shown in the case of Lower Amur andSakhalin. Cluster analysis and reexamination of regional history help usto identify an area which has common history and cultural elements, notinfluenced by ecological factors.

著者

福岡 まどか Madoka Fukuoka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.571-596, 2004-03-08

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この論考では,インドネシア,ジャワ島のワヤンにおけるマハーバーラタの叙事詩「世界」について考察する。通常,ワヤンの物語は,ヒンドゥー叙事詩であるラーマーヤナとマハーバーラタに由来するとされる。しかし,上演の中では,書かれたテクストに見られるような,叙事詩のひとすじの筋立てが示されることはない。一晩の上演の中で演じられるのは,叙事詩に由来する特定の演目lakon である。叙事詩の「世界」は,これらのひとつひとつの演目を集積することによって形成される。この論考では,ワヤンの上演においてマハーバーラタの「世界」が形成されるメカニズムについて理解するために,演目の様式的構造と,演目によって提示される登場人物の伝記的情報という要素に焦点をあてて,複数の演目の関連について考察する。

著者

西尾 哲夫 中道 静香 Tetsuo Nishio Shizuka Nakamichi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.3, pp.509-526, 2002-03-15

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This paper is a bibliographical survey of linguistic studies of theArabic language in Japan. The following bibliography includes thestudies concerning the usual linguistic domains, such as phonetics ,phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics and studies on the Arabicwriting system (including calligraphy), as well as those concerningArabic traditional grammar, and the linguistic aspects of Arab societyand Islamic culture, and also Arabic teaching materials. This survey ispart of the research result of Survey of Arabic Studies Database(Research representative: Tetsuo Nishio), which was funded by a scientificresearch grant from the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports, andCulture in Japan (Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research: Grant No.09551008).

著者

小馬 徹

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.p117-165, 1989

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The Kipsigis of Kenya have been using, as a tradition, decimalnotation. However, they hate and try to avoid countingnot only their members but also domestic animals, just like manyother east African pastoral peoples. This could be the reasonwhy they seem to have had, at first, the notion of numbersimply consisting of just the most basic numbers from one to ten.This plain notion of number is closely linked with the verb'saspect system of the Kipsigis language, and their views of timeand space.In counting 1-5 on fingers, a Kipsigis uses the left handfolding the fingers one by one. The little finger represents 1;the third finger 2; the middle finger 3; the forefinger 4; thethumb 5. In counting 6-10, he adds the fingers of the righthand to the left fist, one at a time. Now, the little fingerrepresents 6; the third finger 7; the middle finger 8; the forefinger9; the thumb 10.According to old Kipsigis men, the most basic numbers of1-10, at the same time, imply something more than the notionof number. 1-5, which are shown by the thumb and fingers ofthe left hand, symbolise oneself (1), oneself and the other, whichrepresents the community (2), conflictive situations existingbetween oneself and the community (3), harmonious situationsexisting between oneself and the community (4), and the completionof the cosmic harmony (5), respectively. In other words,the numbers represented by the thumb and fingers of the lefthand(1-5) symbolise the development of one's consciousness bysteps from self-orientated state to community-orientated state.On the other hand, each of 6-10, which are represented bythe thumb and fingers of right hand, just expresses linguisticallythat the indicated number is big and difficult to comprehend.Thus 10 (taman) literally means "It beats me" ( Taamenan).Above all, 5 (mut) and 10 (taman) linked themselves withthe notions of past, present, and future on which Kipsigis viewtime bases, as shown below. A transitive verb, mut, signifiesi) to encircle, and ii) to cut something into two. When a man`clenches a fist' (mumut) with the left hand , to connote 5, thisdivides the entire set of the basic numbers (1-10) into two, i.e.,the already counted 5 (1-5) and the uncounted 5 (6-10). InKipsigis amut, which can literally mean 'I cut it into two , is foryesterday. Mutai means morning in the Kipsigis language ingeneral, and yet it means to-morrow in the northern Kipsigisdialect, just as in some other Kalenjin languages, includingNandi and Terik. In addition, mutai can literally mean 'thefirst (tai) five (mut). Here making a fist for counting 5 is associatedwith a rotation of the sun, which causes day and night. Andtherefore closing both hands to count 10 is connected with thedoubled rotation of the sun, and, as the result, with yesterday(oin). Being the last number in the Kipsigis's basic numericalcounting system, 10 is also connected with the day after tomorrowand the day before yesterday, which are the terminals in theKipsigis's day-counting system.Taman (10) shares the common stem tam with a word tam,which means 'to become difficult' as an intransitive verb, and'every day' as an adverb . Then, koyoin (i.e., the day aftertomorrow) is closely associated with yoin or yoindet (i.e., the creator)which is usually referred as Asis. Asis is the Kipsigis's omnipotentGod that can be the sun as its emblem. On the other hand,oin (i.e., the day before yesterday) is closely associated withoindet, which means a dead ancestor.In Kipsigis view of time, the two-tiered mutai (tomorrow)/koyoin (the day after tomorrow) set faces its counterpart, theamut (yesterday) /oin (the day before yesterday) set, with ra orraini (i.e., today) between. The verb's time-aspect system ratherfaithfully reflects Kipsigis's view of time, for the two-tiered verb'sfuture-aspect set of tomorrow and the day after tomorrowconfronts the two-tiered past-aspect set of yesterday and the daybefore yesterday with a today-aspect between.In Kipsigis, the view of time is highly infiltrated by that ofspace. Adverbs of time are formed on the basis of local adverbs.Space is divided into three strata, i.e., over there (at a remoteplace), there (out of reach of the speaker), and here (within reachof the speaker), with the last one as the starting point. Thethree strata are indicated by the suffixes, -i, -on, and -in, respectively.Sets of pronouns also share a similar stratification.Moreover, the binary opposition of koyoin (the day aftertomorrow)/oin (the day before yesterday) has firm associationwith another binary opposition of east/west, through the intermediationof yoindet (the creator God sensed through the sun)/oindet (dead ancestor, who is in charge of death in its clan) binaryopposition. As the most important nucleus in the Kipsigis'ssymbolism, east represents the creator, the sun, sunrise, life, sky,future, and menfolk, whereas west represents ancestors, themoon, sunset, earth, past, and womenfolk.All in all, the Kipsigis system of counting on fingers isconsidered to be well-embeded in their symbolism as a whole.

著者

田中 雅一 Masakazu Tanaka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.445-516, 1989-01-27

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The aim of this article is to understand a Hindu villagefestival in terms of cosmological meanings and politicalfunctions. In the "Introduction" anthropological works on Hinduvillage festivals are reviewed first, and then a Kali goddess villagefestival, held at a Hindu fishing village on the western coast ofSri Lanka, is described and its rituals are interpreted. Finallythree themes are considered in order to understand the villagefestival as a whole. These themes are, first, the construction ofspatial categories such as the sea, village and forest; second, thecosmological opposition between Kali and evil spirits; and, last,the political domination of the village net-owners.The recent development of anthropological studies ofHindu village festivals is characterized by a shift from a structuralfunctionalistapproach to symbolic analysis. In the formerapproach social functions of the festival are emphasized and"village solidarity" is considered to be realized through theparticipation of the villagers in the festival, whereas in the latterthe cosmological dimension of the village festival is investigatedand more attention is paid to symbols such as sound, color,images, and the like. It is said that the village festival providesa rare occasion on which a village is renewed through the intrusionof the sacred. However, both approaches tend to ignore themulti-dimensional character of the festival, especially its politicalfunctions, and explain it in terms of either group-solidarity orsymbolism. It is argued that with some modifications Turner'sconcepts of "structure" and "anti-structure" are useful to theunderstanding of the political functions.The Kali goddess festival is held at her temple for ten days inthe month of avani (September-October). This is the time whenthe goddess originally appeared in the village, which had beensuffering from an epidemic, and saved the villagers. As it wasKali herself who had caused the epidemic, when she was properlyworshipped and given due respect, the fatal disease was controlled.On the first day, a medium, who is possessed by Kali duringthe festival, makes three ritual pots, one karakam and two kumpampots.The karakam-pot is used for a village procession, while thekumpam-pots are placed in the sanctum sanctorum of the Kalitemple. On the third, fifth and seventh day of the festival themedium goes into a trance in the sanctum sanctorum, places thekarakam-pot on his head, and starts going around the village withhis followers. Along the way villagers throw water to cool themedium's body. In exchange they receive margosa leaves andhang them on the fence around their houses. Hanging margosaleaves on the fence indicates that a household member is sufferingfrom small-pox, whose pustule is, it is believed, visual evidence ofpossession by a small-pox goddess. Therefore, the karakam-potprocession is interpreted as the intrusion of an epidemic. Thefestival re-acts the original event in which Kali first appeared tothe villagers and saved them from the epidemic. Kali representedas the karakam-pot is a goddess of epidemic. Accordinglythe village is described as "a community of suffering" (Turner).On the tenth day a goat is sacrificed in front of the Kaligoddess temple. With this sacrifice Kali is propitiated and herviolent and feverish character is transformed into a calm andbenevolent one. Then the ritual pots made on the first day areall thrown into the sea.Finally, Kali's brass-image is heavily decorated and is takenout from the temple for a village procession. Unlike the karakamprocession,it shows no reference to an epidemic disease. Rather,it symbolizes a joyful and triumphant occasion after the epidemiccum-divine has disappeared. When the brass-image comes backto the temple, puja (worship) is performed and pracada (sacralizedofferings) are distributed to festival patrons. They are villagenet-owners and some wealthy men.From a structural-functionalist point of view the villagefestival enforces "village solidarity" by representing it as a communityof suffering at the beginning and as a community oftriumph over the epidemic at the end. During the festival thevillage is clearly demarcated by a series of processions.Symbolically, the village festival shows the transformation ofKali from a violent, epidemic-causing goddess into a benevolent,grace-conferring one. The villagers make every effort to cooldown the goddess and propitiate her. Accordingly the villageis renewed, as are the villagers.From a political point of view the festival legitimizes andconstructs the politico-economic domination of a wealthy sectorof the fishing village, especially the net-owners. The villagersare divided into two classes; net-owners and their employees.All the fishermen contribute to the village festival as villagepatrons, but it is only the net-owners (and wealthy persons) whoare allowed to make additional contributions and, in exchangefor these, they have exclusive rights in receiving prasada at the endof the festival. In a sense they only support the non-ecstatic(structural) phase characterized by the brass-image of Kali,and not the ecstatic (anti-structural) phase, which is to be deniedat the end of the festival. They take over the collective effortof the villagers to transform Kali, and seem to say that, withouttheir financial support, neither the village festival nor thetransformation of the goddess would ever be possible. Thus itis through their contributions that the village is saved from theepidemic.

著者

杉本 良男 Yoshio Sugimoto

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.3, pp.285-351, 2012-02-27

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小論は,スリランカの仏教改革者でかつ闘う民族主義者としてのアナガーリカ・ダルマパーラの流転の生涯,およびそれ以後のシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムの展開に関する人類学的系譜学的研究である。小論ではダルマパーラの改革理念のもつ曖昧性や不協和にこだわり,あらたに再編されたシンハラ仏教を,近代西欧的,キリスト教的モデルを否定しながらその影響を強くうけたものとして,その理想と現実との食い違いを明らかにする。こうした改革仏教はオベーセーカラによって2 つの意味を持つ「プロテスタント仏教」と名づけられた。ひとつには英国植民地支配に「プロテスト」するためのシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムと深く関わっている。ふたつには,マックス・ウェーバーのいう在家信者を主体とするプロテスタント的な現世内禁欲主義を仏教に応用しようとしたものである。しかしながら,ダルマパーラの急進的なナショナリスト的改革はいったん頓挫し,1950 年代半ばのバーダーラナーヤカ政権の「シンハラ唯一」政策などによって実質化されることになった。そのさい仏陀一仏信仰を旨とするプロテスタント的仏教は,宗教的に儀礼主義と偶像崇拝を排除し,また政治的にはタミル・ヒンドゥー教徒などの少数派を排除する論理を提供した。もともとナショナリズムと親和的なプロテスタンティズムの論理が貫徹したシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムはそれまであいまいであった民族間,宗教間の対立を実体化し深刻化する結果を招いた。ダルマパーラの改革仏教はそうした紛争の一因を提供した意味においても評価されなければならない。

著者

川口 幸也

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.1-34, 2011

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本稿では,プリミティヴ・アートと総称された非西洋圏の造形が,戦後の日本でどのように紹介されたのかを,昭和30 年代に行われた展覧会を通してなぞり,そこに映っていた日本人の自己像を明らかにしようとする。1955 年(昭和30),東京で「アジアアフリカ珍奇人形展」という展覧会が,バンドンで行われたアジアアフリカ会議に合わせて開かれた。その後1960 年(昭和35)には,国立近代美術館で「現代の眼―原始美術から」展が開催される。わずか5年間に,アジア,アフリカの仮面や神像たちは珍奇人形から原始美術へと昇格した。この原始美術展は新聞,雑誌の大きな注目を集め,アジア,アフリカ,オセアニアなど原始美術によって語られる「彼ら」と,近代化に成功した「われわれ」との対比が強調された。さらに4 年後の1964 年(昭和39),東京オリンピックの年,まず「ミロのビーナス」展が官民一体の協力によって実現した。また東京オリンピックの芸術展示として「日本古美術展」などが東京で行われた。この展示には124 点もの縄文時代の造形が出品されていたにもかかわらず,「原始美術」という枠はここでは消えていた。おそらく,戦後復興を遂げ,先進国の一員となったことを世界にアピールするうえで,日本の原始美術は不都合だったのである。珍奇人形から原始美術への格上げも,原始美術とされた縄文の土器,土偶の古美術への編入も,また「ミロのビーナス」展が行われたのも,東京オリンピックを機会に,西洋先進国と肩を並べたということを国の内外に向かって誇示しようとする明確な意思の表れだったといえる。ただし一方で,土方久功のように,冷静に西洋に距離を置こうとしていた人間がいたことも忘れるべきではない。Works from non-Western areas are often called primitive art, and wereintroduced to the postwar Japan through several exhibitions. This paperreviews some of the exhibitions held in Japan in the 30s of Showa era (1955–1964) to see how they represented so-called primitive art and consequentlyhow they reflected the self-image of Japanese people of those days.In 1955 (Showa 30), an exhibition entitled 'Curious Dolls from Asia andAfrica' was held in Tokyo on the occasion of Asian-African Conference inBandung, Indonesia. Five years later, in 1960 (Showa 35), another exhibitionof primitive art 'Today's Focus: Primitive Art Seen through Eyes of the Present'was organized by the National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo. We cansee that masks and ancestor figures were raised from 'curious dolls' to primitiveart in only five years. This exhibition in 1960 attracted a lot of attentionin newspapers and magazines. Their articles emphasized a sharp contrastbetween 'They', or the non-Western areas including Asia, Africa, Oceania,represented by primitive art and 'We' meaning Japan and European countriesthat had succeeded in modernization. In 1964 (Showa 39), four years later,the year of Tokyo Olympic Games, an exhibition of the 'Venus of Milos'from Musée du Louvre was organized in Tokyo as a joint project of Japanesegovernment and a newspaper company. In the same year, another exhibition'Japanese Old Art Treasures' was held as one of the official art exhibitionsaccompanying the Olympic Games. As many as 124 works of pottery,clay figures and others from Jomon period were displayed in this exhibition.They had been treated as primitive art in Japan previously, but here no framingas 'primitive art' could be seen. Probably introducing any of Japanese artas 'primitive art' would have contradicted the intention of showing foreignvisitors that Japan was fully rehabilitated from the ruins of war to become amember of the advanced countries. Raising 'curious dolls' to primitive art,raising the clay works of ancient Japan from primitive art to old art treasures,and organizing the exhibition of "Venus of Milos", all of these efforts canbe said to be expressions of an intention to tell the Japanese people and foreignvisitors of those days that Japan was now modernized and a member ofthe Western club. Still we should not forget that some Japanese, includingHisakatsu Hijikata, were trying to keep a certain distance from Europe.

著者

Norio Niwa 丹羽 典生

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.349-368, 2021-09-30

著者

Orbelyan Gevorg ゲヴォルグ オルベイアン

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.195-208, 2017

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This paper presents discussion of a special temporary exhibition inMinpaku, Japan held during September 29–October 11, 2016. The exhibition,"The Story of Khachkar: Armenian Cross Stones," introduces and explainscultural and spiritual aspects of Armenia and Christianity to Japanese people.The process of planning and creating the museum exhibition are described.This exhibition offers visitors an opportunity to gain objective knowledgeabout the Caucasus region, specifically Armenia. Its several museumobjects and stories are displayed in a specific spatial arrangement to facilitatelearning. The description of the exhibition compares new and conventionalapproaches and analyzes principles underlying specific characteristicsof Christian culture through the exhibition.After consideration of the role of special exhibitions in museums, a discussionis presented of how museum exhibitions communicate with visitorsto deliver information simply, transmitting general knowledge to museumvisitors without using advanced technology of media communications.本稿は、2016年9月29日から10月11日まで国立民族学博物館(みんぱく)において開催されたイベント企画「ハチュカル―アルメニアの十字架石碑をめぐる物語」についての議論である。本展示は、アルメニアとキリスト教の文化的・精神的側面を日本の人々に紹介し、説明を与えるものであった。ここでは展示を企画し、作り上げた過程についても記述する。 本展示は、コーカサス地方、特にアルメニアについて客観的な知識を来館者が得る機会を提供した。複数の博物館資料や物語が、学ぶことを助けるように考えて空間的に配置された。展示に関する議論では、新しい方法と従来の方法が比較され、展示を通してキリスト教文化の諸特徴を強調する考え方が分析される。 博物館における特別展示の役割についての考察の後で、最先端のテクノロジーを使うことなく来館者に一般知識を伝え、単純な方法で情報を提供するには博物館展示が来館者とコミュニケーションをいかにとるべきかという議論を行う。

著者

田中 真樹

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.337-362, 2010

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本論はソビエト後のキューバ,とくに観光経済におけるキューバらしさ,あるいはキューバの特徴にかかわる空間的想像を考察する。観光地における住民の日々の経験は差異との遭遇に満ちており,そのなかで「キューバ人」のカテゴリーは「非キューバ人」との対照において明らかにされる。島を訪れる移動可能な観光客を目の当たりにし,キューバ人であることは移動不可能性であると認識され,キューバらしさの空間的想像を形作る。一方,社会主義と米国の通商禁止がもたらすキューバらしさの移動不可能性は『ブエナ・ビスタ・ソシアル・クラブ』の語りに表彰されるように,独自性と純粋さを発見できる素朴な島を想像させる。1990年代末以降,キューバの「伝統」音楽が国際的な商品として人気を博し,卓越した芸術性がキューバ人の特徴とされ,逆説的に多様なレベルのキューバ人ミュージシャンの移動可能性,すなわち海外興行へと導く結果となった。このキューバらしさの移動可能性は,今日のキューバの政治経済において社会主義と資本主義が絡んだ特殊な状況を例証している。

著者

竹沢 尚一郎 Shoichiro Takezawa

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.1-55, 2005-09-30

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19 世紀なかばのフランスでは,ブロカに率いられた人類学派が発展し,学界を超えて強い社会的影響をもった。それは,人間の頭蓋や身体各部位を計測し,一連の数字にまで還元することで,人びとを絶対的な人種の境界のあいだに分割することをめざした人種主義的性格の強い人類学であった。この人類学が当時のフランスで広く成功した理由は,産業革命が進行し,教会の権威が失墜した19 世紀なかばのフランスで,新しい自己認識と世界理解を求める個が大量に出現したことに求められる。こうした要求に対し,ブロカ派人類学は数字にまで還元/単純化された世界観と,白人を頂点におくナルシスティックな自己像/国民像の提出によって応えたのであった。 1871 年にはじまるフランス第三共和制において,この人類学は,共和派代議士,新興ブルジョワジー,海軍軍人などと結びつくことで,共和主義的帝国主義と呼ぶことのできる新しい制度をつくり出した。この帝国主義は,法と同意によって維持される国民国家の原則に立つ本国と,法と同意の適用を除外された植民地とのあいだの不平等を前提とするものであったが,ブロカ派人類学は植民地の有色人種を劣等人種とみなす理論的枠組みを提供することで,この制度の不可欠の要素となっていた。 1890 年以降,新しい社会学を築きつつあったデュルケームは,ユダヤ人排斥の人種主義を批判し,人種主義と関連しがちな進化論的方法の社会研究への導入を批判した。かれが構築した社会の概念は,社会に独自の実在性と法則性を与えるものであり,当時の支配的潮流としての人種主義とは無縁なところに社会研究・文化研究の領域をつくりだした。しかし,ナショナリスティックに構築されたがゆえに社会の統合を重視するその社会学は,社会と人びとを境界づけ,序列化するものとしての人種主義を乗りこえる言説をつくりだすことはできなかった。 人種,国民国家,民族,文化,共同体,性などの諸境界が,人びとの意識のなかに生み出している諸形象の力学を明らかにし,その布置を描きなおしていく可能性を,文化/社会人類学のなかに認めていきたい。

著者

杉本 尚次

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.p493-592, 1980-06

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From the ethnological and geographical perspective, the ruralhouse is an important key to settlement structure. Based ontypical characteristics of roof and house plans, farmstead typesshow regional differentiation and reflect specific aspects of the localway of life.The rapidly-changing rural houses of Europe have been studiedfrom a wide range of perspectives including ethnology, geographyand related fields.I. A Review : Studies of European Rural HousesNumerous studies- have been made on European rural houses,but many of earlier ones dealt only with a visual house landscapeor classification by shapes. But following the assertions andinterpretation of W. Muller-Wille and A. Demangeon a dynamictrend emerged in rural house-type studies, focusing on such themesas building materials, roofing and house plan, functional aspects,the genesis of house types and modes of transmission of culture.II. Open-Air Museums in Europe (Especially Rural Houses"Folk Architecture" in Open-Air Museums)This is a report of an ethnological and geographical surveyconducted in 1971, 1978, of 37 European Open-Air Museums.III. Regional Variation in European Rural Houses (GeneralView)(1) Roof types and building materialswooden construction (log or sawn lumber), stone, traditionalhalf-timbering (fachwerk), brick, clay walls (including sundriedbricks)(2) House plan and farmstead typesthe unitary farmstead (single-story, multistory) the multiplestructurefarmstead (closed courtyard farmstead, open orscattered farmstead)European house types illustrate that for any one example thereare variations of roof types, house plans, farmstead types andbuilding materials.

著者

太田 好信

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.3, pp.p453-494, 1993

被引用文献数

1

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This paper is an examination of implications that postcolonialcriticism adumbrates for anthropological theories. Although recent advancesin critical theories in literature seem, prima facie, to have very littlein common with anthropological theories, they now constitute astrong critique of many assumptions inherent in anthropological theoriesand practices. Among these critical theories the most relevant for anthropologistsis exemplified in the text of Edward Said's Orientalism[1978]. Said points out that Orientalism, a discourse on the Orient byWestern scholars, systematically reduces the multiplicity of the Orient toa stereotypic image, often sexualized, and essentializes the Orient as theresidual category of the Occident. Moreover, he interprets Orientalismas a form of power which disempowers the people of the Orient by claimingthe objectivity of scientific methodology. Now, is anthropology akind of Orientalism as defined by Said?The fact that for anthropologists Orientalism may have remainedfor a while an enigmatic text suggests a quite complex answer to thatquestion. This is because Orientalism seems to criticize the interpretivestance of hermeneutically oriented anthropological thinking, asrepresented by Clifford Geertz's; while at the same time it explicitly exoneratesanthropology by distinguishing it from other forms of Orientalism--Said lauded the very Geertz as a typical anthropologist in thissense.It is James Clifford who has first recognized two positions Said hadassumed toward anthropology. One position, critical of realistepistemology, is based on the philosophy of Foucault, who has analyzedthe discursive nature of academic disciplines in the human sciences. Theother is that of the humanist in search of authentic encounters with theOther. These two mutually contradictory positions from which Said haslaunched his critique of Orientalism may have been a source of theenigma mentioned above, and, as a consequence, the virtual neglect ofthis text in anthropological circle until 1987, when at the annual meetingsof American Anthropological Association Said was invited to deliver apaper entitled "Representing the Colonized: Anthropology's Interlocutors."In this presentation Said is no longer generous with hispraises for anthropology; he attacks the fact that many anthropologistshave still remained oblivious to those world-historical conditions thatenabled Western scholars to study non-Western cultures: that is,hegemony of the West over the rest of the world.Thus, it has become obvious that anthropologists cannot ignoreSaid's postcolonial critique of the disciplinary foundation. But, such are-evaluation of Said's work has occurred rather recently; Clifford'sreview of Orientalism has been a sole exception. In his reading of OrientalismClifford [1988] has formulated many questions directly relevantfor the future of anthropology: for example, "Can one ultimately escapeprocedures of dichotomizing, restructuring, and textualizing in the makingof interpretive statements about foreign cultures and traditions?"My assessment of Clifford's reading of Orientalism is that he has producedan epistemological reading of it, as opposed to a political one, the latterbeing the reading clearly more in line with Said's own representation.A political reading of the text positions a reader in actual social settings;therefore, it allows the reader to evaluate the epistemologicalreadings as abstract; consequently, the epistemological reading privilegesthose already in power, while disempowering the marginalized in thename of objectivity. Thus, after exposing those contradictory positionsin the text—discursive and humanist-realist perspectives—this papercalls for an oppositional, political, rather than a merely epistemological,reading of Orientalism.A political reading of the text points to the more socially situatedunderstanding of anthropological theorizing. For example, what does itmean to suggest that the aim of anthropology is to understand theOther? Who is the Other? Does the Other mean the same thing for anthropologistsin the United States, Japan, Indonesia, of African countries?What is the purpose of this understanding in the light ofeconomic and political inequalities pervading throughout the world?Answers for these questions are not easily forthcoming; however, for anthropologists,the political circumstances of the world have been soquickly changing that anthropologists are now faced with challengesfrom "native peoples" all over the world: the era of anthropological innocenceis gone.In the days of Malinowski, "native" people questioned neither theright (nor a lack thereof) of anthropologists in conducting field researches,nor the authority of anthropologists' scholarship. But, now, bothright and authority are called into question. In Oceania, for instance, adiscourse on "the invention of culture," a discourse anthropologists havesuccessfully constructed with purely academic interest alone, has beenunder attack from leaders of native cultural movements, for it disempowersthe local people of Oceania to define what is rightfully their owntradition. No anthropologists could remain immune to this kind ofpolitical development in which a discourse on culture is constantly contestedby local political leaders of cultural movements.In Japan, an Ainu women has raised a voice of protest against an anthropologistwho used her photo without her permission in the book shedoes not approve of. In a close reading of the published court proceeding,I suggest that what has been debated is not so much an issue ofindividual right (to be photographed) as the nature of anthropologicaldiscourse, which is, to borrow a phrase from Clifford [1988], purely "entropic":the Ainu culture has disappeared already. An entropic narrativeof culture displaces the Ainu people to the past, denies their currentstruggles in gaining socially recognizable positions in Japanese society,and disempowers their existence in the guise of objective research.Then, is nativism an answer to this kind political predicament?Are the peoples of Oceania the only peoples to have a claim to adiscourse on their own culture? Should (and will) and Ainu people excludethe "Japanese" (wajin) scholars from studying their culture? AsSaid's answer to Orientalism is not Occidentalism, nativism is not myrecommendation for dealing with this political predicament.As one of Japanese anthropologists with interest in studies on ourown culture as well as other cultures of the world, how can I re-imagineanthropology in these complex political conditions of the late twentiethcentury? How do anthropologists situate themselves in relation to anthropologiesof metropolitan centers in Europe and the United States?Is it possible to envision anthropology as a discourse on the Otherwithout entailing domination of the Other?Certainly these questions cannot be answered easily. Nevertheless,following a suggestion from Mitsuru Hamamoto, I propose, first, thatethnographic authority be abandoned in favor of a mode which allowsconstant re-writing and re-editing not only by anthropologists alone butalso by whoever has access to it, as is already happening in electronicallymediated communications. What is needed, with assistance from newlydeveloped communicational technology, is doing away with ethnographicauthority for a more anarchical presence of voice carefully articulatedto subvert the authorial intention; my suggestion here differs fromClifford's: his is representing textually (in ethnography) the polyvocalquality of ethnographic encounters.Second, I recommend a form of anthropological practice that doesnot circumvent political contests, taking the side of the politically oppressedand always critical of hegemonic history; and I also recommenda form of "narrative" that acknowleges the emergence of new culturaldifferences. Such an entanglement in political contests does not alwayscall for every anthropologist to become a political activist; however, itcertainly calls for an explicit awareness of the political nature of every anthropologicaldiscourse and a clear recognition of the anthropologist'srelationship to the local people. A relation between fans and the performinggroup (such as a rock group) may serve as a possible analogy in reimaginingthe future relationship between anthropologists and the peoplethey study or work with.Although a constant questioning of ethnographic authority has beenjudged to be counter-productive in conducting fieldwork and writing anethnography, these two activities many no longer be the characteristicsdefining anthropology. What is anthropology, then? Waning ofauthority to speak on someone else's culture will bring this question tothe center of attention among anthropologists. Lost innocence is notthe end of anthropology; it is only the beginning of re-imagining anthropologyfor the future.