著者

浜根 知恵/大野 順子 大野 順子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.121-143, 2012-11-21

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The pioneering activities on the Hojyo Dunes, Tottori Prefecture, came about due to the abundant cultivation of cotton and colza that took place during the Edo period. This changed to the cultivation of mulberry with the advent of the Meiji period because of the importation of cotton from foreign countries. This Dune area was irrigated using a small artificial pond known as the beach well and it was used to draw up subterranean water it came to be called the "Wife-killer beach well" because of the intense labor it required. In the 1950's the government provided this area with irrigation facilities. With these government sponsored policies and advances in farming technologies it became possible to cultivate items such as grapes, tomatoes, melons, eddo potatoes and leeks that could be used to make monetary profit in the market in addition to more traditional crops of sweet potatoes, shallots and watermelons. Farming in this desert area, which demanded that fields be treated with artificial measures due the lack of water created a state of affairs where there had to be a switchover to growing crops that were profitable and in demand in the marketplace along with the implementation of modern irrigation techniques. This resulted in advancing cooperation simultaneous with the development of large scale management that exceeded the range of the then existent traditional community. And thus, with the introduction of modern irrigation facilities along with the elimination of excessive labor connected with the Wife-killer beach well, we also see the development of communal farming and the sharing of production and distribution activities in the area and other areas as well as the advancement of usage regulations involving water used for agricultural purposes. With this, there also rapidly came into existence, a large-scale form of agricultural management concerned with the renting and leasing of land.

著者

竹中 暉雄

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.40, pp.322-269, 2011-03-30

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This paper, motivated by the question of why the members of the drafting committee of Gakusei left almost no records of their work, focuses chiefly on the following four points. 1. Two poems by Hajime Uryu, a member of the drafting committee of Gakusei (one written at the time of his appointment, the other at the time of his resignation), are almost the only documents surviving that were written by members of the committee concerning their task. The poems reveal Uryu's strong dissatisfaction that the committee carried out its work with almost no sense of responsibility or team spirit, and that the original idea of "education for the national benefit" had been transformed into the idea of "education for individual benefit". If Uryu's complaint was valid, we can understand the reason why the members of the drafting committee did not talk about their work on Gakusei. 2. As the result of the situation Uryu described, Gakusei had many irregularities, not only in its main provisions but also in its Preamble, which includes the famous phrase "there may not be a village with an ignorant family, nor a family with an ignorant child". The text of the Preamble had many grammatical problems and included many historically untrue or exaggerated expressions. These problems have almost never been referred to in research on the Gakusei. 3. The problems in the Preamble to Gakusei become even clearer when we examine English versions of the text. Even the then Ministry of Education was evidently perplexed to prepare an English translation of the Preamble. 4. The new Meiji government emphasised the idea that education should be for the individual benefit in order to emphasise its position that people should not depend on the state for their educational costs. As a result, there were a number of important principles that the Preamble was unable to express. Firstly, the idea of "education for the public benefit" could not be expressed. The school charges referred to in the provisions of Gakusei began from the principle of a school district charge. Secondly, "the necessity of a uniform national educational system" could not be expressed. This system was designed in the provisions of Gakusei. Thirdly, the principle of educating people to be able to actively support the new state through their understanding of its decrees could not be expressed. The educational mission of the new Meiji state was to construct a nation governed by law.

著者

高田 里惠子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = Human sciences review, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.44, pp.255-271, 2013-03-29

著者

高田 里惠子 Rieko TAKADA

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.67-96, 1994-01-30

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Man kritisiert oft den Opportunismus von Kenji Takahashi (1902~ ), der wahrend der Kriegszeit Ubersetzer und Kommentator der Blut-und-Boden-Literatur war und sich dann plotzlich in einen energischen Hesse- und Kastner- Forscher verwandelt hat. Aber Takahashis Identifikation mit dem Pazifisten Hesse oder dem Widerstandskampfer Kastner ist unreflektiert. In der vorliegenden Arbeit gilt meine Analyse indessen nicht seiner unverschamten >Verwandlung<, sondern seiner inneren Kontinuitat: Takahashi war seit seiner Gymnasiastenzeit ein Anhanger der deutschen Kultur und Bildung. Dabei ist bemerkenswert, da〓 er sich als Germanist immer darum bemuht hat, die deutsche >hohe< Literatur in Japan zu popularisieren, was eigentlich dem elitaren Wesen der deutschen Bildung widerspricht. Takahashi versuchte durch seine offentlichkeitswirksame Tatigkeit, ob als Nazi-Sympathisant oder als Hesse-Ubersetzer, die gesellschaftliche Funktion der japanischen Germanistik zu legitimieren, die sich in der 20er Jahren als rein universitare Disziplin etabliert und dabei allmahnlich Au〓enkontankte zur japanischen kulturellen Offentlichkeit verloren hatte. Im "Fall Kenji Takahashi" verkorpert sich der Gegensatz zwischen Popularisierung und Akademisierung der deutschen Literatur in Japan, der heute noch zu beobachten ist. Takahashi versteht sich (komischerweise!) als kritischer Intellektueller. Seinen Memoiren zufolge stellte er sich als Elite-Gymnasiast gegen die Erwartungen seines Vaters: statt als Jurist eine gute Karriere ins Auge zu fassen, studierte er Germanistik. Dieser gegen das Prinzip des modernen Japan revoltierende Antikarrierismus bedeutete fur ihn eine kritische Einstellung zum Establishment, das die Literatur einfach fur etwas Nutzloses halt. Takahashi hat die deutsche Kultur und Bildung als Gegenmittel gegen die unmenschliche Zivilisation sowie die moderne kapitalistische Gesellschaft hochgeschatzt. Seine falsche Selbstverstandnis verfuhrte ihn zur unkritischen Bewunderung der deutschen Kultur. Gerade Takahashis (subjektiv) ehrlicher Wille hat ihn opportunistisch gemacht. In diesem Sinne reprasentiert seine Komodie zugleich die Tragodie des modernen Japan.

著者

片倉 穰 Minoru Katakura

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.173-215, 2010-03-25

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.81-196, 2009-03-10

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Paul Carus (1852-1919) wrote a short Buddhist narrative called "The Spider-web" in 1894 and Teitaro Suzuki (鈴木貞太郎 1870-1966) translated it into Japanese in 1898. Ryunosuke Akutagawa (芥川龍之介 1892-1927) adapted it for children in 1918. Entitled "Kumo-no-ito" (蜘蛛の糸 a spider's thread), this adaptation was evaluated highly among Japanese critics and adopted in many schoolbooks. In spite of its high reputation among critics, however, Akutagawa's Kumo-no-ito is not a success as an adapted story. Ignorant of the Buddhist tradition, Akutagawa missed Carus's points and failed to construct a coherent story. Modern philological study of Buddhist texts was established in Europe in the nineteenth century and excellent research results were produced there. Having taken advantage of them, Carus knew much about ancient Buddhist literature. His tale is faithful to the Buddhist tradition and coherent as a whole. Carus had diligently studied Buddhism, read almost all translations of Buddhist scriptures then available in Europe, and written many books on Buddhism. So he was following the Buddhist tradition when he wrote "The Spider-web," which runs as follows: A sinner called Kandata has been suffering tortures in Hell. Having appeared on earth, Buddha sheds rays. Spreading everywhere, they reach even Hell. And he sends a spider as his proxy to Kandata, who takes hold of the web and begins to climb up. Soon he feels the thread trembling, for many sinners are climbing after him. Kandata becomes frightened and shouts, "Let go the cobweb. It is mine." At that moment, the spiderweb breaks, and all fall back into Hell. (Here the rays are a symbol of Buddha's teaching.) The meaning of this story is that it is essential to follow Buddha's teaching, according to which there exists no such thing as atman (self). The Hindus believe that an entity called "atman" subists in every human or animal body. In contrast, the Buddhists deny the existence of atman. Kandata falls back into Hell, because he proves that the illusion of atman is still upon him, saying that the cob-web is his alone. In translating "the illusion of atman (self)," the ancient Chinese used the expression "wozhi-wangnian" 我執-妄念, which means "the mistaken idea approving the existence of atman," "wo" 我 (I) being equivalent to the Sanskrit "atman." The ancient Japanese borrowed the word "wo-zhi

著者

小田 亮 Makoto Oda 桃山学院大学文学部

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.1-20, 1991-03-01

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This essay has two aims; one is to show the perspective Levi-Strauss's structural analysis of myths has offered, and the other is to point a resemblance between myths and novels in the way of being against the narrative. For the former, I do a demonstration of a structural analysis on three African myths, and point out in the analysis that no myth is isolated from others and that there is no single or privileged code which excludes other codes in the formation or interpretation of myths. On the other hand, the novel is an unorthodox genre and a newcomer in the European literature. While the epic which is the counterpart of the narrative in the Latin-European literary orthodoxy has canons or privileged codes, the novel doesn't. Unlike the narrative or epic, and like myths viewed from the stand-point of structurism, novels have no self-conclusion in their nature of intertextuality and always put several codes in play against the autocracy of any single code the narrative demands.

著者

天堀 貴博

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.303-326, 2014-03-28

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Venetian opera was born in 1637 as the first commercial opera in the world. It contributed greatly to the development of opera as a genre. In Venice, opera flourished with as many as 17 theaters at its height. Opera was an important element of the culture of this city full of feasts and celebrations. However, after the drastic reduction of ticket prices which took place in the 1670's, the quality of Venetian opera began to deteriorate. At the same time, Neapolitan opera was growing. Thus the center of Italian opera moved to Naples from Venice, and many modern scholars think that Venetian opera declined in the end of the century. For such reasons a large majority of studies on Venetian opera have treated only the 16th and 17th centuries, neglecting the 18th century. And the approaches have been made almost exclusively in the fields of music and music history, whose interests are concentrated on opera writers and their works.This paper is an attempt to reconsider Venetian opera from a different point of view, namely from that of social history, and takes into consideration the 18th century also. It makes a quantitative analysis of new opera works put on the stage in Venetian theaters for the hundred years 1660-1760 using the data given by Selfridge-Field (2007), and then examines the theaters which were active during the period. This analysis reveals that Venetian opera saw its quantitative peak in the first half of the 18th century. That means that after the "price revolution" brought about by Teatro di Sant'Angelo in 1677, opera became popularized and obtained a wider range of audience. It led to easier production of public-oriented opera with low cost. We may call it "pop opera". But such a change did not occur to Venetian opera as a whole. The traditional type of refined opera was maintained by Teatro di San Giovanni Grisostomo, which was opened in 1678 and specialized in classical and mythological themes. We may call this type "sophisticated opera." Both of these theaters were very successful and determined the two main streams of Venetian opera. Teatro di Sant'Angelo and Teatro di San Giovanni Grisostomo were the most influential in the history of Venetian theaters. One with "pop opera" and the other with "sophisticated opera", they constituted the two wheels of Venetian opera. They were cohabiting, rather than conflicting each other. In conclusion, we should not look on the changes in Venetian opera as deterioration or decline but as the establishment of a new sort of opera. We should also appreciate the coexistence of the old "sophisticated opera" and the new "pop opera", which made Venetian opera more prosperous than ever.

著者

安藤 洋美 Hiromi ANDO

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.1-90, 2000-07-31

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The European mathematics exists as a science and the fundamental tools of thchnology. On the other hand, the Japanese mathematics (Wasan) did not as a science but as an art. However, the Japanese were by no means wanting in scientific spirit. The warriors (Samurai) of the Tokugawa Shogunate were strongly endowed with a zealous yearning for knowledge of the navigation at the Nagasaki Navy College, which was founded in 1855. They were taught and trained by Dutch officers with severity. Some of them were especially diligent, namely Yatabori, Ono, Enomoto, Akamatsu, Nakamuda, Tsukamoto, Sawa, Ban, and Hida. After a few years, they had become the leading members of the Tokugawa Navy. They understood that mathematical thinking was at the foundation of European civilization. Indeed, their mathematical abilities advanced with rapid strides. But, Katsu was a dull student and could not become interested in mathematics. A certain number of Dutch mathematical and astronomical works were in the possession at the Astronomical Board of the Shogunate (Bakufu Tenmonkata). To read these works, the Institute of Occidental Culture (Bansho Chosho) was founded in 1855 by the Shogunate. In this Institute, K. Kanda was the first professor of the department of mathematics. In 1866, Dr. S. Yanagawa was elected to a professorship of this Institute. Kanda wrote "Introduction to Arithmetic" and Yanagawa wrote "How to Use for Arithmetic" in 1857. A friendship between Kanda and Yanagawa continued until Yanagawa's death in 1870. Yamamoto, Sahara, Suzuki, Nagahiro Enomoto, and T. Kikuchi are all graduates of this Institute. Arithmetic was also taught at the Yokohama French College, which was founded in 1864. Zinbo is a graduate of this college. The mathematicians of the old Japanese school (Wasanka) took pains to solve the many difficult problems, but could not discovered the general method of a solution. Ono and Yanagi was the well-known Japanese mathematicians, but they made an effort to learn the European mathematics. In 1868, the political change of the Restoration took place. The leaders of the New Meiji Government were not familiar with Occidental culture. Most of them were terrorists with the exception of Omura. For the most part, the Meiji Government had been conducted by the warriors intelligentsia of the Shogunate. The teaters at the Navy College, Military Academy and University College (Daigaku Nanko) were mostly old warriors of the Shogunate. In 1877, the Tokyo Mathematical Society was founded. The first president was Kanda. One half of the organization's members were mostly old Shogunate warriors and well-known old Japanese mathematicians. The rest were the second-class mathematicians.

著者

松永 俊男 Toshio MATSUNAGA 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.139-161, 2000-12

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Scientific investigation in early nineteenth century England was based on natural theology. The evolutionary theory of Charles Darwin was also based on natural thelogy. Most contemporary scholars and clergy accepted the evolution of organisms as providential evolution, that is, evolution guided by God. Darwinian theory did not reject the idea of providential evolution. Darwinian theory, however, also has a revolutionary factor, which implies a mechanical interpretation of the adaptation of organisms. Modern biologists acknowledge only this revolutionary factor in Darwinism. But in order to understand properly the historical significance of Darwinism, we must recognize the religious factor in Darwinism. In this article we analyse the theological background of Darwinism and survey the contemporary reception of Darwinism.

著者

永野 芳郎 Yoshio NAGANO 桃山学院大学文学部

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.119-144, 1996-01-30

著者

Meillet Antoine 永野 芳郎 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.103-128, 1996-07

著者

野尻 亘 Wataru Nojiri 桃山学院大学経済学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.63-99, 2009-10-20

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Alfred Russel Wallace observed the distribution and boundaries of animals inhabiting the Malay Archipelago. The distribution of marsupials in the Australian region is a prominent feature of the area. In Borneo, however, the mammals do not include marsupials. The many parrots of the Australian region are rare in the Oriental region. The birds of the Oriental region do not migrate to Lombok Island, and these are not seen on Celebes or islands further to the east. The Lombok Strait were regarded as the dividing line between these two zoogeographic regions. The boundary between the zoogeographical regions, crossing the Lombok Strait indicated by Wallace was later to be called "Wallace's line" by Thomas Henry Huxley. Later, Mayr conducted further studies on Wallace's line, asserting that differences in the faunas of Bali and Lombok were not due to crustal movements in the Tertiary period, as Wallace had asserted, but rather to sea levels changes in the Pleistocene glacial epoch. During that time, sea levels were 70-100m lower, but because the Lombok Strait is a deepwater strait, the land on either side was not connected. In addition to this, Simpson points out that the eastern end of the Sunda shelf, which is the Asian continental shelf, is Wallace's line, while the West end of the Sahul shelf, which is the Australian continental shelf, is Lydekker's line. The area between these is known as the "Wallacea" transitional zone. Currently, "Wallacea" is believed to have been formed when the Australian continental crust broke off from the Antarctic at the end of the Cretaceous and collided with the southeastern border of the Eurasian continental crust during the mid Miocene. After the collision of these continental plates, there were violent movements in the crust and fault activity. Subsequently, the animals of the both continents migrated to islands, repeating cycles of either evolution or extinction, eventually creating today's diverse distribution of organisms. In other words, modern interpretation of Wallace's line differs greatly from past interpretation. Wallace and other traditional biogeographers believed that Wallace's line is the boundary created by isolation by geographical barriers. At the present time, Wallace's line is explained by collisions along the borders of the earth's plates. In other words, Wallace's line was the "frontier" where different types of species living on different plates were exposed to each other and interacted when the plates collided.

著者

軽部 恵子 Keiko Karube 桃山学院大学法学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.40, pp.211-267, 2011-03-30

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.99-128, 2006-01-15

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In a European folk tale called Saint Peter's Mother, an old woman, who was wicked in her life and fell to Hell, is pulled out of Hell with the aid of an onion. Other sinners in Hell take hold of her, so that they may be pulled out along with her. Noticing this, she kicks them. At that moment, the onion breaks, and all fall back into Hell. It is found that she is still mean, just as she was in her former life, and unworthy of being rescued from Hell. Many variants of this story are found all over the Christian world. And Henry F. Fullenwider proposes to add one more to the list of variants(Fullenwider, "The Onion and the Spiderweb: Paul Carus' Karma and Other Literary Variants of Grimms' Sankt Peters Mutter [Bolte/Polvka, num. 221]," Fabula 28, 1987, pp. 320-326). The story which he takes up as a new variant of Saint Peter's Mother is unique in that it is a Buddhist story composed by a European. It is The Spider Web of Paul Carus(1852-1919), who was born and educated in Germany, and immigrated to America to be an advocator of "religion of science" as editor of The Open Court. As Kayoko Nagao(長尾佳代子)points out in her paper(長尾,「芥川龍之介『蜘蛛の糸』原作の主題 -ポ-ル・ケ-ラスが『カルマ』で言おうとしたこと-」,『仏教文学』27, 京都, 2003, pp. 161-172), The Spider-web is based on an episode that is repeated in such collections of Buddhist narratives as the Avadnaataka and the Divyvadna. This ancient Buddhist episode consists of four parts: When Buddha appears on earth, he smiles and sheds light,* which reaches all places including Hell (1). Bathed in Buddha's light, sinners in Hell are cheered (2). Thereupon Buddha sends his proxy to Hell (3). And those sinners there seize the opportunity for deliverance in the distant future (4). Lon Feer's translation of the Avadnaataka had appeared two years before Carus published his Spider Web(Avadnaataka, cent lgendes buddhiques, traduites du sanskrit par M. Lon Feer, Annales du Muse Guimet 18, Paris, 1891). Carus had diligently studied Buddhism, read almost all translations of Buddhist scriptures then available in Europe, and written many books on Buddhism. So he was following the Buddhist tradition when he wrote The Spider Web, which runs as follows: A sinner called Kandata has been suffering tortures in Hell. When Buddha appears on earth, the light shed by him reaches Hell and sinners there soften. Buddha sends a spider as his proxy to Kandata, who takes hold of the web and begins to climb up. Soon he feels the thread trembling, for many sinners are climbing after him. Kandata becomes frightened and shouts, "Let go the cobweb. It is mine." At that moment, the spiderweb breaks, and all fall back into Hell. The meaning of this story is that it is essential to follow Buddha's teaching, according to which there exists no such thing as tman(self). Kandata falls back into Hell, because he has not thrown away the illusion of tman, saying that the cobweb is his alone. A memory of Saint Peter's Mother might have come to Carus, when he wrote the scene of falling again into Hell, but this is not the core of the story. The Spider Web is a failure story composed on the basis of the tradi-tional Buddhist episode. Being ignorant of this, Fullenwider misses the meaning of Carus' story, and he puts a special emphasis on the scene of falling back into Hell. The Spider Web of Paul Carus cannot be a variant of Saint Peter's Mother. *Here light is a symbol of Buddha's teaching.

著者

野尻 亘

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.55-76, 2008-07-07

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Since the 1980s, the Asian economies have witnessed rapid economic growth, starting with the NIES and followed by the ASEAN nations, China, and India. The three defining characteristics of this economic development are 1) urbanization (concentration of populations in urban areas and the expansion of metropolises) 2) industrialization (the transition from import substitution to export promotion development strategies, and from labor-intensive industries to high-tech electronic industries), and 3) trade development (expanded exports).These high-growth Asian cities are characterized by factors such as the following 1) the rise and fall of historical dynasties (formation of cities on historical city sites), 2) the propagation of religion (formation of cities serving as religious centers), 3) the rise of colonialism (establishment of colonial cities), 4) the influx of immigrants from China (formation of ethnic neighborhood and trading cites).According to urban geographer, Dr. McGee, Asian cities were either sacred cities (religious centers or centers of deified authority), or market cities (trading centers for surrounding villages, bazaar centers, etc. ) prior to industrialization and modernization. This led to their being made into colonial cities once they initiated contact with the west. The colonial cities took on a variety of functions as port cities and centers of trade and political control. In the contemporary period following independence, the original status of sacred city was restored for some of these areas. That is, to ensure the success of national governments utilizing the historical concentration of power in the colonial cities, they became religious centers in a new form of nationalism.The populations of the Asian cities rose dramatically from the 1950s through the 1970s, yet this was not a case of the urban demand for labor absorbing excess rural labor. On the country, due to the spread of the commercial economy to the villages, subsistence farming declined and poverty became rampant in the rural setting. This pressure on the villages was a major reason for accelerated population influxes from rural to urban areas.The influx of labor, which far exceeds the employment capacity of these cities, is known as "excess urbanization" or "urbanization-without-industrialization." The migrants were absorbed in informal sectors related to the cities' various industries, including peddling, outdoor-stands, and so on, and they moved into slums and squatter areas.From the 1980s onward, due to factors such as economic and financial globalization as well as the end of the Cold War, the Asian cities were incorporated into the world system, which lead to even more dramatic leaps in development. Greater influx of foreign capital, industrialization, and capital accumulation led to the further expansion of urban areas and to great changes in the the cityscapes. In the 1990s, "mega-metropolises"began to form, where large cities and surrounding areas comprise huge urban areas of more than ten million people. This period marked the rise of new towns along highways and railways and the development of residential areas for the middle class, which represent more sophisticated use of urban land and the "verticalization" of the city landscape. At the same time, these cities began to see urban sprawl, characterized by a disorderly distribution and coexistence of urban elements such as massive shopping centers, golf courses, foreign-owned plant facilities, etc., alongside densely populated rural suburbs that still maintain the traditional rural environment.Dr. McGee refers to the massive cities that have developed in this way as "mega urban regions" or "extended metropolitan areas. "

著者

高橋 ひとみ/川端 秀仁/衞藤 隆

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.89-110, 2014-03-28

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Children are given visual acuity tests at school. The purpose of the tests is to facilitate school education. There are two types of visual acuity: far- and near-vision visual acuity. Far-vision visual acuity is required, for example, when reading something written on a whiteboard in a classroom. On the other hand, near-vision visual acuity is needed when reading textbooks, notebooks, or when looking at computer screens. However, only far-vision visual acuity tests are typically included in medical examinations at public schools. We believe that a near-vision visual acuity test is necessary, and so in this paper we analyze some basic data about the relationship between children's near-vision visual acuity and their learning efficiency. For the purposes of the paper, we examined both far-vision and near-vision visual acuity, refraction test, questionnaire survey of children at an elementary school. We found that approximately20% of the children had poor, near-vision visual acuity. In addition,8% of the children had only poor near-vision visual acuity. We further found that children with poor far- and near-vision acuity had more learning difficulties compared with children of normal visual acuity. Among children with learning difficulties, the percentage of children with poor far-vision acuity was the same as that of children with poor near-vision acuity. Children whose far-vision visual acuity is found to be lacking are given remedial treatment. We therefore strongly recommend the addition of near-vision visual acuity tests in public schools so that children found to have near-vision acuity problems can be given treatment too. We have to carry out near-vision visual acuity tests and guarantee all children an opportunity to learn.

著者

竹中 暉雄

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.210-131[含 英語文要旨], 2007-12

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This paper mainly discusses the following six points.1. In order to understand the political background of Gakusei, we have to recognize not only the opposition of the Ministry of Finance on the grounds of financial difficulties, but also the fact that the issue of Gakusei was in conflict with the contract which was made with Ambassador Iwakura.2. Gakusei was hastily issued to make the political achievements of the cabinet members who remained in Japan.3. The most influential Sangi (cabinet member), Shigenobu Ookuma, did not hesitate in breaking the contract. On the other hand, Kaoru Inoue who was the temporary head of the Ministry of Finance did not make good use of the contract as the best excuse to restrict new projects such as Gakusei. In order to understand their actions, it is necessary to comprehend the formation process of Ambassador Iwakura and the contract itself.4. Ookuma could not play as important role in the process of making the contract as he had intended, and as he mentioned in his retrospective talk.5. Inoue could not make a secret promise with the cabinet leaders about his own overseas travel in the process of making the contract, while the political opponent of Inoue went abroad as one of the attendants of Ambassador Iwakura.6. The breach of contract by the cabinet members who remained in Japan was clouded after all, because Ambassador Iwakura also did not keep the contract, and because it became impossible to blame Ookuma and Ooki who became indispensable ministers as a result of the political change in 1873.

著者

小林 信彦

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.19-62, 2004-12-10

著者

和栗 珠里

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.123-150, 2014-03-28

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For the Republic of Venice the16th century was a time of hardships and changes. Above all the so-called Italian Wars and the repeated attacks on her colonies by the Ottoman Empire exhausted La Serenissima politically, militarily, and economically. One of the measures she took in order to break the financial deadlock was auctioning of offices. It was an expedient way out, which has been thought to have corrupted the republican spirit and reinforced the oligarchic tendency in Venice. The most profitable was auctioning the prestigious posts of the Procuratori di San Marco (PSM). Normally their number was fixed at nine (three for each of three sections, namely de Supra, de Citra, and de Ultra). However, during the crucial years after the defeat in Agnadello, not only were the PSM posts put on `sale' (they were not really `sold', but who offered a larger loan to the government was likely to be elected), but also the numerical limitation was ignored. In this way, in the single year of1516five men were created PSM without predecessors and brought their patria from10,000 to14,000 ducats each. Such a measure was regarded as jeopardizing the republican tradition of Venice and was abolished as soon as she had accomplished the reconquest of lost territories. But in the course of the century Venice was to face other crises in which this dishonorable method was revived again and again. The problem about the PSM was that, unlike other government offices for nobles (with the one exception of that of Doge), they were lifetime posts. Ordinary or extraordinary, all the PSM remained in office until they died or got elected Doge. As a result, their number could increase cumulatively. Examining all the PSM of the16th century (149men in all) with their predecessors and successors (or without one or both of them) and their length of tenure, we can find out how each post was succeeded to (or was not) and the total number of the PSM in each year. In this way I made the following facts clear : 1) most of the PSM `by money' didn't have predecessors or successors ; 2) in the1520's and1530's the PSM posts were auctioned many times and in the late1530's their total number hit the peak (as many as29PSM at a time) ; 3) between the Battle of Preveza (1538) and the War of Cyprus (1570-73) no PSM post was auctioned and the total number decreased naturally until the original number was regained in the early1560's ; 4) after the War of Cyprus auctioning of the PSM posts was abolished again and the original number was regained by the early1600's. Conclusion : auctioning of government offices was not a permanent institution but an emergency measure and the mechanism of normalization worked constantly ; however, for the PSM, the aftermath of auctioning lingered much longer than with other offices because of the lifetime tenure, permitting wealthy nobles to stay in power.