著者

山川 廣司

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.34-50, 1997 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This paper examines the ships used by the Mycenaean Greeks in the Mediterranean area in the latter half of the second millennium B. C. using as sources mainly paintings, results of Undersea archaeology, and Linear B script documents.The first noteworthy source is a miniature fresco., “The Escort of Ships”, from Room 5 of the “West House, ” excavated at Akrotiri. It shows a procession of decorated ships moving by oar or sail from one coastal town to another, representing some kind of military campaign, and is dated to the 16th century B. C. In the middle of the fleet, there is a flagship with about 40 rowers, a steersman and 10 warriors. The fresco shows the type and structure of ships of that time that were not necessarily merchant or trading ships.A second is the sunken ship at Ulu Burun, excavated by G. F. Bass and dated to the 14th or early 13th century B. C. Apparently loaded with a very valuable cargo, it seems to have sunk in the middle of its voyage. Research has shown that it was 15 to 18 meters long and had a minimum capacity of 12m. tons deadweight. The keel was made of heavy timber and the planks were fastened to the keel to each other using pegged mortise-and-tenon joints.Third and finally, I refer to the record of shipbuilding in the Linear B tablets of Pylos. Na-u-do-mo (shipbuilders) are mentioned on PY Vn 865, while in PY Vn 46 and Vn 879, opinion is divided as to whether ka-pi-ni-ja should be interpreted as a list of timbers for shipbuilding or for construction of a building. T. G. Paleima insists on the former interpretation and L. Baumbach on the latter.I hypothesize that a kind of gift trade was carried on by royal officials and merchants appointed by the king of Pylos.

著者

小田 淑子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.79-94,268, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Fana' and baqa' are two of the most important technical terms in Sufism. Fana' is generally defined as “dying to one's selfish ego (nafs)”, and baqa' as “surviving by receiving the divine Life after fana'”. I would like to elucidate how fana' and baqa' are related to each other in Rumi.In order to attain to fana', it is required to concentrate one's self on God. In this process, the world as that of Multiplicity is regarded as something to renounce. At the moment of fana', God makes one's self die, then there is nothing but God. It is the realization of the Unity of God. However, the symbol of the transformation of a stone into a ruby denotes that the death of the self is immediately the transformation into the fundamental Self. The death of the self, the realization of the Unity of God and the appearance of the Self may take place at the same moment of fana'. I think that fana' is, in principle, or in the most authentic mode, simultaneous with baqa'. But there remains a problem. Though most mystics usually feel intoxicated at the moment of fana', some of them may come to enjoy and anticipate such a mysticll feeling termed “hal”. To remain. in hal may be regarded as the false mode of fana', in the stage of which man affirms his self in a wrong way, in other words, he does not die out. Such a man does not open his eye onto the world.To surpass the false mode of fana' is to become utterly one with God in Love and to enter into the world (baqa'). The return to the world in the attainment of baqa' marks the purest oneness of man with God. Rumi expresses such a pure oneness between God and the man in baqa' by the term of “the One ness with Light” (ittihad-i nur). It implies the two aspects of baqa'; that of the purest oneness between God and man, and that of the so-called “second separation” (farq-i thani). Since one who attains in baqa' has died to his self, baqa' preserves an aspect of fana' in itself. In Rumi, baqa' means twofold; to live the eternal Life, and the survival of the bodily existence. Accordingly, fana' also means two fold; the Non-being of the fundamental Self, and the death of his self. Needless to say, each pair of twofold meanings, respectively, points to the one and same situation.If we consider the relation between fana' and baqa' from the viewpoint of Rumi's idea of “the New Creation” (khalq-i jadid), both terms are closely related to each other not statically but dynamically. Baqa' means, first of all, to live the eternal Life, and the Eternal is ever the Present or at the Moment, therefore, a mystic in baqa' lives the eternal Life at every moment. That would be possible only by dying at every moment (fana'). Moreover, he does realize such a fundamental fact. In regard to the other meaning of baqa', the survival of the bodily existence, it cannot be continuous. It must be the continuity including the discontinuity within itself. Since a mystic in baqa' realizes the discontinuity, he can experience a new “state” or “present” (hal), which is not like that of the day before, every day.

著者

矢島 文夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.191-204, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

岡田 明子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.65-92,171, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It was generally thought that the Sumerian kingship appeared in their society which had been equal, when the Sumerian cities became to need the powerful director with the intensification of the disputes between the cities. H. Frankfort, Th. Jacobsen, S. N. Kramer, and some others generally thought like this, and concluded that the Sumerian kingship established at the Early Dynastic II.But recently some scholars has begun to think earlier than the Early Dynastic II about the appearance of the kingship. They think that the centralization and the leading minority was rather suggested in the Sumerian great enterprises as the river improvements, the irrigation, and so on, though H. Frankfort thought them useful for strengthening the unity of the community.I consider the establishment of the Sumerian kingship from the development of the temple architecture.The Sumerian temple architecture deriving from the small shrines at Eridu developed into the gigantic temples of Uruk at the late Uruk period (c. 3000 B. C.). But after this period the precincts became more extensive and to be enclosed with the walls on the one hand, the temple architecture itself was inclined to be rather small, and to be built on a high terrace, that famous ziggurat, on the other hand. Almost all the great temples at the Early Dynastic period took this style, and this suggests the separation of the grades in the Sumerian society, that is to say the privileged class to be able to use the temple on the large terrace, and the mass to be able to approach only under the ziggurat. The former intervened between the mass and the great gods, and grasped the gods' will in their hands. The most powerful man of the privileged class became their king.And so the Sumerian kingship already appeared at the late Uruk period, that is earlier than the period when H. Frankfort and some others suggested.

著者

足利 惇氏

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.155-160, 1974 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小野寺 幸也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.17-39,199, 1976 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It was as early as 1938 when A. Goetze pointed out the existence of tagtulu (na) verbal form in Ugaritic third masculine plural imperfect conjugation. But virtually all the scholars have done away with this phenomenon as “peculiarity” (e. g. C. H. Gordon), and have not dared to go any further.If we read, however, the text of the Keret Epic carefully, it becomes clear that yagtulu (na) form, which has been universally regarded as the usual verbal form in 3m. pl. impf., does not occur at all. All the thirteen cases in 3m. pl. take the form of tagtulu (na). This finding by the present writer prompted him to investigate all the other Ugaritic material from this viewpoint. The result has been rather drastic. The y-preformative form in 3m. pl. does not appear in the Aqhat Epic either. All the eight examples are in the tagtulu (na) form. Only in the Baal and Anath Cycle and in other minor texts shows up the y-form a few times.In order to explain this interesting phenomenon, one would have to take into consideration the fact that in Amarna Canaanite t-form is employed more frequently than y-preformative conjugation in 3m. pl., a fact first detected by Wm. Moran in 1951. At the same time, one should also pay attention to the situation of Classical Hebrew, where some examples of t-form appear, although to far smaller extent than in Ugaritic and Amarna Canaanite.Based on the results derived from the considerations summarized above, the writer would like to propose some hypotheses as to the possibility of using tagtulu (na) form in 3m. pl. (1) as a chronological criterion to date groups of Ugaritic literature, and (2) as a clue to tighten the link which connects Canaanite dialects or as a clue to subdivide the Northwest Semitic languages in general.

著者

坂本 翼 銭廣 健人

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.163-173, 2019-03-31 (Released:2022-04-01)

参考文献数

73

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This paper aims to reconstruct the history of Japanese Egyptology from its birth in the 19th century to the work of Seitaro Okajima in the 1940s. Where exactly did this discipline originate, and what kind of discipline is it? By exploring these questions, this paper attempts to demonstrate that the birth of Japanese Egyptology owes a great deal to the efforts of Shogoro Tsuboi and Kei’ichiro Kume. Next, it examines how Takashi Sakaguchi, who inspired Seitaro Okajima, and Kosaku Hamada, who received over 1,500 Egyptian artefacts from Flinders Petrie, paved the way for academic Egyptology. Finally, this paper explores how Okajima, who had studied under both Sakaguchi and Hamada, developed the discipline to a fuller extent, and the governing idea of his works is discussed.

著者

河合 望

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.27-56, 2009-03-31 (Released:2014-03-30)

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Scholars have discussed the individual roles of Ay and Horemheb, who were the most influential persons during Tutankhamun’s reign and its aftermath, as well as the relationship between them for ages. Did they work together cooperatively or did some form of competition or hostility exist between them? This article examines the interaction between Ay and Horemheb and their attitudes towards one another through a review of all the available evidence. The first part focuses on their relationship under Tutankhamun and the second with their interactions following Tutankhamun’s death. I demonstrate that they were the most prominent figures in different social groups, suggesting that Ay was the fatherly advisor of the king at the court, while Horemheb was the actual governor of all the administration in the country as the “Regent” and “Generalissimo” under Tutankhamun. By the end of Tutankhamun’s reign, however, Ay seems to have obtained the title “Vizier” and the epithets “doer of maat” and “the one who unites the hands of the god,” representing that he is now capable of governing the country. Ay was indeed on the verge of becoming the successor of Tutankhamun. Therefore, I do not agree with the recent suggestion that Horemheb was the designate successor of Tutankhamun while he was the regent of Tutankhamun. In the second part, I argue that there was strong antagonism between Ay and Horemheb after Tutankhamun’s death. The evidence indicates that Horemheb sought to discredit Ay as proper successor to the king. As a result, Ay appears to have excluded Horemheb from greater courtly influence by appointing Nakhtmin not only as his “Generalissimo” but also as “King’s son.” This squabbling even continued after Ay’s death as Horemheb, once ascended to the throne, soon endeavored to erase all memory of Ay, his men and even Queen Ankhesenamun in revenge.

著者

江川 ひかり

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.245-252, 1998 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

板倉 勝正

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.128, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

飯島 克彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.59-74, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

参考文献数

39

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In the Early Byzantine period (330-610), religious unrests frequently occurred. Traditionally, it has been said that monks provoked the people to create the unrests. However, T. E. Gregory and F. Winkelrnann have questioned this view. This paper examines the religious unrests in Constantinople in the time of the emperor Anastasius I (491-518), and attempts to correct the image of the monks as the sole catalysts behind them. The following points have been discussed: 1. To what extent did the monks involve themselves in the unrests? 2. How different were the attitudes of the monks and the people toward the patriarch Macedonius II (496-511), during whose term most of the religious unrests occurred? 3. Beside the monks, who could have provoked the people to riot? The conclusions are as follows: 1. Of the religious unrests that took place in 496, 508, 511 and 512, the monks were involved in two (511 and 512), but they either triggered these unrests or formed a coalition with the people rather than playing a main role. Some monks who opposed the unrests were even killed by the people in the riot of 512. 2. Although Macedonius was hesitant to hold a firm doctrinal position, the Chalcedonian people constantly supported him, while the monks did not. 3. In addition to the monks, the patriarch and the priests could have also provoked the people to riot.

著者

吉田 豊

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.199-200, 1993

著者

辻田 明子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.1-19, 2011

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In texts of ancient Mesopotamia figure both a female Dumuziabzu and a male Dumuziabzu. According to royal inscriptions, the goddess Dumuziabzu was the tutelary deity of Kinunir (or Kinirša) in Lagaš, whereas the god Dumuziabzu was the son of Enki in a god-list (An = <i>Anum</i>). In earlier studies, these two gods were considered to be identical, and the sex of this god/goddess was occasionally thought to be determined by location; for example, the god is female in Lagaš and male in Eridu. In this context comparison between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi was also taken into account. Because of the common element dumu-zi in their names, a direct link between them was suggested earlier, but this view is now largely abandoned. In this study, evidence on Dumuziabzu has been thoroughly gathered from documents dating from the third to the first millennium BCE, in order to see as precisely as possible the relation between the female Dumuziabzu and the male Dumuziabzu.<br>&emsp;The following observations have been made. First, the female Dumuziabzu was an influential deity in Lagas in the third millennium BCE. Her worship disappeared almost totally with the decline of Lagaš after the Third Dynasty of Ur. However, her name and the district whose deity she was, Kinunir, were passed down in the literary texts after the Third Dynasty of Ur, even in the lamentations written during the first millennium BCE. Furthermore, a few literary texts indicate some confusion between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi. It seems that Dumuziabzu came to be considered male since the name contains dumu-zi, and that, because of his association with abzu, he then came to be regarded as one of the gods in Enki's circle.

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.95-110,144, 1964

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Sufism played a great role in the classical Persian literature which flourished from the tenth century to the fifteenth century. We may regard a poet to be a Sufi by nature and a Sufi is incomplete without ecstacies of a poet.<br>The first Persian Sufi poet was Abu Said Abi'l Khair who employed ruba'i form as a mode of Sufi expression. Sanai, Attar, Rumi and Jami expressed Sufism chiefly in mathnavi form.<br>Persian Sufism found its highest expression in ghazal, the greatest exponent of which was Hafiz.<br>The conventional symbolic language is characteristic of Sufi poetry. It is said that every object mentioned by Sufi poets is typal of some philosophic or Sufi conception.<br>In this article I divided Sufi symbolic terms into the following five categories chiefly based on the great Sufi poet Iraqi's work.<br>(A) Terms on the parts of human body.<br>(B) Terms on wine<br>(C) Terms on religion.<br>(D) Terms on plants.<br>(E) Terms on nature.<br>(F) Terms on love.

著者

内田 杉彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.15-30, 1986 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Ancient Egyptian ‘Letters to the Dead’, addressed to the deceased by the member of the bereaved family, are very important materials showing the image that Ancient Egyptians called up concerning the dead.The aim of this paper is to show such an image of the dead, considering the character of the dead in the letters to the dead which belong to the period from the Sixth to the Twentieth Dynasty.The letter was written mostly for asking the addressee, the deceased, to help the member of the bereaved family, including the addresser, being suffered from some trouble, containing sickness, nightmare, and the evil act by the other living person. These troubles, even the acts of the living, were attributed to the malice of the evil dead, and the addressees were asked to fight, or to report to the court in the Netherworld against the evil dead. In some letters, the addresser even half-threatened the addressee with the stop of the funerary service in order to make him/her help his/her family on the earth.The addressee could also be regarded as the culprit being responsible of the trouble of his/her bereaved family. In that case, the addressee was blamed, and even threatened by the addresser.In any case, the dead in ‘Letters to the Dead’, including the addressee, were used one-sidedly by the living to explain various troubles on the earth, or to acquire their solutions or compensations.

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.60-67, 1978

著者

杉江 拓磨

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.70-81, 2015

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<p>The reverse of the Uruk Prophecy (W 22307/7) predicts a series of unnamed kings and highlights the removal and the later return of "the protective goddess of Uruk." It is widely accepted that the second king, who will remove the goddess, and the next-to-last one, who will return her, should be identified with Nabu-šuma-iškun and Nebuchadnezzar II respectively, on the basis of other historical sources. There is, however, no consensus about the identification of the kings in between. When addressing this issue, the question of how to interpret the repetition sign KIMIN, which is written five times in line 8, must first be resolved, because on it depends the answer to the question of how many kings are mentioned on the reverse.</p><p>   Given that the surviving exemplar of the text is presumed to date to the Achaemenid period, this article proposes the following hypotheses: (1) The fivefold KIMIN indicates a succession of five kings, and so the reverse of the text refers to eleven kings in total ; (2) the fivefold KIMIN was not in the original text, but the result of an Achaemenid alteration ; (3) the copyist re-identified king 2 with Nabonidus, who gathered the statues of Babylonian deities, including Ištar of Uruk, to Babylon ; and (4) the copyist replaced the repetition of the same phrase describing a reign of a wicked king with a sequence of the iterative sign KIMIN and changed (probably reduced) the number of reigns by adjusting that of KIMIN in order that kings 3-9 would be identified with Cyrus II, Cambyses II, Darius I, Xerxes I, Artaxerxes I, Darius II and Artaxerxes II. Thus, the successor to Artaxerxes II (i.e. king 10) would be the one who would arise in Uruk and restore the city as well as its goddess. If these hypotheses are correct, the Uruk Prophecy was updated during Artaxerxes II's reign to foretell that soon the Achaemenid domination would end and a native Urukaean dynasty be founded.</p>

著者

大塚 修

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.80-105, 2007-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is generally accepted that the origin of the Saljuqids (Seljuks) is the Qiniq clan, one of the clans in the Turkish Oghuz tribe. While it is considered as “a historical fact, ” the origin also has been linked with Afrasiyab, the legendary Turkish hero in Iranian myth by many traditional historians. Although both the origins were stated in many previous studies, it has not been explained why the Saljuqids have been linked with two totally different origins and how traditional historians described it. This article reexamines the descriptions of the origin of the Saljuqids by analyzing all available Arabic and Persian sources written before the end of the 16th century. Especially, the following two points are focused on: 1. How were the two origins described by traditional historians? 2. How was the image of the Saljuqids formed in after ages?Conclusions:1. Even in the Saljuqid period, the Afrasiyab origin, the fictional origin, came to be stated in some sources. After fall of the Saljuqids, the Persian historians preferred the Afrasiyab origin. The main reason for this is that when writing Persian general histories, it was considered important to link the origins of Iranian dynasties, including the Saljuqids, with Iranian mythical heroes. Furthermore, as in the 14th century Jami'al -Tawarikh of Rashid al-Din, the prototype of the history of the Turkish tribes, the image of the Qiniq is rather negative, the Qiniq origin was avoided.2. In this background, also there was a positive image of the Saljuqids. In particular, Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, the author of the 14th century Tarikh-i Guzida, bestowed his utmost praise on the Saljugids, and he was often quoted by later historians. Thus, the positive image of the Saljugids became established, and the dynasty was often praised by later historians.

著者

国谷 誠朗

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.31-59,142, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This is anintroduction to the studies of ancient synagogues. The achievements in this particular field by the Palestine Exploration Fund, Deutsche Orient-Geselschaft, the Department of Antiquities of Palestine government, Jewish Palestine Exploration Society, Hebrew University/Jerusalem, Ecole Biblique et Archéologique Française, Yale University, the Department of Antiquities of Israel Government, and Louis Rabinowitz Fund are chronologically described. Thus synagogues at Na'aran, Beth Alpha, Jerash, el Hammeh, Dura-Europos, Tell-es-Sultan, Eshtemo'a, Caesarea, Aegina, Salbit, Ma'on etc. are introduced. General development of the style of synagogue architecture is also briefly discussed.The writer expresses his gratitude to Prof. M. Avi-Yonah of Hebrew University, Jerusalem, for providing valuable materials and information.

著者

岡本 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.186-193, 2005 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9