著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.184-198, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Die gesetzlichen Umgehungen (hiyal, s. hilah) sind als solche Maßnahmen zu verstehen, mit denen man ohne Verstoß gegen das heilige Gesetz gewünshte Rechtsfolge erreichen kann, eben deshalb wurden sie vor allem von den hanafitischen Rechtsgelehrten zum parktischen Zweck untersucht. Die hanafitischen Umgehungen führen zu einem Fachbereich. Ihre hiyal-Literature kennzeichnet die positivrechtliche Rechtsproblematik, die die Entwicklung ihrer Schullehre bezeugt. Man kann in diesem Bereich eine zweckmäßige Anwendung der hanafitischen Lehre betrachten.Aus diesem Standpunkt geht es in dieser Arbeit darum, die Entwicklung der Umgehungen mit der hanafitischen Schullehre in Zusammenhang zu bringen. Ich beschränke Beispiele dafür auf zwei Rechtsgeschäfte, die am häufigsten zur Umgehung benutzt werden, d. h. das Geständnis (igrar) sowie die Klausel (shart) um den materiellrechtlichen Aufban der Umgehung zu zeigen.

著者

松本 克己

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.138-143, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.98-102, 2013-09-30 (Released:2016-10-01)

参考文献数

4

著者

松山 洋平

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.18-32, 2014-09-30 (Released:2017-10-01)

参考文献数

65

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This study considers the increase and decrease in īmān (belief) in Māturīdism and illustrates the structure and concept of īmān within this school. It is commonly understood that, contrary to the majority of Ash‘arītes and ahl al-ḥadīth (people of ḥadīth), who admit the increase and decrease in īmān, a vast majority of Māturīdītes deny this because, according to their theory, work is not a constituent of īmān, and īmān is composed of only taṣdīq (assent) by the heart, or by another perspective, taṣdīq by the heart and iqrār (confession) by the tongue. Even among the Māturīdītes, who deny the increase and decrease in īmān, a changeable aspect related to this concept is perceived, but it is believed that the core structure of īmān is unchangeable. The changeable aspect is referred to as nūr (light), ḍiyā’ (brilliance), or thamara (fruit) of īmān. These changeable aspects of īmān are not components of īmān, even though they originate from īmān. However, a group of Māturīdītes, all of whom are scholars from the Ottoman era, believe that īmān is unchangeable only when it refers to mu’man bi-hi (what should be believed), and it accepts the increase and decrease in īmān when it refers to assent. The author focuses on the following two results of the study. First, those scholars among the Māturīdītes who admit the increase and decrease in īmān are all from the Ottoman era. This perspective could be interpreted as the later Ottoman Māturīdītes' approach to the Ashartes theories on īmān-related issues. Second, the Māturīdītes who admit that there is something changeable, separate these mutable concepts cautiously from the structure of īmān, which are immutable. By doing so, this school succeeds in describing the precise relationship between the concept of īmān and its related concepts.

著者

田澤 恵子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.63-83, 2009

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It is difficult to track down the Levantine origins of the six Syro-Palestinian deities found in New Kingdom Egypt (Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte, and Qedeshet). Part of the problems is that the images of these deities, venerated both by the royal family and by the ordinary people, were much Egyptianised. It has been pointed out that Syro-Palestinian art was greatly influenced by Egypt, Anatolia and Mesopotamia, which plausibly results in the assumption that Egyptian styles, once exported to Syria-palestine, may have come back to Egypt in the form of 're-imported' images of these deities. This paper will discuss, as a case study, the means by which the representation of the goddess Qedeshet was established.<br> The investigation leads us to the following conslustions: 1) the motif of a naked female <i>en face</i> might have been imported from Egypt to Syria-Palestine before the New Kingdom, but then part of this iconography was possibly brought back to Egypt with the concept of Qedeshet, 2) the idea of the goddess standing on the back of an animal was not Egyptian originally, and as for Qedeshet, the influence of the goddess Ishtar in Mesopotamia would be very important, 3) the snakes in the hands of Qedeshet probably reflect the Egyptian view in which the serpent is the symbol of magical protection, resurrection and vitality in the afterlife.<br> Under the circumstances, it can be deduced that the motif of the goddess Qedeshet in the New Kingdom has not been dominated primarily either by Egypt or by Syria-Palestine but is in fact composed of elements of iconography and concepts from both regions. Some could be originally Egyptian components, introduced into Syria-Palestine earlier and re-imported into Egypt with Syro-Palestinian factors, while others were newly brought into Egypt, and assimilated to some extent with Egyptian ideas on particular aspects.

著者

斎藤 淑子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1-2, pp.43-74,187, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In the Islamic World, the highest title kept by a sovereign was “Caliph” or “Sultan”. Originally the successors or agents of the prophet Muhammad claimed to be “Caliph”. They held, in the earlier periods, the supreme power either in the secular or in the religious affiars. Only with the lapse of time, they lost their secular power and became mere religious leaders. This took place especially in the late-Abbasids. Consequently the “Sultan” appeared on the stage as a person of power who had replaced the “Caliph” in the secular affairs. In short, these two titles which are important in the Islamic history underwent some changes. But, in the Ottoman empire, they were again unified under the so-called Sultan-Caliph System. It is said that in 1517, the Sultan Selim I inherited, on the occasion of his conquest of Egypt, the title “Caliph” from the Caliph al-Mutawwakil, who was a descendent of the Abbasids and eked out a bare existence under the protection of the Mamluk Sultan Tuman Bey in Cairo. That is the origin generally accepted of the Sultan-Caliph System. But we have no evidence to support such a story in the contemporary sources. Accordingly scholars tend at the present to attribute this legend, at least for its first mention, to a work of M. d'Ohsson (Tableau Général de l'Empire Ottoman, pp. 269-70, t. l, 1788) written two centuries and half later than the reign of Selim I. Moreover, d'Ohsson himself states that the abdication in question is not as a historical fact, but as a leagal theory.That is why we may doubt a fictious character of the above-mentioned story. On the other hand, we should not overlook the fact that the Ottoman Sultan was recognized in general as Caliph in the Muslim world as well as in Europe from the 18th untill the 20th century. Why could the fiction be accepted as a reality?At first, it is necessary to examine the problem from Islamic point of view. In this case, the conquest of Egypt under the Mamlukids and the following occupation of Mecca and Medina, the two holy cities of Islam, by Selim are very important.Secondly, we must consider the idea of sovereignity among the Turks together with the particularities of their faith. Up to the present, the study of the Sultan-Caliph System has been limited into the scope of Islamic history. Now, isn't it required for us to take a step into the new scope, that is the history of Turks as a whole? The comparative study on their traditions, institutions or ideas in the pre-Islamic periods will be much effective for the solution of our problem.

著者

齋藤 久美子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.47-65, 2005

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This paper analyzes the establishment by the Ottoman Empire of the <i>Yurtluk ve Ocaklik</i> and the <i>hükûmet</i> in eastern Anatolia and their historical development.<br>After the Ottoman Empire took the eastern Anatolia under its control in the 16th century, it examined the situation of the land tenure and the distribution among the power of Kurdish <i>amirs</i> (chieftain) who had governed the area. This was aimed at merging eastern Anatolia into its local administration system. Thereafter <i>amirs</i> received <i>sancaks</i> (subdivision of a province) as a <i>yurtluk ve ocaklik</i> (hereditary holding) which authorized them to keep inherited privileges. The Ottoman Empire called the <i>sancaks</i> of powerful <i>amirs eyalets</i> (semi-autonomous sancak), but the distinction remained vague. At the end of 16th century when the word <i>hükûmet</i> started to be commonly used instead of <i>eyalet</i>, the <i>sancaks</i> of powerful <i>amirs</i> were designated <i>hükûmets</i> accordingly. The establishment of the <i>hükûmet</i> played a decisive role in differentiating the more and less powerful <i>amirs</i> by naming them separately.<br><i>Hükûmet</i> means the exemption from the land survey and the <i>timar</i> (fief) system, and where all the tax income belonged to the <i>amir</i>. The definition of <i>hükûmet</i> changed over time. In some <i>hükûmets</i> the privileges of <i>amirs</i> were gradually undermined. On the other hand, the <i>amirs</i> who ruled <i>hükûmets</i> remained powerful, obtaining the title of <i>han</i> (<i>khan</i>) instead of <i>bey</i> at the end of 17th century.<br>The establishment of <i>hükûmet</i> exemplified the real nature of the Ottoman governing system. The Ottoman Empire introduced the Ottoman governing system, which embraced traditional political and social order into eastern Anatolia. In other words, the establishment of the <i>yurtluk ve ocaklzk</i> and the <i>hükûmet</i> represents one aspect of the reconstitution of traditional order by the Ottoman Empire.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.1-17, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The dying person is wrapped up in the animal skin as the dead person is in Iran. The animal skin is of goat or sheep. It would seem that they get spirited wearing the skin of a sacrificed animal.It was the custom of neolithic Egypt to be buried with the animal skin on the body. In the ancient world even the deity needed the animal skin when he was to be full of life. The animal skin revitalized the dead, the deity, and the living as well.The animal sacrifice was not to offer up an animal to the deity but to kill the deity itself. The skin of the animal was full of life. Therefore the dying deity clad in the skin of the sacrificed animal came to life again.

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.53-62, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

参考文献数

51

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The goddess Ashtart is mentioned several times in the Ugaritic texts, but appears relatively rarely in the mythological texts. A. Caquot and M. Sznycer say that at Ugarit, Asthtart was a “colourless deity”. On the other side, “the singer of Ashtart” (šr. ‘ṯtrt), whom We can find in the administrative text (KTU2 4.168: 4) , is very unique in the ancient Near East. Why does the “colorless deity” in the mythological texts need her professional singer?We can find the entry ritual of Ashtart in several ritual texts (KTU2 1.43: 1-2 ; 1.91: 10; 1.148: 18). The goddess’s entry into the royal palace suggests the royal attention paid to her. It appears likely, from a comparison of the Ugaritic texts with the Mari evidence, that the entry ritual of Ashtart is a kind of kispu-festival. We can see that Ashtart is invoked in some incantational texts related to vanquishing venomous serpents (KTU2 1.100; 19b—20a; 1.107; 39b—40a).The Keret epic (KTU2 1.14: III: 41-42 ; VI: 26-28) and a mythical text (KTU2 1.92) show that Ashtart is beautiful but powerful, and she is a good skilled huntress. The Baal myth (KTU2 1.2: IV: 28-30) and a song to Ashtart (RIH 98/02) indicate that Ashtart has the overwhelming power to subdue hostile forces. We can also see that Ashtart is called together with the god Horon in the king Keret’s curse (KTU2 1.16: VI: 54-57).Ashtart is the protective goddess to kings of Ugarit, because of her power of breaking enemies. Ashtart is important for the protection of Ugaritic kings against their hostile forces. Because of her physical and magical power, the singer of Ashtart might be necessary for the rituals related to the protection of Ugaritic kings against their enemies and fears.

著者

小玉 新次郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.1, pp.33-43,102, 1965-09-20 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In order to get goods from the East, the Roman Empire came into close political relationships with Palmyra, while the Parthian Empire had common economic interests with Palmyra also. But the transportation of goods through the desert deoended not upon Roman or Parthian merchants but entirely upon Palmyrene caravaneers. This is the reason why Palmyra became prosperous rapidly in the second and third centuries. This permitted the Palmyrene commercial settlement in Vologesia to become important and to sway the fate of Palmyra. Vologesia's importance arose from the fact that it was the place where two great parallel trade routes converged towards the West, one coming from the Iranian plateau, the other coming from the Persian Gulf.

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.67-80, 1962-03-31 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

柳橋 博之

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.34-48, 1993 (Released:2010-03-12)

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La tendence extrêmement formaliste du droit hanafite rend le plus souvent difficile d'interpréter ses solutions positives. Cette difficulté est aggravée par le fait que les premiers juristesn'en expliquent pas les motivations.Voici deux exemples qui en fournissent une bonne illustration.(1) En matière de responsabilité délictuelle, certains des hanafis, ne reconnaissant que difficilement comme étant établi le lien de causalité entre le fait dommageable et la conséquence mauvaise, ne font encourir aucune responsabilité à celui qui a ouvert le cage, au cas où l'oiseau qui s'y trouve s'enfuirait.(2) En ce qui concerne la vente portant sur un corps certain, les hanafis ne permettent pas à l'acheteur de disposer de la chose vendue avant qu'il n'en ait pris la livraison, car le vendeur ne détient pas la chose en tant que mandataire de l'acheteur, ce qui rend impossible, sur le plan juridique, la livraison immédiate de la chose au second acquéreur.

著者

池田 修

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3-4, pp.121-160,198, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is well known that the study of Arabic was carried on concurrently in Basra and Kufa, towns founded immediately after the Islamic conquest of Iraq.The development of these two cities was quite different. Basra, situated on the right bank of the Satt Al-crab, became one of the centers of world trade and has maintained its important position to the present. Kufa, on the other hand, played a major role in state adminstration at first, but lost its importance after the foundantion of Baghdad.The study of the Arabic flourished first in Basra, then in Kufa. Because of the controversy between the two towns the rules of the language were made from different viewpoints.The auther's intention is to examine the literary works of some of the famous scholars, thereby elucidating the differences between the Basra and Kufa schools. He concludes that the Basrans thought more logically and critically than the Kufans, establishing rigid rules which did not make exceptions for individual peculiarities. They used the so-called “qiyas” (analogy) system more strictly than did the Kufans.Although the Kufans began their studies with the “shuyukh” (masters) of Basra, they were soon expounding veiws which, more archaic and more natural, approved the individual exceptional styls (“shudhudh”) as a basis (“usul”) for further analogies. They were, so to speak, anomalists, while the Basrans were analogists.When Baghdad become the new intellectual center the controversy between the Basra and Kufa schools become more and more attenuated, finally disappearing in the 10th century. The residents of Baghdad chose between the rival doctrines by using both of them indiscriminately, thus representing electicism in the history of Arabic studies.

著者

三橋 冨治男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.171-184,A203, 1970

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To secure the dominations over the Mediterranean including Aegean or Adriatic shores, Red Sea and Indian Ocean, Ottoman Turks had to hold naval power, since the end of 15th century, well-known admirals came into existence one after another. Pirî Réis was one of those famous Turkish seamen and admirals like Barbaros Hayrettin or Seyd Ali Réis.<br>The writer has already examined biography of Pirî Réis, and his life work, "Kitabi Bahriye". This paper deals with only the part of Çin Deniz (the China Sea) written in Nazim. This part contains an account of the China Sea and considering that part of the world as the extremity of the East. It gives several interesting informations on the life of Chinese people, their customs, traditions, and their technical skill on ceramics. It also relates the Portuguese sailor's stories based on fantastic rumours. These rumours beara close resemblances to some paragraphs of old Chinese Classics, "Shan hai ching".<br>In summary, this paper intends to translate the Turkish Nazim concerned into Japanese and to research for relations with Portuguese monopolistic and exclusive policy to Eastern products.

著者

菊池 忠純

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.183-198, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

遠藤 春香

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.133-141, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

著者

前田 君江 前田 弘毅

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.303-306, 2007

著者

神 直道

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.2, pp.1-26,141, 1972 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In reading poems as “poetry” in the Old Testament, we notice that the problem of rhythm and rhyme is one of the difficulties. The theories of them among European scholors are indeed reasonable to the reffering texts, but are very troublesome to apply them to other parts. It seems to me that there are some reasons method on the basis of European prosody or indefinite concepts of rhythm and rhyme. The present paper attempts to approach it from the philological and climatological point of view, apart from theories ever discussed.

著者

古谷野 晃

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.40-70, 2000

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The purpose of this paper aims to clarify the distributional pattern of the ancient settlements in the 'Middle Nomes' (9th-15th) in Upper Egypt from a geographical and toponymical point of view.<br>The origins of urban settlement in ancient Egypt still remain unknown. Most of the ancient settlements were buried by thick alluvial soils of the Nile, or occupied by later settlements. Therefore empirical studies for the ancient settlements remain very difficult.<br>The place-names derive from the characteristics of the past. Therefore, the toponymical study may help to classify the spatial structure of nomes. The results of this study are as follows.<br>1. 148 pre-Islamic settlements were specified in the targeted region, and the location sites of the 88 place-names could be identified. 70% of the identified place-names were of hieroglyphic origin, while 25% were of the Coptic origins, and the remainder 5% were of Greek origin.<br>2. About 29 settlements are located at the desert edges. Most of them originated from the Predynastic or the Greco-Roman eras, however the majority of them had already vanished or become smaller settlements.<br>3. Only 17 place-names may have been of Greek origin. Most of their settlements were concentrated in the Hermopolite nome where the Greeks had actively settled. From the lack of historical data it can be construed that the Greek place-names were not popular among the Egyptians; therefore their settlements did not remain in later times. Another reason for thelimited Greek origin was due to the fact that their settlements were severely damaged bythe low water level of the Nile and the desertification at later times. After the original settlements were ruined, new settlements on the reclaimed lands were never built any more.<br>4. The number of settlements of the Coptic origin reaches 30, however, most of these settlements had already vanished or become smaller.<br>5. The Nile Valley of this region is relatively widespread, so a number of settlements had developed on the flood plains, particularly in the 9th, 10th and 15th nomes.<br>6. Most of the ancient settlements that had developed in the regional centers were located on the Nile bank or on the natural levees and low mounds near the bank. However, many of the ancient settlements are not situated on the present Nile banks any more, because the river had changed its position over the years.<br>7. Few settlements in the Middle region except the 9th, 10th and 12th nomes were located on the east bank of the Nile. The settlements on the east bank were scattered intermittently, while the settlements on the west bank were distributed evenly.<br>8. The distributional pattern of the ancient settlements in the 'Middle Nomes' is lattice-like, which was based on the network of transportation and irrigation canals.<br>9. Many place names of the ancient settlements, even the Greek or the Coptic names, derived from the local deities. Names derived from geographical aspects such as geomorphological characteristics were uncommon.

著者

医王 秀行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.1-19, 1989-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, qadis in Kufa differed from those in Medina in their origin, personal connections and scholastic tendencies. In Kufa, the influence of Ibrahim Nakha'i, Ibn Abi Layla and Abu Hanifa was strong, and their relatives and disciples assumed the post of gadis. There were political strives behind the appointment and dismissal of qadis. Sharik became a qadi after Ibn Abi Kayla who was cooperative with the government, but he lost his post due to the persecution of unorthodoxy in the reign of al-Mahdi. After Abu Yusuf assumed the post of a qadi al-qudat, many disciples of Abu Hanifa became qadis in Kufa in the days of Barmakid and al-Ma'mun. Liberal tendencies in Iraq in those days appear to have been reflected in the views of qadis and lawyers of Kufa.This tendency and pro-Shi'ite trends in Kufa came into conflict with the qadis and lawyers in Medina. Among the qadis of Medina there were few scholars who studied law and Hadith, but people of the Bakr and 'Umar families, who were descendents of Abu Bakr and 'Umar condemned by the Shi'ites held many posts of qadis in Medina. It may be said that they were able to manage legal and administrative affairs in the Holy Place not because of their learning but because of their authority which they derived from being descendents of powerful families.