著者

西本 真一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.76-94, 2001-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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A heavily ruined palace-city founded by Amenhotep III is preserved at Malqata on the West bank of Thebes, Egypt. It consists of various structures in the desert; several residential palaces, a temple of Amen, a festival hall, houses and apartments for attendants, and a desert altar “Kom al-Samak”, all of which were constructed by mud bricks with gaily decorative paintings on walls and ceilings. Since 1985 this area has become a concession of the Waseda University Mission, and re-excavation works have been carried out at the several rooms in the main palace. The innermost room of the main palace is the king's bedchamber, from where numerous fragments of the paintings on ceiling have been recovered. One of the most remarkable motifs is a succession of great vultures representing the Goddess Nekhbet outspreading the wings as reported by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the former excavator, under each of which the names and titles of Amenhotep III are depicted. The succession of vultures is surrounded by geometrical patterns such as rosette and checker patterns.The first attempt to reconstruct the whole ceiling painting was carried out in 1988, and a detailed study through the record work of each fragment with assembling trials since 1989 has revealed the fact that the images of Nekhbet had been 8, not 7 as supposed in the earlier stage of reconstruction. All the 9 lines of inscriptions are also reconstructed with considering the each find spot on the floor. In the King's bedchamber, the floor of the innermost part is raised where the king's bed had been placed. It was come to light that the ceiling of this upper level is drawn more elaborate than that of the lower level; The inscriptions is slightly longer, and the color of the center circle of rosette pattern is also changed from red to green.The fragments of the northernmost ceiling suggest that the ceiling of this part would have been slightly curved down toward the north wall, and this reminds us a roof shape of pr-wr, a traditional shrine of the Upper Egypt, with a roof sloping down from the front. At the lower part of the walls the paneled pattern and a wavy line are depicted, but the rest of the interior decoration of this bed chamber is basically painted in glossy transparent yellow presumably imitating gold color, much similar to the shrines of Tutankhamun.In this paper the reconstruction process is described, with some technical reports on the construction method for obtaining the vast painting area of the ceiling without projecting the large wooden beams.

著者

後藤 晃

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.59-77, 1980 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The hijra, the starting point of the Islamic state as well as of its calender, has been investigated in detail by modern scholars. Most of investigations, however, tend to center on migrators but a few on acceptors. Even the works of W. M. Watt, being very excellent and exact, want a vivid expression of the dynamic development of Islam in the Medinan society during a few years around the Muhammad's hijra.Twelve, the number of the participants of the first 'Aqaba in the year of 621, 75, the participants of the second 'Aqaba in 622, and then 238, the participants of the battle of Badr in 624, might be near to the total number of the Medinan believers at each stage of times. These figures show the steady development of Islam in the society. Even the participants of the battle, however, might share less than ten percent of the male adult populations of Medina. None of twelve leaders, elected by Muhammd at the time of the, second 'Aqaba, were a political-military leader of any clan or sub-clan during the civil wars in the pre-Islamic time. It should be noted that the movement for Islam in Medina before the hijra, was organized by not so influencial persons and it covered only a few percent of the total population of the society.The movement had a solid political goal, that was to stop the civil wars and to unite the society into one. Most of the persons who did not recognize Muhammad as a prophet and who were not converted, backed this goal and then, the movement became the main political current of the society. Sa'd b. Mu'adh, one of the strong leaders of the civil wars, was converted and supported the movement. 'Amr b. al-Jamuh, also an influencial leader, taking an indifferent attitude to the movement at first, became a supporter of this by the persuasions of his sons and grandsons. Abu Qays b. al-Aslat, a monk and another strong leader of the civil wars, offered oppositions to the movement. He might be a big obstacle to the progress of the movement, but died ten month after the Muhammad's hijra. Ibn Ubayy, being the most influencial man in Medina after the death of the two supreme commanders of the civil wars, did not become a supporter nor a opponant to the movement. Thus, believers could represent the whole society and concluded the treaty of peace, which should be the first part of the Constitution of Medina.

著者

石原 安佐子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.82-105, 2010-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

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For the Egyptians, who believed in rebirth after death, bread was indispensable to the living as well as the dead, dominating their entire lives and customs from the gods and the kings right down to the commoners. Records and the bread still exist, and bread appears on many of the lists of items excavated from the tombs. The research was focused on the bread of the list of offerings at the Medinet Habu which inherited the traditions of the Old Kingdom. Analysis of the numbers and kinds of bread on the lists showed that bread was important in ancient Egyptian society. There were monthly regular and annual feasts, and bread was indispensable at many of these including the top 7 that were considered to be the most important. It was also found that different kinds of bread existed, some of which were ofiered only at specific feasts. By analyzing the relationship between the seasonal composition of bread and the numbers of offerings, it was shown that numerous and important feasts were held when floods occurred. The ancient Egyptians seemed to have taken advantage of the annual floods on the Nile River.

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.1-12, 1984

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The concluding section of the “Succession Narrative” in 1 Kings 1-2 is an apologetic composition from the early days of Solomon, aiming at legitimatizing not only his irregular succession but also his purge of his adversaries. Two conflicting elements in the Solomonic legitimation are blended in the congratulation offered to David by his servants on the occasion of Solomon's accession:“May your God make the name of Solomon more famous than yours, and make his throne greater than your throne” (1 Kings 1:37, 47). The words imply that, though Solomon legitimately succeeded to the throne of David, he assumed a critical attitude toward the old regime of David. We can find a comparative analogue of this double structure of the Solomonic legitimation in a propagandistic inscription of Kilamuwa, king of Y'DY-Sam'al, in the latter half of the ninth century B. C. It offers a close parallel to the Solomonic legitimation in the following three items: a) the emphasis on the father's throne as the foundation of the legitimate kingship; b) the negative evaluation to his father; c) the establishment of the kingship based on the restoration of social justice or order. Besides, a historical analysis of the Kilamuwa inscription shows that the pattern of the royal succession in the early monarchies in Y'DY-Sam'al provides us a remarkable parallel to that of transfer of the royal throne in early Israel. The characterization of the first five kings in both kingdoms is summarized as the following chart. The comparison indicates that there were common features in the political development in the early, inexperienced monarchies in the national kingdoms of Syro-Palestine at the beginning of the first millennium B. C.

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.89-90, 2017

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.2, pp.74-78, 1977

著者

石田 友雄 石田 道子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.1, pp.68, 1963

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.93-129,138, 1965

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The approximate date and the letter of the Samaria Ostraca, found by the Harvard Excavations at Samaria in 1910, have been made clear by stratigraphical and epigraphical studies. But their absolute date still remains to be established, together with the comprehension of their contents. Here I shall classify the Ostraca in types, compare and analyse them, examine the matter, and in conclusion place them in the reign of Jehoash (800-785 B. C.), son of Jehoahaz, and regard the absolute dates as 792, 791 and 786 B. C.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.83-96, 1992

著者

月本 昭男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.52-70, 2003 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In her recent book, The Land of Hana (2002), A. H, Podany classified all of the Hana-tablets published so far into three periods: the early, middle, late periods. From the late period (ca. 1400-1200 BCE), except for a dedication inscription of “Ammurapi, king of the land of Hana” (LH 16), we have just two contracts of real estate transaction (LH 15 and LH 17): one (LH 15) dealing with “an orchard in the irrigation district of the city of Qatuna, ” and the other (LH 17) with a 6 acre field in an unknown district. We can discern however that the field mentioned in the latter text must be also located in the Qatuna district because a canal adjacent to it named Hubur-GAL seems to be same as the canal attested in the former text. Now a new Hana-type tablet, written in Middle Assyrian script, can be added to the two previously known: It is also a contract concerning a 1 acre field at “the gate of Qatuna.” If it is not just coincidental that all three Hana-texts are related to the Qatuna district, Qatuna must have been the place where the scribal tradition of Hana was established in the late Hana period. This might suggest that the core land of Hana people had moved north from Terqa to Qatuna in this period. This might also explain why “the land of Hana” referred to in two of the letters of the late 13th century found at Dur-Katlimu would not be located in the Terqa district, but in a north-west Habur river region.

著者

和田 廣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.197-200, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

著者

宮崎 修二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.57-82, 2003

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In the research of ancient Palestine, Tel Zeror, located in the northern Sharon plain, is generally considered to be a site once occupied by the Sikil Sea People (formerly known in the scholarship as Tjekker) in the early Iron Age. The examination of artifacts brought from mid 1960s excavations of Tel Zeror, some of which are examined here for the first time, reveals that the site's ethnic association with the Sikils is not sufficiently supported, despite the fact that some &ldquo;Philistine&rdquo; indicators, such as the lion-headed cup, or &ldquo;rhyton&rdquo;, and bottle pyxis were found at the site. The material culture revealed by the early Iron Age layers, including collared-rim pithoi, fails to demonstrate that a certain ethnic group was dominant among the population of Tel Zeror in this period. Furthermore, the common assumption that a fortress that once stood at Tel Zeror that dates back to the late 11th century BC was built by the Sikils is belied by the fact that recent excavations at nearby Dor indicate that the Sikil's settlement there had been destroyed before the fortress was constructed at Tel Zeror.<br>The history of the northern Sharon plain in the late 11th century BC should not be characterized chiefly in terms of Philistine material culture. The local Canaanite tradition still existed, and &ldquo;Phoenician&rdquo; influences had started to emerge. The Philistine, or Sea Peoples, culture only played a limited role outside the southern coastal plain, with the probable exceptions of coastal cities in the north, like Dor and Akko. It is more likely that the basic cultural character of early Iron Age Tel Zeror belonged to the continuity of the local tradition. New elements, which can possibly interpreted as belonging to the Sea Peoples, do not have any significance in the material culture of early Iron Age Tel Zeror, particularly in the late 11th century BC. Archaeologically, the Sikil's dominance over the northern Sharon plain cannot be demonstrated in the way most scholars have come to accept.

著者

小山 彰

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.1-22, 2010-03-31 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

31

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In Middle Egyptian grammar, the construction known as the emphatic construction is a construction with a focalized adverbial adjunct. Two models have been proposed for the syntactic structure of this construction: the adverbial-sentence model (ASM) of H. J. Polotsky and the nominal-sentence model (NSM) of J. P. Allen. Ex. sḳdd t3 ḫft wḏ=k (Peas. B1 298-299) It is according to your command (ḫft wḏ=k) that the land sails (sḳdd t3). ASM: S ⇒ [sḳdd t3]NP [ḫft wḏ=k]AdvP NSM: S ⇒ [sḳdd t3 ḫft wḏ=k]NP (AdvP=adverbial phrase; NP=noun phrase) Although ASM has a very great influence on current research, the guestion of the relative merits of the two remains controversial. This paper treats this problem through a new approach. It compares these two models and two focus constructions in Japanese: (a) the “wa” cleft sentence corresponding to ASM and (b) the “no da” in-situ focus construction corresponding to NSM. The above sentence can be translated into Japanese in the following ways: ASM: kokudo-ga koukou suru na-wa, anata-no meirei ni shitagatte da. land-NOM sailing do NOMP-TOP you-GEN command to according COP NSM: kokudo-wa, anata-no meirei ni shitagatte koukou sum no da. land-TOP you-GEN command to according sailing do NOMP COP (COP=copula; GEN=genitive; NOM=nominative; NOMP=nominalizing particle; TOP=topic)

著者

臼杵 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.67-82, 1993 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The aim of the article is to survey Jewish immigration to Palestine (Aliya) from Yemen, Yemenite settlement in Silwan near the old city of Jerusalem, and their separation from the Sephardi rabbinate in Jerusalem. The article relies upon recent studies on this subject written in Hebrew.The first mass Aliya of Yemenites in 1882 (called 'Aliyat Tarmab according to the Jewish calendar), which was coincident with Bilu's Aliya, that is, the first Zionist Aliya, has been ignored in Zionist's historiography. Recently academic endeavors have been made to explore early history of Yemenites in Jerusalem before World War I, as well as Old Yishuv in general.Yemenites immigrated to the Holy Land, motivated mainly by the messianic aspirations, but found themselves disappointed in difficult situations in Jerusalem. Most of them remained too poor to find their accommodations. Israel Frumkin (1850-1914), editor of ha-Vatzelet, the second Hebrew magazine in Palestine, gave assistance to poor Yemenite immigrants so as to settle them in an Arab village, Silwan (Shiloah in Jewish history), which had been the main community center of Yemenites until the Arab Revolt of 1936.When Yemenites immigrated, they were under the patronage of the Sephardi rabbinate which was recognized as the sole Jewish representative, millet, in Jerusalem by the Ottoman authorities. But later they differed with the Sephardi rabbinate on problems such as Haluka (charitable funds from abroad to Palestine) and Balad Askari (Tax for exemption from conscription), finally to separate as de facto independent kolel (a Jewish community in Palestine from a particularcountry or town) from the Sephardi rabbinate in 1908.

著者

小川 英雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.177-178, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.125-132, 1991

著者

西秋 良宏

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.154-158, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

馬場 嘉市

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.167-176, 1970

著者

糸賀 昌昭

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.129-147,177, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Iraq or ancient Mesopotamia is one of the richest treasuries of archaeology. From eighteenth century, inspiring by the Bible or religious faith many Europeans visited here and remained their account of the trip. It is, however, from 1899 of R. Koldeway's excavation of Babylon that a comprehensive and scientific archaeological survey begun to start. Since mid-twenties century there were continuously remarkable excavations held by many famous foreign archaeologists.After independence of the kingdom of Iraq, there brought up several Iraqi archaeologists. During the World War II, these young archaeologists carried out the surveys of some sites on their own country. Tell Uquir, Deir, Aqar Quf, Hassuna are their brilliant achievements.Survey of Tell as-Sawwan, “Mound of the Flints”, is one of the most important excavations recently held in Iraq. The site is located some ten kilometers south of Samarra on the eastern bank of the middle Tigris river. The site was first noted by Ernest Herzfeld in 1911. Operations carried out five seasons by Behnam Abu as-Soof and others under the auspices of Directerate General of Antiquity since 1964 and not finished until now.There were five main building-levels and these were numbers I-V from the top downwards. The special feature identified on the site consists of an artificial ditch cut into the natural conglomerate underlying the mound, forming three sides of a square round the eastern side of mound B. It may be regarded of an early defensive system. The pottery is classified 1) coarse ware 2) semi-corase ware 3) fine ware 4) incised, painted, incised-painted ware. Top two levels belong to Samarran type and levels IV and V are Hassunan type. In level III the incised Hassuna ware becomes very popular, but this phase is transitional pierod from Hassuna to Samarra pottery. The most remarkable objects were ‘mother-goddess’ statuettes made of clay or creamy alabaster, using clearly as cult objects.The significance of Tell as-Sawwan are as follows: 1) in view of Tell as-Sawwan's geographical position, there was a reasonable prospect of cultural contacts between northern and southern Iraq during the sixth millennium B. C. 2) The pottery discovered on the site corresponds fairly closely to the standard Hassuna-Samarra repetoire which is known from Hassuna itself, and the mixture in levels III and II showed that Hassunan type gradually replaced Samarran type without cultural interruption. This also indicates there was no abrupt change of population in the area during this period.As excavation has not finished, it is impossible to describe full account of this site. But it may provide answers to several important problems of Mesopotamian prehistory after excavation finishes.

著者

田澤 恵子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.111-118, 2012-03-31 (Released:2015-04-01)