著者

常木 晃

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.87-115, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1

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Spondylus gaederopus Linné is a large and durable marine bivalve, and Neolithic people in Europe used to make various shell objects, especially ornaments like bracelets, pendants and beads, from this species. Spondylus shells and shell objects were transported from the eastern Mediterranean far into inland Europe, and they are one of the most spectacular indicators of large scale trade in Neolithic Europe. In order to discuss Spondylus trade, the study of Spondylus shells and shell objects in the Aegean region, which is now assumed to have been the principal resource area, is indispensable. But the study in this region has just begun. In this article, the author begins with an analysis of the shell assemblage found in the new excavations at Dimini, then refers to the Spondylus shell objects of the other Greek Neolithic sites. Trade routes are also discussed.The main characteristics of Spondylus in the shell assemblage of Dimini are as follows; 1. Spondylus shell objects form a high percentage of the entire shell object assemblage, compared with a relatively low percentage in the entire shell assemblage (Fig. 3); 2. There is a high percentage of shell objects within this species despite its relatively large quantity (Fig. 4). A lot of unfinished Spondylus shell objects are included in the samples; 3. The production technique for making Spondylus shell objects is quite sophisticated, and a variety of object types are produced from Spondylus shells; 4. Significant accumulations of Spondylus shell objects are recognized in two find spots of the settlement, and these spots are workshops for Spondylus shell objects (Fig. 5). These characteristics indicate the special position of Spondylus in the shell assemblage, and prove that large scale manufacture of Spondylus shell objects took place within the settlement of Dimini. The important part which the manufacture of Spondylus shell objects played in the society of Dimini is also recognized.Now it is clear that there were at least two principal manufacturing and transporting centers of Spondylus shells and shell objects in Neolithic Greece. One was eastern Macedonia as has already been proved, and the other was south-eastern Thessaly, which included the settlement of Dimini. Based on the comparative studies among the Spondylus shell objects in Greek Neolithic sites and their geographical distributions, it is supposed that the Spondylus shells and shell objects of the former center were transported into eastern Balkan and those of the latter center were transported into western Balkan through central Thessaly and western Macedonia.

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.49-66, 1993 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Neben der sick entwickelnden Rechtspraxis strebte die islamische juristische Erkenntnislehre (usul al-fiqh) danach, alle aus der rationalen Tätigkeit abgeleiteten Bestimmungen auf die ganzen heiligen Texte (nass) zurückzuführen und zwar ihnen ein Höchstmaß an Autorität zu geben. In diesem Zusammenhang erhebte der Konsens der islamischen Gemeinschaft (ijma') Anspruch auf die traditionelle Beweiskraft wie Qur'an und sunnah. Dabei wurde sein Mangel an traditionellen Gründen durch eine rationale Argumentation ersetzt, die sick auf die Unfehibarkeit der islamischen Gemeinschaft stützte. Dann durch die theoretische Ordnung der spekulativen Erforschung (ijtihad) führte “Unfehibarkeit” zur weniger willkürlichen Erstellung richtiger Bestimmungen. Hier möchte ich eine Verbindungslinie zwischen dem Wohl (maslahah), das ihnen von ijtihad gewährleistet wird, und der Begründung des Konsens ziehen. Das wird auf Grund der Literaturen folgender Authoren im 10-13 Jahrhundert untersucht: Al-Sarakhsi, 'Abd al-Jabbar, Abu Husayn al-Basri, Al-Juwayni, Al-Ghazali, 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Bukhari.

著者

松本 克己

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.95-118, 1983 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The discovery of the trilingual inscription from Letôon by H. Metzger, 1973, has made a new epoch in the long history of the study of the Lycian language. This paper aims to clarify the main characteristics of Lycian and its position among the Anatolian languages chiefly through a syntactic analysis of the Lycian text. Lycian shares with the other Anatolian languages such features as paratactic constructions and the use of sentence introductory particles but shows, on the other hand, a striking contrast with them in word order and the use of preposition: it is the only VOS and prepositional language among the Indo-European Anatolian languages. This syntactic type of Lycian seems to correlate with its case system, which is characterized by the loss of morphological distinctions of many case endings through phonetic changes and thus is functionally the least effective among the Anatolian case systems. This fact well agrees with the general constatation that in the Indo-European history of syntactic development the languages with the VO word order tend to weaken or lose their case systems whereas those with the OV word order usually keep or strengthen them. With regard to the case endings themselves, especially in plural, however, Lycian shows a quite archaic and conservative character compared with the other Luwian languages, which radically restructured their systems by creating new endings on the basis of acc. pl. -nz. Hence we can infer that Lycian separated very early from the other south Anatolian languages and went its own way in the peculiar development toward VOS order. The writer also suggests that this development was probably caused by the influence from an unknown substratum language which seems also to have exerted a similar influence upon the Greek language.

著者

前川 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2-3, pp.17-61,225, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The object of this article is to point out, analyzing chiefly the administrative tablets from Lagash, some characteristics of agricultural production in ancient Sumer and to explain how closely these characteristics were related to the collective labor-system.This paper consists of three parts. In the first chapter, I illustrated the productivity of the fields in Lagash. 6 gur-sag-gál 49 sìla per bùr (2179.1l per ha) and 76.1-fold of sowing amount, the figures which I gained from RTC71 and DP574 written in the same year, can be regarded as the average land and seed-productivity of barley in Lagash at the end of the Early Dynastic Period.But fertility declined greatly by the time of the Third Dynasty of Ur. My estimate of 30 gur-lugal per bùr (1193.2l per ha) was obtained from RTC407 in which were written the total area of directly-controled fields of barley in Lagash at that time, the amount of barley expected to be yielded from this area and lastly the amount actually yielded. As 1.5 gur-lugal of barley was sowed per bùr, seed-productivity was 20-fold. Th. Jacobsen and R. M. Adams think salinization of soil to be the cause of decline in fertility. But what brought about salinization still remains unsolved.At any rate, 20-fold at the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur is still higher than the figures reported about Italy in the Roman period. And 76.1-fold at the end of the Early Dynastic Period shows clearly the extraordinary fertility of Sumer. This was possible, of course, only by the elaborate irrigation-system.In the second and third chapter, I discussed the character of irrigating-works in Sumer. To begin with, I dealed with the so-called ‘Farmers' Almanac’ in which were described various advices for a good harvest given by a farmer to his son. The farmer gives his son many, sometimes too trifle, advices about the agricultural activities at the time of preparing land, sowing and harvesting. To irrigate three or four times according to the growth of barley is, however, the only one instruction by him about the period between sowing and harvesting. That is to say, a good harvest could be expected in ordinary years only by doing such works during the interval period. Naturally it was chiefly between sowing and harvesting that people were engaged in the collective irrigating-labor. In fact, we know from CT III 18343, a large Lagash-tablet of the Third Dynasty of Ur, that erìn-people worked exclusively at the ditches of various fields and canals from the seventh month to the twelfth, roughly between sowing and harvesting.A further study must be made about the interrelations between agricultural production and collective labor-organization, because ‘the pattern of despotism in Sumer’ will be defined by these two fundamental factors of sumerian society.

著者

松田 伊作

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.15-30,141, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Der Verfasser überträgt den in LXX, in fünf syrischen Psalmen und in 11QPss überlieferten “Ps. 151” mit kurzer Einleitung und sprachlichen Anmerkungen ins Japanische. Über die umstrittenen Zeilen 5-8 des 11QPs28 schlägt er unter anderem nach Prinzip des “parallelismus membrorum” und in Hinsicht auf die anderen Texte eine neue Auffassung vor, die der auf S. 22f umgeschriebene Text und die folgende deutsche Übersetzung zeigen würden:5So gab ich Jahwe die Ehre.Ich sagte in meiner Seele:Die Berge zeugen nicht 6für michUnd die Hügel berichten nicht über mich;Weder die Bäume meine Worte, Noch die Schafe meine Werke.7Wer kann überhaupt berichten, Wer kann sprechenUnd wer kann erzählen meine Werke?Der Herr des Alles hat gesehen:Gott 8des Alles, Er hat gehörtUnd Er hat zugehört.

著者

吉成 薫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.202-214, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

青島 忠一朗

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.16-28, 2015-03-31 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

28

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In the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions we find accounts of the past that are inserted in the form of a relative clause, that function to embellish the king's image. In this paper I discuss how the king is represented by dealing with the accounts of the past in the narrations of the campaigns. In the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions, accounts of the past often refer to the deeds of the king's predecessors. The king emphasizes his heroic priority by stating that no previous king had accomplished a certain achievement that he had (the so-called Übertreffungsmethaphorik). For example, the king has marched in regions that none of his forefathers had set foot in and has subjugated enemies who had threatened Assyrian territory or foreign rulers who had been unsubmissive since early times. These motifs depict the king as a capable military leader (a conqueror and protector of the land), the traditional royal portrait that goes back to the Middle Assyrian period. Moreover, a reference to the voluntary surrender of a previously unsubmissive ruler from a distant place highlights the might of a king who overwhelms without the need to do anything. The comparison to the previous kings does not always emphasize his heroic priority. By referring to the faults of his predecessors, the account represents the king as a true king and legitimates his kingship. However, from Sargon on, accounts about the past without the Übertreffungsmethaphorik appear. The most prominent theme is the king's favor to his vassals, especially his appointing them as rulers and guaranteeing them their positions. This theme highlights a new aspect of the king, that of benefactor. The expansion of Assyria from the time of Tiglath-pileser III caused tensions with the neighboring great powers. In this situation, the king treated the vassal states at the periphery more favorably than before in order to keep their loyalty. This led to the introduction of representing the ruler as a warm-hearted king.

著者

赤堀 雅幸

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.165-168, 2009-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

竹田 新

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.75-94, 1983

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In the Arabic geographical works the term &ldquo;iqlim&rdquo; appears frequently. According to Yaqut, an Arabic geographer, this word has four different meanings, i. e. (1) a region; (2) a large village in Andalusia; (3) a &ldquo;kishwar&rdquo;; and (4) a climate or a mathematically arranged climatic zone.<br>The word &ldquo;iqlim&rdquo; is the Arabicized form of the Greek word &ldquo;klima&rdquo; which means a climate. This word was used first to indicate one of the seven climatic zones of the inhabited world. This usage corresponds to the stage of introduction by the Moslems of a foreign (i. e. Greek) concept. Then it came to be used as a word that signified the kishwar, a concept of Persian origin. The Persians conceived the whole world to be composed of seven circular kingdoms with their own as the center. Each of these seven kingdoms was called kishwar. The Persian view of the world resembled that of the Greek in that both of them divided the world into seven different units. Because of this similarity the Greek concept of &ldquo;klima&rdquo; came to be intermingled with the Persian concept of &ldquo;kishwar&rdquo;, both being expressed by the word &ldquo;iqlim&rdquo;. One can call this stage as the fusion of the two different concepts.<br>Finally, the word &ldquo;iqlim&rdquo; was given a new meaning, namely a region. This meant more exactly a kind of administrative unit such as provinces or districts. A large village in Andalusia was also called an &ldquo;iqlim&rdquo;. The transformation of the connotation of the word expresses the process in which the fused notion of iqlim and kishwar evolved into an Islamic notion of administrative entity.<br>Those who used the term &ldquo;iqlim&rdquo; to signify a climate were mainly the scholars of &lsquo;the science of longitudes and latitudes&rsquo; such as al-Khuwarazmi, al-Farghani, al-Biruni, az-Zargali and at-Tusi. The writers who belonged to &lsquo;the science of marvels of countries&rsquo; used the the term to denote the kishwar. Examples of these writers were Ibn al-Fagih, al-Mas'udi, Abu Hamid al-Gharnati and ad-Dimashgi. The scholars of &lsquo;the science of roads and realms&rsquo; such as Ibn Khurdadhbih, al-Balkhi, al-Mugaddasi, al-Bakri and Abu &lsquo;l-Fides&rsquo; used the word to mean regions or administrative units.<br>A further explanation is provided by Yaqut about the seven climatic zones. He divides the inhabited world (i. e. the northern hemisphere of the globe) into seven climatic zones so that there are differences by thirty minutes from zone to zone in the length of the longest summer day. The zone nearest to the equator is named the first and the furthest the seventh. Then you have thirteen hours of day on the summer solstice in the first zone and sixteen hours in the seventh zone. (Some scholars such as al-Farghani and al-Biruni, on whom Yaqut himself relied, arranged the zones so that you have thirteen hours on the summer solstice in the middle line of the first zone. Another group of scholars such as al-Khuwarazmi adopted a different method according to which you have thirteen hours on the dividing line of the first and the second zones. The latter group belonged to a minority.)<br>Yaqut also arranged various regions and cities in each climatic zone from the east to the west. This system of arrangement was also adopted by al-Farghani and al-Biruni. The works of these scholars had a great influence and Yaqut followed their example in his conspectus.

著者

池田 潤

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.1-21, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

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What is Amarnaic, the language of the Amarna letters sent to Egypt from Canaan? Once called “Canaano-Akkadian, ” “Amarna-Canaanite” or the like, it was believed by many scholars to be a barbarous Akkadian furnished with Canaanite glosses, but today we know otherwise. Moran in the 1950's, and 1960's, then Rainey in the 1970's revealed its syntax, verbal morphosyntax and verbal morphology to be nothing but Canaanite with obviously Akkadian lexical items.There are a number of languages in the world that are “mixed” in a very similar way to Amarnaic. They are known as “pidgins” or “creoles.” The aim of the present paper is to prove that Amarnaic is a pidgin at the expanded stage. A vehicle of communication such as this does not emerge suddenly; it presupposes the preceding jargon and stabilizing stages. The present paper argues on circumstantial evidence that Amarnaic emerged as a kind of contact jargon in Canaan in the early years of Egyptian 18th Dynasty, became stabilized prior to the enthronement of Thutmose III, and expanded during his reign as a sort of military pidgin.

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.93-107, 1989-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

三代川 寛子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.184-195, 2016-03-31 (Released:2019-04-01)

参考文献数

35

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Since the latter half of the nineteenth century, Coptic Christians in Egypt have gradually become integrated as Egyptian citizens. Previous studies took for granted that the Copts developed their sense of belonging to the Egyptian nation-state. However, because the Copts’ cultural traits and historical views differ from those of the Muslim majority, it is important to analyze how the Copts constructed their Egyptian national identity.   This article provides insight on how the Copts reconstructed their group consciousness by using their cultural ties to ancient Egypt to develop their Egyptian national identity. Specifically, this article focuses on Coptic language revival at the turn of the twentieth century−a revival started by a Coptic language lecturer, Iqlawdiyūs Labīb, at the Coptic Seminary.   In his magazine, ʻAyn Shams, Labīb claimed that the Coptic language, the ecclesiastical language of the Coptic Orthodox Church, was the Egyptians' ethnic language because of its connections to the ancient Egyptian language. He also described Coptic as "the current Egyptian language," and called for its revival as a spoken language. By linking Coptic culture to ancient Egypt, Labīb positioned the Copts as culturally authentic Egyptians.   Although his attempt to revive the Coptic language did not succeed as a movement, it attached new meaning and position to Coptic religious culture. It is important to note that his attempts to revive the Coptic language led to a transvaluation of the ecclesiastical language as Egyptians' ethnic language and contributed to the Copts' construction of Egyptian national identity in a way that was different from mainstream secular Egyptian nationalist thought.

著者

川床 睦夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.88-105, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

依田 泉

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.154-160, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

下山 伴子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.129-145, 1999

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<i>Kitab al-naqd</i> is a polemic work that Imami-Shi'i 'Abd al-Jalil Qazvini refutes the Sunni contender's accusations against Imami-Shi'i with almost word-for-word quotes from those accusations. It has been valued for the information about religious situations around Ray in the first half of the 12th century. Because of its polemical nature, however, its usability as a historical source has been questioned. The present paper intends to examine the logical framework of this text in order to get better position to evaluate it as a historical source. By &ldquo;the logical framework&rdquo; I mean each contender's standpoint and the structure of his way of thinking.<br>Each contender brings forwards his arguments emphasizing advantageous aspects for him in the complicated situations of conflicts and alliances among several sects and schools (legal and theological) of both Sunni and Shi'i sides in Ray, as it follows.<br>The arguments of the Sunni contender are based on the premise that the religious conflict in Ray exists only between &ldquo;Sunni&rdquo; and &ldquo;Imami-Shi'i&rdquo; . But 'Abd al-Jalil refers to another opposition between &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; and &ldquo;Jabli&rdquo; sects to refute the above premise. &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; is a subsect of Imami-Shi'i sect and &ldquo;Jabri&rdquo; is one of the Sunni. He insists that &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; to which he belongs is prevalent and in good term with the Saljuq, while &ldquo;Jabri&rdquo;, which practically means Ash'ari theological school, is a minority and the Sunni author belongs to this sect. This insistence is based on the suppression of Ash'ari school by the Saljuq since 537/1142-3. 'Abd al-Jalil emphasizes that &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; endorses the theological viewpoint of the Saljuq and opposes to that of Ash'ari school. Thus he stresses the legitimacy of &ldquo;Usali&rdquo; depending on the power of the Saljuq state.

著者

池田 潤

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.171-174, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.1-16, 1991 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Some Coastal towns of Syria during the 11th-12th centuries were headed by local qadis (judges) who had acquired independence from either Fatimid, Seljuqid, or Byzantine rule. These urban states have been the objects of serious research by such scholars as Cl. Cahen, E. Ashtor, A. Havemann and U. A. Tadmuri. But as for the period when qadis lost their independence, few references are made to their role in Muslim urban life. The cases of Tripoli and Jabala, because of ample information, may provide us with a means to better our understanding of local qadis in medieval Islamic societies.During the years 1066-1070 the qadi office of Tripoli was established by Amin al-Dawla, a Shi'ite jurist of great reputation, from the 'Ammar family. Jabala also had a wise qadi named Mansur, who managed the judicial affairs among Muslims under Byzantine rule. His status (Ra'is Jabala) was inherited by his son, Ibn Sulayha, who maintained independence against the pressure of the Seljuqids until the arrival of the Crusaders. Ibn Sulayha, faced with a strong siege by the Crusaders, was forced to transfer sovereignty to Tripoli; but another qadi, Ibn al-Naqqar, then continued to manage judicial affairs in Jabala. Even under the Crusader rule from July 1109, Jabala was administered by an influential qadi named Mansur b. Nabil, who succeeded afterwards in delivering the town to Saladin.These instances reveal that the qadis of Tripoli and Jabala managed these municipalities even during the periods when towns lost their independence. We may therefore evaluate positively the role of local qadis before the Ottoman period, a time when they came to be organized more systematically into that empire's provincial administration.

著者

高橋 亮介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.148-159, 2004

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.286-289, 2007

著者

横山 美貴

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.136-142, 1995

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This paper presents a synthesis of the administration of corv&eacute;e work and corv&eacute;e workers in the Fisrt Dynasty of Babylon especially during the reign of Hammurapi (1792-1750 B. C.).<br>Corv&eacute;e work was imposed by the central government of Babylon upon all male citizens, except registered permanent public workers, of the provincial and/or local administrations to which the central government assigned public works on a local basis. The provincial and local administrations were required to provide corv&eacute;e workers, unpaid laborers, to the labor pool of the central government. Corv&eacute;e work could be avoided by payment of exemption money or by providing a work substitute. The period of corv&eacute;e work was probably a few months. However, it was flexible, depending on the level of authority held by the central government to impose levies upon the provincial and local administrations for public works.<br>Corv&eacute;e workers were under the direct control of the central government and were usually deployed to public works sector which required a large number of unskilled workers under the highly centralized regime of Hammurapi. Large scale public works were carried out by the central government with the collaboration of provincial and local administrations. The main areas of public works were construction of public buildings, canal works, sheep shearing, weaving and boat-making. The labor forces of public works were comprised of corv&eacute;e workers, temporary hired workers, soldiers as a supplementary work force, and public slaves in addition to specialists and administrators.