著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.56-74, 2002

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In Islamic jurisprudence, <i>hiyal</i> (sg. <i>hila</i>) signify &ldquo;legal devices, &rdquo; or skills used to achieve a certain objective through legal methods. They were not <i>ipso facto</i> &ldquo;evasions of law&rdquo; as have been understood. It was common to consult with jurists about certain devices to solve legal problems in daily life. Not to neglect is that <i>hiyal</i> were produced as a result of jurists' ever-lasting endeavor to solve all possible problems using all possibilities allowed by the doctrine, and that they therefore made up an authentic part of jurisprudence except some controversial cases. Among the Sunni schools of law, the Hanafis sanctioned <i>h</i> (<i>iyal</i> most extensively, but the Shafi⁽is and the Hanbalis, even though criticizing some evasions of law, pursued <i>hiyal</i> within the framework of their jurisprudence. It is only the Malikis of whom no single work on <i>hiyal</i> is known. They adopted the principle of &ldquo;blocking ways (<i>sadd al-dhara⁾i</i>⁽)&rdquo; which run against <i>hiyal</i>. Moreover, they never used the term &ldquo;<i>hiyal</i>&rdquo; in their legal discussion. However, we cannot conclude that the Malikis had nothing to do with <i>hiyal</i> which played an important role in the development of Islamic jurisprudence, if we examine the <i>Mudawwana</i>.<br>The <i>Mudawwana</i>, ascribed to Sahnun (d. 240/855), a Maliki jurist and <i>qadi</i> under the Aghlabids, is one of the oldest Islamic legal texts. This text shows that jurisprudence in Qairawan had much in common with its Hanafi counterpart in Baghdad as formulated in the <i>Asl</i>. As one of the most important works of Shaybani (d. 189/805), the <i>Asl</i> represents the authoritative transmission of Hanafi doctrine in all fields of law, including <i>hiyal</i>. For this reason, we find many discussions common to Hanafi <i>hiyal</i>-literature and the <i>Mudawwana</i>. These discussions fall into two groups.<br>In the first group, the <i>hiyal</i> suggested by the Hanafis are rejected as invalid by Malik or his disciple, Ibn al-Qasim (d. 191/806), who was the teacher of Sahnun. The basis of this rejection seems to be the Maliki principle of <i>sadd al-dhara⁾i</i>⁽, i. e. &ldquo;blocking roads&rdquo; that probably lead to an evil end. In the second group, however, Malik or Ibn Qasim, without using the term <i>hiyal</i>, gives his own solutions, and they, in some cases, differ from those of the Hanafis, and, in other cases, agree with them.

著者

藤井 守男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.56-74, 2002 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Rawh al-arwah, written by an erudite preacher Shihab al-Din Ahrnad-i Sam'ani (d. 534/1140), is the first complete commentary in Persian on the Divine names (al-asma' al-husna). In this significant Sufi treatise, the author has emphasized on the superiority of the human being to the angels by arguing that the heart of human beings, unlike those of the angels, is the treasure of love and pain.Although some of the points that Sam'ani discussed are traceable to Maybudi's Kashf al-asrar (written after 520/1126), a well-known -Persian Qur'anic exegesis with mystical inclination, the originality of his thought and style of preaching (wa'z) in the Rawh al-arwah is evident. This text unquestionably forms a decisive element for formation of Persian Sufi literature in its historical development.It seems that Sam'ani, an eloquent preacher with great talent as poet and tradition narrator (muhaddith), was under the influence of the Ash'arite school of theology. In this treatise, he extensively discusses such topics as acquisition of the predestination (kasb-i taqdir), the omnipotent power of God (qudrat), beatific vision of God in the Hereafter (ru'yat), and inner speech (kalam-i nafsi). This author concludes that Ash'arite doctrines informed the framework of Sam'ani's mystical thought and that his various discourses, tinted with mysticism in the text, were formed mainly under the influence of these theological dogmas.This author's investigation into the mysticism of the Rawh al-arwah makes it clear that this treatise constituted an important work that marked a turning point in the development of Persian Sufi thought during the 6th/12th century. The beauty of God (jamal) causes an aesthetic sense (dhawq) in the heart of an ascetic (zahid), and the sense transforms him a narrator of the divine beauty. The aesthetic sense gifted by the Divine beauty is one of the main characteristics by which one can distinguish tasawwuf (Islamic mysticism) from zuhd (Islamic asceticism).Sam'ani's thought had an extensive impact on the Persian mystical literature. Particularly, the poetry of Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. 627/1229 or 618/1221), one of the most gifted Sufi poets, can be considered as the one that shares the same characteristics as Sam'ani's Rawh al-arwah.

著者

菊地 咲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.15-29, 2015-09-30 (Released:2018-10-01)

参考文献数

50

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This article analyzes the process and contents of the ritual, text “Hauptritual B” published by W. Farber, in the book Beschwörungsrituale an Ištar und Dumuzi (1977). It examines how this ritual relates to the famous mythological narrative "Ištar's Descent into the Netherworld" by using the following: (1) comparing the ritual process with typical anti-witchcraft rituals (2) comparing the roles of the main divine characters in each texts.   This ritual was linked to the mythological narrative through use of identical divine characters. However, the context in which they appeared in the ritual is not identical to their counterparts in the mythological narrative. Therefore, the above mentioned relationship does not give a direct explanation of the ritual acts by linking them to mythological narratives or provide an etiology of the ritual, as stated in former studies. This article argues that this loose correlation represents another type of relationship between a ritual and a mythological narrative.

著者

貝原 哲生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.75-95, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

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The relationship between the Chalcedonians and the Monophysites grew rapidly worse from the middle of the 5th century. As a result, in the second half of the 6th century, the latter established their own church hierarchy in Egypt. Previous scholars stressed that they were able to accomplish this because of the social severance between the cities, in which the Chalcedonians traditionally had their churches, and the rural areas, in which the Monophysites were based. But in recent years it has been pointed out that there was a close relationship between the cities and the rural areas, and it is possible in this environment that the territories of the bishops of the two sects were separated by fiat or by natural development. This paper analyzes the effect that this religious conflict, which originated in Alexandria, exerted on the society of Middle Egypt by looking at several Middle Egypt regions. It was found that these regions did not have parallel hierarchies. The results are as follows: Firstly, in both the Arsinoe and the Oxyrhynchus regions, the city was closely connected with the rural area. It was therefore difficult for the Chalcedonians and the Monophysites to avoid contact with each other. The episcopal sees were in the cities, but monasteries, which zealously participated in theological controversy, existed throughout the dioceses. In both regions it was always possible for the religious conflict to emerge. Therefore the bishops of those two regions and the Apions, who were the most influential family there, strove to inhibit the aggravation of the religious conflict by standing neutral and not supporting either sect. The local people were also able to strike a balance between faith and secular interests. Secondly, in the village of Aphrodito, the inhabitants dealt with the religious conflict as the people of Arsinoe and Oxyrhynchus did. Dioscorus, the headman of this village, sympathized with Monophysitism but put worldly profit before his belief and relied on powerful figures who were in no position to be favorable towards the Monophysites.

著者

藤木 健二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.49-68, 2005-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In Ottoman cities, the shoe industry had played an important socioeconomic function as one of the chief industries. Very few studies, however, have ever tried to elucidate the actual state of the shoe industry and guilds. This study aims to create a concrete picture of their role in eighteenth-century Istanbul, with a focus on their structures, processes of their production and trade, and their relationship with the government. The principle resource used in this paper was the Ahkâm Defterleri, which was published as Istanbul Esnaf Tarihi by the Istanbul Arastirmalari Merkezi.The shoe industry was clearly divided into two sectors—production and retailing. Shoemakers had become specialized according to the type of shoes they made. They had their own guilds according to the kind of shoes and were all well organized under a leader called the dikicibasi. Meanwhile, most shoe retailers had their shops in shoe markets called arasta. Each market was staffed with one kethüdâ to supervise the shoe retailers working there. The kethüdâ of the kebîr arasta administrated all the shoe retailers in the city. He also had a degree of influence on the shoemakers' guilds and undertook to maintain cooperation between the shoemakers' and the retailers' guilds.Though the guilds needed the approval of kadis or the government in regard to all matters, they were hardly interfered with by the government, but were managed and administrated strictly by the leaders in a quite autonomous manner. Especially, shoemakers had to buy materials and produce shoes in accordance with the regulations which guilds made to protect members against violation of their rights.This paper concludes that the guilds of the shoe industry in eighteenthcentury Istanbul formed a complex structure in order to supervise their members who produced and sold many kinds of shoes in many places, and that the guilds were granted a relatively wide degree of autonomy.

著者

辻田 明子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.1-19, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

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In texts of ancient Mesopotamia figure both a female Dumuziabzu and a male Dumuziabzu. According to royal inscriptions, the goddess Dumuziabzu was the tutelary deity of Kinunir (or Kinirša) in Lagaš, whereas the god Dumuziabzu was the son of Enki in a god-list (An = Anum). In earlier studies, these two gods were considered to be identical, and the sex of this god/goddess was occasionally thought to be determined by location; for example, the god is female in Lagaš and male in Eridu. In this context comparison between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi was also taken into account. Because of the common element dumu-zi in their names, a direct link between them was suggested earlier, but this view is now largely abandoned. In this study, evidence on Dumuziabzu has been thoroughly gathered from documents dating from the third to the first millennium BCE, in order to see as precisely as possible the relation between the female Dumuziabzu and the male Dumuziabzu. The following observations have been made. First, the female Dumuziabzu was an influential deity in Lagas in the third millennium BCE. Her worship disappeared almost totally with the decline of Lagaš after the Third Dynasty of Ur. However, her name and the district whose deity she was, Kinunir, were passed down in the literary texts after the Third Dynasty of Ur, even in the lamentations written during the first millennium BCE. Furthermore, a few literary texts indicate some confusion between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi. It seems that Dumuziabzu came to be considered male since the name contains dumu-zi, and that, because of his association with abzu, he then came to be regarded as one of the gods in Enki’s circle.

著者

松島 英子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.96-112, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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A divine statue played a very important role in the religion of the ancient Mesopotamia. It was considered to be a vividly realistic sacred being, god of a very real sense. It was actually fed and clothed. In the first millenia B. C., the statue was made with wooden materials, I believe, according to some evidences. Then, what were the materials of the divine statues in both the second and the third millenium? Some certain year names of the period of the 3rd dynastie of Ur, Isin, Larsa and the Ist dynasty of Babylon suggest that small copper or bronze made divine statues were dedicated by the kings of those days in the temples there. Certain texts of economic concern of the Ur III period also tell us about the manufacture of the statues with copper or bronze materials. Though the numbers have still been few, lists of divine clothings and jewelries of the Ur III period, mainly of the old Babylonian period and thereafter, have also revealed to us. As I think that a large and wodden-made statue should also have required to wear clothings and jewelries, I am inclined to assume that wooden statues came to apear about this period.

著者

竹内 茂夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.75-86, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

5

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There is in Japanese a phenomenon called kakekotoba, in which a word is a homonym with two different meanings, and which coheres two different contexts by the correspondence of one meaning to each context. This brief paper aims to observe that we can find also in Hebrew a similar phenomenon to Japanese kakekotoba called “Janus parallelism” and to clarify features of Hebrew “Janus parallelism” compared with Japanese kakekotoba.“Janus parallelism” has been studied through the analysis of tricola in Hebrew poetry and it has been held that second colon carries the kakekotoba-like function, i. e. that a homonym in second colon parallels “what precedes it with one meaning, and what follows it with a different meaning.” (Gordon)The greatest difference between Hebrew “Janus parallelism” and Japanese kakekotoba may be that the Janus-word in the second colon semantically corresponds to words of different cola because Hebrew poetry is based on parallelism, and so it coheres to two other cola, while the kakekotoba in Japanese poetry semantically and/or syntactically coheres words immediately before and/or after it. But we should note that such a phenomenon with homonym is seen not only in Japanese but also in Hebrew. “Janus parallelism” is found also in prose and poetry besides the tricolon. “Janus parallelism” in such cases will be discussed in the future.

著者

嶋本 隆光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.45-63, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Ta'zieh (passion play or representation of the tragedy of Kerbala), which is the religious practice peculiar to Shi'ism, in particular Twelver Imami Shi'ism in Iran, is said to have reached its zenith in the 19th century of Qajar Iran. We could observe in this practice two conspicuous yet rather contradictory characteristics; one is uncovered orgiastic eruption of religious passion and the other peacefully festive expectation.In this paper, present author will make an attempt to analyze this contradictory features of Ta'zieh by referring to Ta'zieh (ritual mourning specifically for the Imams and their family) in the period betweenca. 1885-1906 and 'Azadari (mourning for the deceased in general) during the Constitutional Revolution, thus comparing the two to find their correlationship.Despite the fact that frequent eruptions of unusual religious feelings were its concomitant, generally annual Ta'zieh-dari seems to have been performed more or less under control, whether self-imposed or imposed by authority, thus creaitng a peacefully festive atmosphere.Contrary to this, 'Azadari, when it was peformed under socially, economically and politically stressed conditions, could easily be trans-formed into uncontrollable force vis-à-vis unjust govermnent. Here 'Azadari was carried out just as if it were truely the Kerbela event. This transformative process took place chiefly because the participants of 'Azadari had been acquainted with the main themes of Ta'zieh through annual Ta'zieh-dari.The occasion of Ta'zieh-dari was the one in which the people were, whether consciously or unconsciously, “educated” to be good Twelver Imdmi Shi'i believers. Indeed its visual and auditory representation must have been of great effect. Under the critical historical circumstances those who had been “educated” in this occasion and imbued with the basic principle of the religion could easily turn into the warriors of “Holy War” with Imam Hosein against the enemy of faith.

著者

三沢 伸生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.198-200, 2008

被引用文献数

1

著者

三沢 伸生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.127-141, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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There are two main themes about land problems of the Ottoman Empire. From the 19th century to 1940's timar system was most popular subject of study in the frame of Islamic feudalism. But now many scholars are interested in iltizam system and çiftlik.For all that, there are still unsolved problems about timar system in the scope of the political formation of the Ottoman Empire. This system was not fixed but flexible with regional and periodical variations owing to the political needs.In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire grew up an Islamic Empire with its vast territory. In the newly conquered lands, a special land system was putted in force. For example, the mâlikâne-dîvânî system, which is a special timar system, was carried out in Eastern Anatolia. By the analysis of two cadastres about Malatya region, BA 387 (1519/20) and TK 142 (1560), the number of villages where the mâlikâne-dîvânî system in charge (table 1) and the proportion of mâlikâne revenue to the total tax revenue (table 2) suggest that mâlikâne-dîvânî system was step by step changed to the normal timar system during 40 years of the reign of Süleyman I.

著者

渡井 葉子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.1-16, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

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The Egibi family is the most eminent “private entrepreneur” of the Neo-Babylonian period. Despite the fact that many studies have been published on this family, nobody has ever studied their urban real-estate properties systematically. In this paper I study a deed (Dar. 379) which divides the properties among the members of the Egibi family and then locate and determine the use of each property that appears in the document as much as possible, by examining the pertinent contracts of land sale involving Egibi family members.The Egibi family owned many houses in Babylon and in other nearby cities. These houses in each city adjoined one another. It is likely that heads of the family acquired neighboring plots and added them to their own property. Their houses functioned as residences of family members, business offices, workshops, loan collateral, etc. However, they do not seem to have made profit by selling these houses.According to one document, the “main house (bītu rabû) of the Egibi was situated in TE.EKI area in the city of Babylon, at least in nabû-aḫḫē-iddin times. In another document, we find that the residence or office of the crown prince (bīt-mār-šarri) was located in the neighborhood of the Egibi’s main house. It is therefore probable that the bīt-mār-šarri was located in the TE.EKI area. In fact, heads of the Egibi family appear in some documents as agents of the crown princes Neriglissar, Belshazzar and Cambyses. The location of the Egibi’s houses close to the bīt-mdr-Eam' was undoubtedly convenient for their partnership relation.Through this study there emerges an interesting picture of the process by which a newcomer to the urban elite through acquiring pieces of urban property was able to develop large residences in the neighborhoods of the administrative centers of big cities during the “long sixth century” of prosperity in Babylonia.

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.45-60, 1983

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The verb <i>šr</i> (*šyr) is the major term which denotes "to sing" in Ugaritic. This term occurs several times in the alphabetic texts of Ugarit. To describe the singing as reflected in those Ugaritic texts is my purpose. This paper deals with <i>KTU</i> 1.23, 1.16, and 1.112.<br>Here are the problems. In which scenes do these singings appear? Is there any similarity among those singings? What can we conclude about musical life from examining those Ugaritic texts?<br>Our conclusions are as follows. <i>KTU</i> 1.23: 12 seems to be a rubric in a ritual drama which states that something is to be recited 7 times and the '<i>rbm</i>, who is a kind of personnel in cultic ritual, is to respond. In <i>KTU</i> 1.106: 15-17, after the sacrifices are dedicated to the various gods, the singer (<i>šr</i>) sings 10 times in front of the king and then the king opens his hand. In <i>KTU</i> 1.112: 17-21, on the 14th day of a fixed month, when the <i>gtrm</i> gods go down to the sacrifices, the <i>gtrm</i> respond to somebody and then the <i>qdš</i> priest sings a song. The singing of <i>KTU</i> 1.23 occurs in one of the scenes of a ritual drama, and that of <i>KTU</i> 1.106 occurs together with the performance of a prayer which is given in the ritual of a fixed month. The singing of <i>KTU</i> 1.112 may occur in the oracle We can find a few similarities among those singings. Firstly, those singings occur in a cultic ritual. Secondly, those singings are connected with the gods. Thirdly, we may discover here that the meaning of the singing is man's asking favor of the gods. Thus we might conclude that cultic personnel sang a song in the various scenes of the rituals performed in the Ugaritic kingdom for the purpose of asking favor of the gods.

著者

永井 正勝

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.34-54, 2011

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The sentence apearing in lines 74-75 of <i>P. Hermitage No. 1115</i> has been understood as a negative construction of a progressive sentence, <i>nn sw ḥr sḏm</i>, in many studies. This understanding is based on an assumption that the sign A1 tn the original text is so wrongly written that we should omit it or should emend it to A2. In this way, the transcription <i>nn wi ḥr sḏm st</i> is derived.<br> However, in my opinion, the sign A1 in the original papyrus is the 1st person suffix pronoun<i>=i</i> and the text should be understood as a sentence with an adverbial predicate, <i>nn wi ḥr sḏm=i st,</i> "I am not in the situation that I hear it." In this sentence <i>sḏm=i st</i> is thought of as an unmarked complement clause.<br> As not even one correct example of the <i>nn sw ḥr sḏm</i> has been attested, I would like to propose that this constriction is a ghost form invented by modern scholars. As a result, the paradigm of the imperfective aspect, including the progressive form, would look like this:<br><br>        imperfective aspect (intransitive)<br>        habitual     progressive<br> affirmative   <i>iw(=f) sḏm=f   </i><i>iw(=f) ḥr sḏm</i><br> negative         <i>n sḏm.n=f</i>

著者

稲葉 穣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.118-124, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

坂本 勉

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.113-125, 1978 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

医王 秀行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.30-52, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the Jahiliya period, sanctuaries that enshrined various idols existed all over the Arabian Peninsula, and the Arab tribes who guarded the sanctuaries organized and ran various festivals and annual markets. A sacred month was fixed as the pilgrimage period (it was also the time for trade) in the peninsula to ensure the safety of pilgrims coming from a great distance. Since it was necessary to maintain this system and furthermore to trade with merchants outside the peninsula, the pilgrimage event was held in a particular season every year. Since the lunar calendar of 12 months results in a discrepancy with the solar calendar every year, a leap month was inserted into a year approximately every 3 years to adjust this discrepancy. This makes 13 months a year.The sixth to seventh century, when the Prophet Muhammad was active, was an era when Meccan people were under the influence of Judaism and Christianity. We cannot examine the calendar of that time without taking into account the leap system in the Jewish calendar or the movable feasts of Christianity. At the time when the Prophet Muhammad started propagating Islam in Mecca, a leap month was inserted into a year in the same period as in the Jewish calendar. Therefore, I consider that it is possible to determine the cycle of the leap year in this era from this.Starting in the first year of the Islamic calendar, there were three leap years until the 10th year of the Hijra when the prophet abolished the leap month. The Islamic calendar's New Year's Day was April 18, 612 AD. I conjecture that it was June 28th, the day of the summer solstice when Muhammad arrived at Medina.Knowing the fact that the pilgrimage was carried out during Pesach and Easter in the spring and that they introduced the Judaic and Christian systems into the calendar, combined with the worship of Abraham in the surrounding area of Mecca in the Jahiliya period, the author conjectures that these facts laid the groundwork for the birth of a new religion, i. e. Islam, in this region. The Prophet Muhammad destroyed the idols and the function of the pilgrimage spread in various places of the peninsula and introduced the pure lunar calendar. In addition, he nullified the conventional pilgrimage cycle of the peninsula and the Arabic order associated with the conventional pilgrimage cycle, and simultaneously eliminated the influence of Judaism and Christianity. He brought forth a new Islamic order in which Mecca was worshipped as the sole pilgrimage ground.

著者

渡部 良子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.197-224, 2003

被引用文献数

2

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In the history of the Persian art of <i>insha</i>' (the epistolary art for the official and private correspondence), the Mongol period (from the 13th century to the later 14th century) has been regarded as an age of stylistic regression between the Saljugid and the Timurid periods. This report, through the analysis of some Persian <i>insha</i>' manuals written in the Mongol period, throws light on the continuity and development of the Persian <i>insha</i>' tradition under the Mongol rule, and how it coexisted with the Mongol chancellery system.<br>In the <i>insha</i>' manuals of the Mongol period, it is observed that the way of Persian letter-writing had become more complicated since the Saljugid period. The structure of ideal letters explained in some manuals in the 14th century was more fractionalized than that in those of the 13th century and very similar to the style in the Timurid period. Even some forms that had been considered incorrect became predominant during the period in order to show extreme respect to distinguished addressees.<br>Even under the rule of the Mongol chancellery, the writers of <i>insha</i>' manuals kept the traditional forms of drafting official documents, concentrating on genres of documents which needed the literary skill of <i>insha</i>', like deeds of appointment to religious ranks. At the same time, for many literates, writing of <i>insha</i>' manuals was regarded as a suitable way to display their literary skill and to win their patrons' favor.<br>On the other hand, the <i>insha</i>' writers understood some concepts of the Mongol chancellery in the context of their own <i>insha</i>' tradition and accepted a portion of them positively. For example, the practice of Mongol edicts of writing words with holy or royal referents jutting into the upper margin was very agreeable for them because of its similarity to the convention of Persian letter writing that the name of honorable persons must be written in the upper part of letters. They adapted it by writing honarable words jutting into the right margin.<br>We can conclude that under the Mongol rule the Persian <i>insha</i>' tradition continued developing and prepared for the flowering of the art in the Timurid period.

著者

吉田 豊 W. Sundermann

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.119-134, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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When he visited Turfan in October 1990, Y. Yoshida, one of the authors of the present article, examined the Iranian manuscripts unearthed at Bäzäklik during the excavation undertaken in 1980-81. Among them he found and transliterated a fragment (80. T. B. I. 644) of a Parthian hymn written in Sogdian script. He showed his transliteration to the other author, W. Sundermann, in April 1991 when the latter was invited to Ryukoku University. On the spot Sundermann noticed that the same hymn is found in two manuscripts, one in Sogdian script (X) and the other Manichaean (M 779), of the German Turfan collection deposited at Turfan Forschung in Berlin. The two then decided to publish this hymn dedicated to the Manichaean Third Messenger as a joint contribution to the project organized by Professor K. Kudara of Ryukoku University and supported by the grant of the Monbusho International Scientific Research Program.In the meantime Yoshida discovered two small fragments containing the same hymn among the Otani collection (Otani 6229 and 7375) now housed at the Ryukoku University library. They are also edited in the present article.Perhaps the most interesting feature of this hymn is the occurrence of 'yl (M 'yl), the Aramaic word for god so far unknown in the Manichaean literature. This word appears in combination with 'st'y (M 'st 'yy) “(you) are” and employed in an ecstatic exclamation: 'yl 'yl 'yl 'yl 'st'y 'st'y 'st'y “El, el, el, el. You are, you are, you are!”. It is also to be noticed that 'st'y (M 'st 'yy) is the combination of the inflected forms of a verb 'h- “to be”, i. e. 'st “is” and 'yy “you are”.

著者

土谷 遥子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.120-143, 2010

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Evidence points to Pouguch in the Darel Valley as the most likely site of T'o Leih(陀歴) where Fa Hsien paid a tribute to the gigantic wooden Maitreya Buddha image, 24 meters tall. Fa Hsein described, "The Maitreya image was emitting an effulgent light on fast days and the kings of the surrounding countries vie with one another in presenting offerings to it."<br> Pouguch can be characterized as a temple site lacking defensive measures. The walls are of red mud. A mound probably remnants of the main temple, is centrally located. The site is near the mouth of the Darel Valley, far from the valley entrance which is at its opposite end.<br> Interviews with Pouguch villagers were conducted since their folklore is considered to have remained unadulterated due to the long isolation of the valley, a result of geography as well as xenophobic and violent uprising. Men varying in age from 20s to 70s and from various walks of life: farmers, engineer, scholar and official, were asked what they heard of the Pouguch site. Their stories are strikingly akin to what Fa Hsien observed in T" Leih in 401 A. D.; 1) a major Buddhist temple of worship and learning, attracting pilgrims from Central Asia, China and Tibet, 2) contained an image of Buddha, 3) the image was made of wood, while solid gold, was also mentioned, probably mistaking the gold hue emitting effulgent light, 4) the image was colossal ; one person correctly stated 24 meters in height.<br> The verbal tradition in Pouguch which has been passed down largely intact over 1600 years suggests the idea that Pouguch Site be the T'o Leih that Fa Hsein visited.