著者

余部 福三

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.1, pp.69-84, 1983-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

北原 圭一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.159-172, 1999

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The Qur'an's story of Yusuf (=Joseph; Surah 12), parallel to the Joseph story in the Bible (Genesis 37-50), is said to be the best (or the most beautiful) of all stories (Ahsan al-qasas), It was elaborated in the post-Qura'nic legend, that is, Hadith, &ldquo;tafsir (exegesis)&rdquo;, Qisas al-Anbiya' (tales of the Prophets), etc., and became one of the favorite subject matters particularly in Persian poetry. There are many works entitled <i>Yusuf u Zulaykha</i> (=Potiphar's wife) in it, of which the most estimated is a fifteenth century prominent mystical poet, 'Abd al-Rahman Jami (d. 1492)'s.<br>In addition to these independent works of <i>Yusuf u Zulaykha</i>, many Persian poets made the most of this story as edifying anecdote in their poetical works, for instance, Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. ca. 1221)'s <i>Mantiq al-Tayr</i>, Sa'di Shirazi (d. 1292)'s <i>Bustan (Sa'di-nameh)</i>, and so forth.<br>From the folkloristic point of view, as Shalom Goldman states in <i>The Wiles of Women</i>/<i>The Wiles of Men</i> (1995), the Yusuf story consists of three motifs: &ldquo;Potiphar's Wife motif&rdquo;, &ldquo;the motif of the Wise Man as Saviour&rdquo;, and &ldquo;the motif of the Young Man Triumphant&rdquo;. When we examine the development of the Yusuf story in Persian literature, &ldquo;Potiphar's Wife motif&rdquo; is the most important of the three. Because a lot of Persian poets such as 'Attar, Jami, took up this motif in their works by preference as stated above.<br>In this paper is examined the development of the &ldquo;Potiphar's Wife motif&rdquo; as a significant part of the Yusuf story and her image in Persian literature. As to the image of Potiphar's Wife, she is usually described as a wicked woman in many narratives that deal with this motif. But for most of the Persian poets she isn't the like of it. Her passionate love for Yusuf is rewarded on account of its strength, and through the power of repentance she becomes &ldquo;a blessed woman&rdquo; in the end.

著者

青柳 かおる

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.106-118, 1997

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Among the Ash'arites and the Mu'tazilites, it had been discussed whether the divine name (<i>ism</i>) is the same as the named (<i>musamma</i>) or the naming (<i>tasmiyah</i>). The Ash'arites before al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111) insisted that the name is the same as the named in itself, i. e., God, or the divine attribute (<i>sifah</i>), because of the consensus (<i>ijma</i>') that God has the eternal names and attributes before He creates His creature. On the other hand, the Mu'tazilites insisted that the divine name is the same as the naming, i. e., the speech which man makes and is not eternal. Thus different opinions had been proposed to whether the divine name is made or not.<br>However, al-Ghazali, in his <i>al-Maqsad al-Asna</i> which deals with the 99 Beautiful Names of God, argued that since the name, the named and the naming are different from each other in meaning, the discussion done before him that the name is either same as the named or the naming was wide of the mark, and he defined the name as the word (<i>lafz</i>), which is not eternal. It seems that al-Ghazali denied the thesis of the Ash'arites before him. He also discussed that man becomes near (<i>qurb</i>) to God through the divine names. He ceased the theological discussion of ontological positions of the divine names, and he regarded the divine names as means to become near to God mystically. Thus he found a new significance in the divine names.

著者

今野 毅

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.162-181, 2017-03-31 (Released:2020-04-01)

参考文献数

54

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This paper investigates the number and proportion of levends (irregular soldiers) and Arnavud (Albanian) soldiers in the Ottoman military organizations. It is known that from the 17th century the numbers of levends and Arnavud soldiers in Ottoman military organizations gradually increased and they came to play an extremely important role, but little is known concretely about their number and proportion in those Ottoman military organizations.  MM1971 is a ta‘yinât register (ration and allowance register) from the Ottoman Danube and Sava Campaign of 1692. My analysis of that register shows that many levends and Arnavud soldiers were mobilized for the campaign.  The total number of the Rûmeli (the Ottoman Balkan province) governor’s troops and frontier garrisons that joined the campaign reached a minimum of 15,478–17,055 men. About 9,953–10,656 of them were levends, accounting for about 64.3–62.4% of the total. Furthermore, the number of the levends is also a minimum, because MM1971 does not mention the number of some levends mobilized from Anatolia and Syria. The number of Janissaries sent from Istanbul to the front line in the middle and the second half of the 17th century is estimated at approximately 10,000, and from the above it is reasonable to suppose that the number of all mobilized levends was even greater.  The number and proportion of Arnavud soldiers deduced from the analysis of MM1971 indicates their immense importance in Ottoman military organizations. The total number of Arnavud soldiers in the campaign was 8,261–8,881, of whom 7,064–7,119 were levends. Thus, Arnavud soldiers accounted for 53.3–52.0% of the total number of combatants, and 70.9–66.8% of the total number of levends were Arnavud levends.

著者

佐藤 進

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.69-74,182, 1974 (Released:2010-03-12)

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By courtesy of the Tehran Archaeological Museum (Museh Iran Bastan), I had an opportunity to study unpublished Persepolis Elamite tablets in the Museum in 1973. On examination, fourteen Persepolis Treasury tablets (Teh. 9(w); Teh. 32; Teh. 34; Teh. 49 w; Teh. Pers. 3152-31 (?); 214/56 Teh. illus. B; dk 275 No. 25; 279; 2152/55 6(w); 2290; 2290 742; 3152/9 Teh. no. 38(w); no number; no number) and one Persepolis Fortification tablet (3152/37 Teh. 29w) were identified, but six documents (2290; 2290; 2290; 2451; 3152/52 48(w); 3152/65 97w) remained assigned to neither. In addition, some of documents referred as “not found” in Cameron's Index to Published Treasury Tablets (JNES 24, 1965, pp. 190-192) were identified as follows: 2275=PT45, 2279=PT60 and Teh. 3152/72=PT67. (Persian numerals and letters in italics.)In the present preliminary report, one of these unpublished Persepolis Treasury tablets, 2290 (one of documents with the same number), is transliterated (see p. 71), translated and commented. This is Marrezza's letter addressed to Barišša the treasurer of Parsa dated in the third year of Artaxerxes I, recording allocations to kurtaš kurnukašbe mišbazanaš. The expression “kurtaš kurnukašbe mišbazanaš”, which has been not found in any published Persepolis Elamite documents, is apparently parallel with “kurtaš marrip mišbazana” in PT 79 and further with “grd 'mnn vspzn” in the seventh Aršdma-letter. It is worth noting that the correspondence of kurnukašbe to marrip or 'mnn correctly reflects the translation of OP karnuvaka into El. marrip or Akk. ummanate, MES in Darius' Foundation Inscription at Susa (DSf),

著者

菊地 達也

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.45-60, 1995

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The 10th century, when Neoplatonism was introduced into early Isma'ili cosmogonical doctrines, was a turning point for Isma'ilism. The early Isma'ili cosmogoincal doctrines were what should be called "Isma'ili Myth, " which varied according to each Isma'ili thinker, but had some common gnositic tendencies. For example, in that myth the angelic being falls from heaven because of its own error and it emanates this world like Demiurge of Plato.<br>In the 10th century, Isma'ili mythical cosmogony was greatly philosophized by Persian Isma'ili thinkers, especially Abu Ya'qub al-Sijistani. The structure of al-Sijistani's cosmogony looks similar to that of Plotinus, which is controlled by three Hypostates, that is, God, Intellect ('Aql) and Soul (Nafs). But Isma'ili Myth did not become extinct in the philosophized cosmogony, because in that system, too, al-Sijistani's Soul plays the role of the Falling Angel in the Isma'ili Myth.<br>In the 11th century, Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani introduced not the Plotinian cosmogony used by al-Sijistani but the Farabi's cosmogonical system made up of Ten Intellects. At first, al-Kirmani's God hardly looks different from al-Sijistani's. Al-Kirmani's First Intellect does not fundamentally differ from the Intellect of al-Sijistani, either. But his definition of it is closer to Farabi's concept of God than al-Sijistani's definition of Intellect. In al-Kirmani's cosmogony the First Intellect plays the role of both Farabi's God and his First Intellect at the same time. On the other hand, al-Sijistani's Soul is identified with the Second Intellect by al-Kirmanf, which emanates from the First Intellect, but the Second Intellect is no more than one of the Ten Intellects and has completely lost the mythical personality like al-Sijistani's Soul. The Falling Angel in the Isma'ili Myth has vanished in the highly philosophized cosmogony based on Farabi's system of the Ten Intellects.<br>In this paper I will examine al-Kirmani's theory of Intellect, comparing it with the philosophized Isma'ili Myth of al-Sijistani or Farabi's theory of Intellect, and consider the significance of his theory in the history of Isma'ilism. In conclusion, it will be shown that his system is the climax in the philosophization of Isma'ili doctrines since the 10th century.

著者

小淵 忠秋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.168-184, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

79

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.38-54, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

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To define the correlation of ‘treaty’ with ‘covenant’, the functions of the gods in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Sefire (Sf) are investigated from the religious-historical point of view. It is stated in stele IA lines 7-14 that this treaty was concluded in the Presence of the gods of the contracting parties and the names of the gods as witnesses are listed. In the first half of these lines (11. 7-10) the gods of KTK, an unknown city or territory, are enumerated in pairs, showing clearly the influence of the Babylonian pantheon. The construction of these lines suggests that the Babylonian culture exerted a remarkable influence on KTK. The latter part of the same enumeration lists the gods in Arpad as witnesses (11. 10-12). There both western semitic gods, such as Hadad, 'El and 'Elyon, and natural phenomena were worshipped. Unlike the former enumeration, there is no pair consisting of a god and his consort. To enumerate gods as witnesses in such a way was very prevalent in the Ancient Near Eastern traditions. In Sf natural phenomena were adored as well as gods, but in the OT phenomena listed were limited to only heaven and earth (e. g. Dt. 31:28 etc.). In addition, God appears as the witness to the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen. 31:50). These examples show that the function of the gods in Sf is similar to that of God in the OT. There was a traditional thought in Ancient Orient that the transgressors of the treaties were cursed and doomed to extinction by the treaty-gods. A similar type of curses appears in stele IA lines 14-35, in which Hadad plays quite an important role and most curses are closely related with his character as the storm-god. Furthermore, it was essential that the gods themselves conclude the treaty, which means, they were not only witnesses but also parties to the treaty. The following verbal usages are discussed in detail here: sym and nsr. Frequent appearances of the expression 'lhy ‘dy’ or ‘treaty-gods’ emphasize the inseparable connection of Sf with the OT and Ugaritic Literature. My final conclusion is: although there may be no direct borrowings on the part of the OT from Sf, the covenant thought in the OT and the treaty thought in Sf are closely related each other.

著者

杉 亜希子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.55-89, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Water was an essential life-giving element to the Ancient Egyptians, and this soon led them to associate the symbol of life, _??_, with water. An _??_-symbol in relation to water was iconographically exploited since it encompasses the concept of ‘gives life’ to a receiver: the pharaoh and/or the deceased, in particular, as an assurance of his/her present and perpetual life.In this article, the iconographic motifs of an _??_-symbol in relation to water in the New Kingdom will be categorized into three types: in the form of chained _??_-symbols; the ritual vessel in the shape of an _??_-symbol (so-called _??_-vessel); the personified _??_ holding a water basin (s) or a ritual vessel. Then the context which contains the _??_-motif related to water will be considered predominantly in respect of two fundamental mythological conceptions: solar revivification and Osirian resurrection. The _??_-symbol is represented in the context of solar creation, especially the bathing of the sun-god at sunrise and his movement through the heavens. Furthermore, in the Osirian context, the strong association of an _??_-symbol becomes obvious with the liquids flowing from (efflux) and into (influx) the body of Osiris, in the manifestation of whm-_??_ ‘that which repeats life/renewal of life’ in particular. This binary cosmic scheme of mythological concepts is interwoven into the transformation process from death to life, and that from present to mythic/cosmic reality.This study will demonstrate an iconographic mechanism within which _??_-motifs associated with the life-giving water were carefully and appropriately chosen in each case depending on the context as a device to create the magical reality of dj _??_ ‘giving life, ’ the substantial and repeatedly stressed formulaic message throughout the Phraohnic periods.

著者

河合 望

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.19-39, 2003

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In the <i>Topographical Bibiliography</i> by Porter and Moss, the tomb of Ramose (TT 46) is listed as probably belonging to &ldquo;the time of Amenhotep III (?)&rdquo;. This tomb was first recorded by John Gardner Wilkinson in the 19^th Century. On the basis of Wilkinson's manuscript, Helck gave some of Ramose's titles in <i>Urkunden</i> IV. Graefe later published a brief communication concerning Ramose's titles based on this limited information. In 1991 Bohleke assumed that Ramose's career and tomb should date to the reigns of Tutankhamun, Ay, and perhaps, the first year of Horemheb. Most recently, Kampp discussed tomb 46, mainly focusing on architecture. She dates TT 46 to the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, with Ramose as the usurper of a tomb originally constructed for someone from the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty.<br>As a part of my study on the reign of Tutankhamun, I had the opportunity to visit the tombs of officials active during the reigns of Tutankhamun and his successors from the late Eighteenth Dynasty in the Theban Necropolis. A certain Ramose who has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt is mentioned in the year 3 stela of King Ay from Giza. Since Ramose, the owner of TT 46, also has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, the tomb and the stela seem to refer to the same person, and thus the generally accepted date of Ramose's tomb seems to be questionable. During my study of TT 46, it became clear that this is a tomb from the post-Amarna period for the following reasons: 1. Ramose held the titles of the Steward of the temple of Aten as well as the High Priest of Amun in <i>Mn-st</i> at the same time. The names of Amun were not expunged at all but those of Aten were clearly chiseled out on the tomb walls. This strongly indicates the tomb was decorated after the Amarna period. 2. The artistic style also suggests that the tomb was decorated in the post-Amarna period. 3. A headless block statue of Ramose, Overseer of Double Granaries, may support this date. 4. Since it is known that Khaemhat was the Overseer of Granaries during the later part of the reign of Amenhotep III, Ramose could not have served as the Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt at that period.<br>Therefore, it is likely that Ramose served in the post-Amarna period, most probably under Tutankhamun as well as Ay, as the Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, Steward of the Temple of the Aten, and High Priest of Amun in <i>Mn-st</i>. If so, his titulary provides the first Theban evidence that the temple of Aten was still functioning even after the Amarna period, supplementing the contemporary evidence from the Memphite necropolis.

著者

河合 望

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.19-39, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

---

In the Topographical Bibiliography by Porter and Moss, the tomb of Ramose (TT 46) is listed as probably belonging to “the time of Amenhotep III (?)”. This tomb was first recorded by John Gardner Wilkinson in the 19th Century. On the basis of Wilkinson's manuscript, Helck gave some of Ramose's titles in Urkunden IV. Graefe later published a brief communication concerning Ramose's titles based on this limited information. In 1991 Bohleke assumed that Ramose's career and tomb should date to the reigns of Tutankhamun, Ay, and perhaps, the first year of Horemheb. Most recently, Kampp discussed tomb 46, mainly focusing on architecture. She dates TT 46 to the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, with Ramose as the usurper of a tomb originally constructed for someone from the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty.As a part of my study on the reign of Tutankhamun, I had the opportunity to visit the tombs of officials active during the reigns of Tutankhamun and his successors from the late Eighteenth Dynasty in the Theban Necropolis. A certain Ramose who has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt is mentioned in the year 3 stela of King Ay from Giza. Since Ramose, the owner of TT 46, also has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, the tomb and the stela seem to refer to the same person, and thus the generally accepted date of Ramose's tomb seems to be questionable. During my study of TT 46, it became clear that this is a tomb from the post-Amarna period for the following reasons: 1. Ramose held the titles of the Steward of the temple of Aten as well as the High Priest of Amun in Mn-st at the same time. The names of Amun were not expunged at all but those of Aten were clearly chiseled out on the tomb walls. This strongly indicates the tomb was decorated after the Amarna period. 2. The artistic style also suggests that the tomb was decorated in the post-Amarna period. 3. A headless block statue of Ramose, Overseer of Double Granaries, may support this date. 4. Since it is known that Khaemhat was the Overseer of Granaries during the later part of the reign of Amenhotep III, Ramose could not have served as the Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt at that period.Therefore, it is likely that Ramose served in the post-Amarna period, most probably under Tutankhamun as well as Ay, as the Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, Steward of the Temple of the Aten, and High Priest of Amun in Mn-st. If so, his titulary provides the first Theban evidence that the temple of Aten was still functioning even after the Amarna period, supplementing the contemporary evidence from the Memphite necropolis.

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.127-139, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

尾崎 貴久子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.170-183, 2016-03-31 (Released:2019-04-01)

参考文献数

53

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This article investigates the use of cereal barley (hordeum vulgare) in Islamic society between the 9th and 15th centuries. Among barley products, barley bread, boiled barley water, barley porridge, and parched barley are attested in dietetic works (both cuisine and medicine), agricultural manuals, works of literature, and so forth.   Works of adab literature and the sole extant agriculture manual from the period (10th c.) show that between the 9th and 12th centuries, barley bread was the staple food of the peasantry and that barley was deemed the cereal most suitable to the peasants' nutritional needs.   Among the many references to food in the hadith, both barley bread and barley porridge are mentioned as dishes enjoyed daily by the Prophet and his followers.   The dietetic sources treat barley as a medicament for cooling the body. On the other hand, in the sole extant book of cooking recipes from the period (10th c.), barley does not appear except as the main ingredient of barley water. While barley continued to be prescribed for medicinal purposes, the members of the Abbasid court and the urban elite apparently did not consider it an important ingredient of their food.   Sources from the 13th century on describe barely products being used in urban society under such conditions as hot weather, outbreaks of plague, or high fever. They show in particular that barley water was a daily household necessity for urban dwellers.   The spread of the consumption of barley water and other barley products in the urban society from the 13th century on reflects the incessant outbreaks of famine and plague that cities in the Islamic society were suffering at that time.

著者

小川 英雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.19-32,iii, 1962-03-31 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The social and economic development of the Nabataean Kingdom was one of the most remarkable facts in the Hellenistic Near East, whose influence, direct or indirect, would be found especially in the amazing diffusion of Oriental merchants and ideas in the Roman Empire, and, on the other hand, the process of sedentarization illustrates a pattern of the progress of the ancient society, which is also useful for sociological studies.In my former article which appeared in the “Shigaku” (Journal of the Mita Historical Society, 33), I studied the birth of the flourishing kingdom from a tribal community in which they originally led a nomadic life, and asserted that its development was mainly due to its accustomed caravan trade. And the present paper treats the economic aspect of the kingdom in relation to its commercial activities and systems, and confirms that agriculture and cattle breeding were just a secondary cause of its prosperity.

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.160-163, 2004-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

森 茂男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.108-122, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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As is known well, the theme of Bistun inscription is the justification of the kingship Darius I the Great obtained, but the structure upon which his narration is based seems, in spite of the importance, to have never been discussed sufficiently. It is, I consider, shown as the following chain of ‘motifemes’;‹Affirmative Situation I›: ‹Occurrence of Negative S.›: ‹Negative S.›: ‹Previous Anouncement›: ‹Battle›: ‹Affirmative S. II›.The structure is identified with that of epical tales found out frequently in the Shahnama of Firdausi, the theme of which is the change of kingships from a previous king to a new one (ex. Faridun, Ardasir, Manucihr and so on). This also means that the tale structure owened in common with some epical tales limits and constructs the narration of Bistun inscription. This conclusion may throw some light on the problem if Darius is a usurper or not.

著者

森本 公誠

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.85-110,204, 1976

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One of the most important institutions characterizing the early Caliphate was the system of <i>diwan</i> set up by 'Umar I. It had two aspects, i. e., one as a system of collecting taxes from the conquered peoples, and the other as that of distributing them, as pensions, to the Arabs. The latter is noteworthy because this system had influence not only on the Arab community but on the political, military and judical institutions in the Arab empire. In spite of this importance of the system, only the <i>diwan</i> of Medina established by 'Umar I has by now been examined and introduced to the scholarly world, no studies of those of the garrison towns (<i>amsar</i>) being available, except the case of Basra. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to shed light on the contents of diwiins which functioned as Arab rosters in Egypt, clarifying that they form the basic material of studies of the system of registration and pensions in the early Islamic Period. The first <i>diwan</i> of Egypt, including the names of 12, 300 to 15, 000 fighting men, was drawn up in A. H. 21, immediately after the Conquest. It is perceptible that three principles were adopted on the occasion of the registration: (1) to preserve the existing tribal groups as much as possible, (2) to reorganize tribes so that each group consists of a definite number of persons, and (3) to treat preferentially persons who contributed toward the expansion of Islam. As regards the second <i>diwan</i> drawn up by the governor 'Abd al-`Aziz b. Marwan, we have an important Greek papyrus from which we can infer the content of the <i>diwan</i>. This papyrus raises and answers many historical problems. For instance, the conclusion may be derived that unlike the common opinion of scholars, the use of Greek as official language before A. H. 87, when the Arab authority abolished it, was not restricted to the financial operations, but adopted for the registration of Arabs and the payment of pensions to them. Even if we admit that once the first <i>diwan</i> was drawn up in Arabic, it will not affect the above said conclusion.

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.121-135, 1995 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

梅田 輝世

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.59-80,145, 1974-09-15 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the first half of the 12th century, the Fâtimid dynasty in Egypt hastily changed her course on the decline through the domestic discords and the invasion of the crusades, but we have few historical materials on that period and it is not elucidated sufficiently yet.Usâma ibn Munqidh (1095-1188) was an eminent warrior and man of letters, paticularly a poet, keeping friendly relations with Caliphs, Wazîrs, Amîrs and Francs in Syria, Egypt in those days. His memoirs, kitâb al-I'tibâr, give us valuable sources in elucidating this age.By his memoirs, we can see many phases of Arabic society itself and those of military and cultual contacts between the Islamic world and Europe in those days, such as the living forms of Syrian amîrs and their civic life including hawking and methods of medical treatment, various forms of war and diplomacy, and the hasty changes of conflicting interests at home and abroad among Arabic powers, Frankish powers and the Byzantine empire.

著者

西山 愛美

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.149-155, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)