著者

医王 秀行

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.20-37, 1998

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In the Jahiliya Period, a pilgrimage festival with an annual market was held at a convenient season of the year. Observing the difference between the lunar and the solar year, they intercalated a month every several years. It has been said that this system was taken from the Jews. The Banu Kinana were charged with <i>Nasi'</i> (intercalation) and adjusted the calendar.<br>Abraha, who invaded Makka in the Year of the Elephant, aimed to divert the Arab pilgrimage to the church he himself had constructed in Yemen. But there were strong protests against his plan, particularly by the Kinanite who controlled the order of the Arab pilgrimage cycle in the Arabian peninsula.<br>According to their calendar, in a normal year, the first two months after Dhu 'l-Hijja were Safar I and Safar II, and in a leap year, the intercalary month, al-Muharram, came first, followed by Safar I and Safar II. Safar I in a normal year and al-Muharram both belonged to the sacred months, so that the safety of the pilgrims moving to another sanctuary was guaranteed. Therefore, in a leap year and a normal year, there were four sacred months.<br>Though this was exceptional, they postponed the sanctity of a month when the markets were invaded, or war broke out between Arab tribes, and so the festival could not be held as normal. Mainly the Kinanite took part in the war of Fijar which occurred near the 'Ukaz market for several years. Therefore, it was likely that the sacred month was postponed exceptionally.

著者

松島 英子

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.96-112, 1990

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A divine statue played a very important role in the religion of the ancient Mesopotamia. It was considered to be a vividly realistic sacred being, god of a very real sense. It was actually fed and clothed. In the first millenia B. C., the statue was made with wooden materials, I believe, according to some evidences. Then, what were the materials of the divine statues in both the second and the third millenium? Some certain year names of the period of the 3rd dynastie of Ur, Isin, Larsa and the Ist dynasty of Babylon suggest that small copper or bronze made divine statues were dedicated by the kings of those days in the temples there. Certain texts of economic concern of the Ur III period also tell us about the manufacture of the statues with copper or bronze materials. Though the numbers have still been few, lists of divine clothings and jewelries of the Ur III period, mainly of the old Babylonian period and thereafter, have also revealed to us. As I think that a large and wodden-made statue should also have required to wear clothings and jewelries, I am inclined to assume that wooden statues came to apear about this period.

著者

竹内 茂夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.105-118, 2009-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

37

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This paper aims to re-examine three Hebrew words in the Hebrew Bible which are usually translated as “flute” or “pipe”. First, ‘ûgāb (attested four times in the Hebrew Bible and once in 11QPsa/11Q5), could in fact refer to a chordophone rather than to an aerophone, since in the Septuagint it is rendered as κιθαρα “lyre, harp” on one occasion, whilst it occurs twice as οργανον “tool” and a further two time as ψαλμος “song (sung to the harp), psalm” In addition, words clearly referring to chordophones such as kinnôr “lyre” or minnîm “stringed instruments” are always found paired with ‘ûgāb. Secondly, nəḥîlôt (attested once) occurs as ’el-hannəḥîlôt with the preposition ’el- “to (ward)” and the definite article haC-. Is is said that its meaning is “difficult” or “uncertain”. Even so, it has been translated as “flute” from the supposed Hebrew root ḥ-l-l like ḥālîl or as “inheritance” from the n-ḥ-l found in the Septuagint. Although the meaning of nəḥîlôt itself remains open to question, ’el-hannəḥîlôt as a whole may refer to the incipit of an unknown tune. Thirdly, ḥālîl (attested five times) is translated as αυλος “double-pipe” in the Septuagint. This meaning is quite plausible as there are archaeological evidence of existence of the double-pipe in the Syria-Palestine area. It is not unlikely that the fairly modest number of attestations of words referring to ‘flute’ or ‘pipe’, (less than 10 in the Hebrew Bible) is due to the fact that such words are easily associated with erotic or intoxicating objects, rather than with musical instruments such as these were known in Egypt and Greece.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.87-103, 2001

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Within the various theoretical perspectives of Islam, the issue of legitimacy of rule has traditionally been dealt with most notably as that of legitimate ruler. This apparently holds true in the both cases of the theory of the Sunni caliphate, and that of the Shi'ite infallible Imamate. The contemporary debate in the Islamic Republic of Iran over the differing perspectives on the sources of legitimacy of the rule of the jurist (<i>wilayat-i faqih</i>), on which I have previously published an article in this journal, was no exception.<br>In this article, I will further consider the question of legitimacy in Islamic rule by examining the contemporary debate in the Islamic Republic of Iran with the following steps. First, I will start the examination with bearing the following question in mind, that is, is it still convincingly arguable that the issue of legitimacy of rule in an Islamic regime can be adequately dealt with by considering who is the legitimate ruler, even after the establishment of an regime called &ldquo;Islamic republic&rdquo; in Iran? Second, I will attempt to enlarge the scope of the investigation by examining two articles written by Sa'id Hajjarian (b. 1954), a leading non-clerical theoretician of Iran today.<br>After carefully reading the two articles published in <i>Rahbord</i> and '<i>Asr-e Ma</i>, respectively, I will preliminarily conclude that with the establishment of the Islamic Republic, a new perspective on the issue of legitimacy of rule in Islam, that is, the issue of the legitimacy of the <i>regime</i> has been successfully brought into the debate, and that very interestingly, this normative concept concerning the nature of the regime takes a logical precedence over the legitimacy of the ruler in the argument of Sa'id Hajjarian. The article ends with a note that in a future examination, I intend to further critically examine the so-called <i>intikhabi</i> perspective of the legitimacy of the <i>wilayat-i faqih</i> system in light of the expanded debate on the issue.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.61-79, 1999

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<i>Wilayat-i Faqih</i> (henceforth, <i>WF</i>) as a doctrine justifying the rulership of a <i>faqih</i> was developed almost single-handedly by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989) during his exile in Najaf. This doctrine constituted the core of his revolutionary call for the establishment of an Islamic polity by the clerics. After the victory of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the adoption of a constitution incorporating the doctrine of <i>WF</i>, the claim that a <i>faqih</i> as &ldquo;<i>wali-yi amr</i>&rdquo; has the God-given right to rule the society and that the people must give obedience to him became a matter of real-world significance. This led not only to the heightened efforts to promote the doctrine but also to further theorization and the resultant different interpretations.<br>The key question then became: by whose sanction is the <i>faqih</i> entitled to such commanding authority? On this question (which is technically called the issue of <i>mansha'-i mashru'iyat-i WF</i>), two opposing views were developed among the disciple-followers of Imam Khomeini. They were the <i>intisabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-yi bila-wasitah</i>) view on the one hand, and the <i>intikhabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-mardumi</i>) one on the other, and it was the former that has prevailed.<br>The purpose of this article is two-fold: first to examine the original doctrine of <i>WF</i> as advocated by Ayatollah Khomeini in Najaf in the early years of the 1970s; then to examine the two opposing views &mdash;-<i>intisabi</i> and <i>intikhabi</i>&mdash; on the source of the legitimacy of <i>WF</i> which were developed in Iran after the establishment of the Islamic Republic there. The article ends with some comparison and critical analysis of the two views.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.186-190, 2000

著者

糸賀 昌昭

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1, pp.129-147,177, 1969

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Iraq or ancient Mesopotamia is one of the richest treasuries of archaeology. From eighteenth century, inspiring by the Bible or religious faith many Europeans visited here and remained their account of the trip. It is, however, from 1899 of R. Koldeway's excavation of Babylon that a comprehensive and scientific archaeological survey begun to start. Since mid-twenties century there were continuously remarkable excavations held by many famous foreign archaeologists.<br>After independence of the kingdom of Iraq, there brought up several Iraqi archaeologists. During the World War II, these young archaeologists carried out the surveys of some sites on their own country. Tell Uquir, Deir, Aqar Quf, Hassuna are their brilliant achievements.<br>Survey of Tell as-Sawwan, &ldquo;Mound of the Flints&rdquo;, is one of the most important excavations recently held in Iraq. The site is located some ten kilometers south of Samarra on the eastern bank of the middle Tigris river. The site was first noted by Ernest Herzfeld in 1911. Operations carried out five seasons by Behnam Abu as-Soof and others under the auspices of Directerate General of Antiquity since 1964 and not finished until now.<br>There were five main building-levels and these were numbers I-V from the top downwards. The special feature identified on the site consists of an artificial ditch cut into the natural conglomerate underlying the mound, forming three sides of a square round the eastern side of mound B. It may be regarded of an early defensive system. The pottery is classified 1) coarse ware 2) semi-corase ware 3) fine ware 4) incised, painted, incised-painted ware. Top two levels belong to Samarran type and levels IV and V are Hassunan type. In level III the incised Hassuna ware becomes very popular, but this phase is transitional pierod from Hassuna to Samarra pottery. The most remarkable objects were &lsquo;mother-goddess&rsquo; statuettes made of clay or creamy alabaster, using clearly as cult objects.<br>The significance of Tell as-Sawwan are as follows: 1) in view of Tell as-Sawwan's geographical position, there was a reasonable prospect of cultural contacts between northern and southern Iraq during the sixth millennium B. C. 2) The pottery discovered on the site corresponds fairly closely to the standard Hassuna-Samarra repetoire which is known from Hassuna itself, and the mixture in levels III and II showed that Hassunan type gradually replaced Samarran type without cultural interruption. This also indicates there was no abrupt change of population in the area during this period.<br>As excavation has not finished, it is impossible to describe full account of this site. But it may provide answers to several important problems of Mesopotamian prehistory after excavation finishes.

著者

後藤 晃

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.59-77, 1980

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The <i>hijra</i>, the starting point of the Islamic state as well as of its calender, has been investigated in detail by modern scholars. Most of investigations, however, tend to center on migrators but a few on acceptors. Even the works of W. M. Watt, being very excellent and exact, want a vivid expression of the dynamic development of Islam in the Medinan society during a few years around the Muhammad's <i>hijra</i>.<br>Twelve, the number of the participants of the first 'Aqaba in the year of 621, 75, the participants of the second 'Aqaba in 622, and then 238, the participants of the battle of Badr in 624, might be near to the total number of the Medinan believers at each stage of times. These figures show the steady development of Islam in the society. Even the participants of the battle, however, might share less than ten percent of the male adult populations of Medina. None of twelve leaders, elected by Muhammd at the time of the, second 'Aqaba, were a political-military leader of any clan or sub-clan during the civil wars in the pre-Islamic time. It should be noted that the movement for Islam in Medina before the <i>hijra</i>, was organized by not so influencial persons and it covered only a few percent of the total population of the society.<br>The movement had a solid political goal, that was to stop the civil wars and to unite the society into one. Most of the persons who did not recognize Muhammad as a prophet and who were not converted, backed this goal and then, the movement became the main political current of the society. Sa'd b. Mu'adh, one of the strong leaders of the civil wars, was converted and supported the movement. 'Amr b. al-Jamuh, also an influencial leader, taking an indifferent attitude to the movement at first, became a supporter of this by the persuasions of his sons and grandsons. Abu Qays b. al-Aslat, a monk and another strong leader of the civil wars, offered oppositions to the movement. He might be a big obstacle to the progress of the movement, but died ten month after the Muhammad's <i>hijra</i>. Ibn Ubayy, being the most influencial man in Medina after the death of the two supreme commanders of the civil wars, did not become a supporter nor a opponant to the movement. Thus, believers could represent the whole society and concluded the treaty of peace, which should be the first part of the Constitution of Medina.

著者

相馬 隆

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.73-96,A161, 1972 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In contrast to the wide-scaled cargoships, skin floats or boats in the ancient times were undoubtedly the most convenient means of transportation invented more than likely to suit chiefly the purpose of crossing relatively small streams and rivers.Air was blown into the skin bags with the bundles of straws so that they would not give way and loose shapes half way in the river at the time of crossing by some careless and unexpected mischiefs. Boats must have been paddled either by wooden paddles or one's own hands.With the animal-skin boats most rampantly utilized in the orient, as a means of most accessible and handy transportation system, slowly but surely the custom spread out into such areas as Asia Minor, Central Asia and China environ.

著者

吉田 豊

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.199-200, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

角田 文衛

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3-4, pp.17-30,139, 1964 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Orient, here mentioned, means the Middle East. The history of the Orient from the 6th century B. C. to the 6th century A. D., has hitherto been studied and systematized from the standpoint too greco-roman or hellenistic. How much cultural intercourse may had been taken place with the greco-roman world, we can still recognize the existence of the independent classical culture of the Orient which stands apart from the greco-roman classical culture. This independent culture should be appreciated conformably as that of the Oriental cultural area, and only by this means the Oriental history from the ancient times to the modern times through middle ages will be understood adequately, and its fresh systematization will also be possible.

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.1, pp.100-104, 1964-08-15 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

メリキシビリ ゲ・ア 渡辺 金一 松木 栄三

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.3-4, pp.49-79, 1967 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

岡田 真弓

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.138-158, 2009

被引用文献数

1

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This article examines how Christian archaeological sites have been excavated, preserved and exhibited in Israel.<br>&emsp;It has been pointed out that the archaeological research and preservation in the Near East have been affected by ethnic, religious and political ideologies in this area: Especially in Israel, archaeology has been used to highlight the idea that this area has been the land of the Israeli from ancient times. Thus, conservation and exhibition of site has also concentrated on Jewish sites. However, it is not clear how non-Jewish archaeological sites, such as Christian and Muslim ones, have been treated in the modern Israeli society.<br>&emsp;Therefore, this article describes how non-Jewish archaeological sites have been dealt with by examining the archaeological practices at Christian sites, especially those of ancient churches.<br>&emsp;Two organizations, the National Park Authority and the Franciscan Order are dealt with in this article. The analysis suggests that the ancient churches in the national parks are preserved as a whole and exhibited as the one of the buildings in the city, whereas, the Franciscan Order keeps them below the modern church buildings and shows them through a window. There are cased where the remains of the ancient churches are mostly covered with marbles or incorporated into new buildings. This difference is due to not only to the difference between the churches build for local congregations, which tends to be found in the national parks and the commemorative churches which tends to be found in the Franciscan properties, but also due to the custodian's sense of value of the church sites. National Park Authority exhibits church remains as the one of the elements of the ancient city or the cultural heritage which reflects a certain period of Israel's history: the Franciscan Order preserves them as the religious sites to show the historical continuity of faith. These results indicate the fact that several approaches exist for examining, preserving and exhibiting the ancient churches. This fact plays a role of balancing the multiple viewpoints to the archaeological remains.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.41-57, 1980 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Ka'ba of Mecca and that of Naqš-e Rostam have several common features. Both have the dark rooms. The floors of them are on the protruded blocks of rock above the ground. The protrusions are the navels of the earth, i. e. the omphaloi.The Iranian House of Origin and the Arabian First House were the centers of the universe from which creatures were produced.There were a lot of monuments of the same principle as that of the Ka'ba in the Far East. They were also used as places of the rites de passage while people entered dark rooms of high floors and came out to get reanimated. The Emperor of Japan used to make the everyday toilet ceremony on the omphalos in his own palace.

著者

森 茂男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.186-194, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小淵 忠秋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.168-184, 1987

著者

臼杵 陽

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.67-82, 1993

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The aim of the article is to survey Jewish immigration to Palestine (Aliya) from Yemen, Yemenite settlement in Silwan near the old city of Jerusalem, and their separation from the Sephardi rabbinate in Jerusalem. The article relies upon recent studies on this subject written in Hebrew.<br>The first mass Aliya of Yemenites in 1882 (called <i>'Aliyat Tarmab</i> according to the Jewish calendar), which was coincident with Bilu's Aliya, that is, the first Zionist Aliya, has been ignored in Zionist's historiography. Recently academic endeavors have been made to explore early history of Yemenites in Jerusalem before World War I, as well as <i>Old Yishuv</i> in general.<br>Yemenites immigrated to the Holy Land, motivated mainly by the messianic aspirations, but found themselves disappointed in difficult situations in Jerusalem. Most of them remained too poor to find their accommodations. Israel Frumkin (1850-1914), editor of <i>ha-Vatzelet</i>, the second Hebrew magazine in Palestine, gave assistance to poor Yemenite immigrants so as to settle them in an Arab village, Silwan (Shiloah in Jewish history), which had been the main community center of Yemenites until the Arab Revolt of 1936.<br>When Yemenites immigrated, they were under the patronage of the Sephardi rabbinate which was recognized as the sole Jewish representative, <i>millet</i>, in Jerusalem by the Ottoman authorities. But later they differed with the Sephardi rabbinate on problems such as Haluka (charitable funds from abroad to Palestine) and Balad Askari (Tax for exemption from conscription), finally to separate as <i>de facto</i> independent <i>kolel</i> (a Jewish community in Palestine from a particularcountry or town) from the Sephardi rabbinate in 1908.

著者

中田 考

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.79-95, 1995

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Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his <i>Tawhid</i> propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.<br>In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of <i>Tawhid</i>, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.<br>Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of <i>Tawhid</i> in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by <i>jihad</i>, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.<br>With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.<br>Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard <i>jihad</i> as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.<br>The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.

著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.121-136, 1994

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Kemalpasazade (1468-1534) was born in a military family, but afterwards changed over to the <i>Ulema</i>. He served in Bayezid II, Selim I and S&uuml;leyman the Magnificent, and was promoted to the <i>Seyh&uuml;lisl&acirc;m</i>, the highest rank of the Ulema. His chronicle in the fluent and elegant Ottoman-Turkish style, <i>Tev&acirc;r&icirc;h-i &Acirc;l-i Osm&acirc;n</i> was composed in the form that each volume (<i>defter</i>) was assigned for one of the Ottoman sultans, and 8 volumes for the reigns from Osman I to Bayezid II were dedicated to Bayezid II in 916/1510-11. After that by the request of S&uuml;leyman, 2 volumes for Selim and S&uuml;leyman were added, and thus the so-called <i>&ldquo;Kemalpasazade Tarihi&rdquo;</i> came into existence in 10 volumes. This work, however, was not appreciated in those days and forgotten by the later Ottoman chroniclers. Since in the latter half of this century Prof. Dr. Serafettin Turan published <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 1, 2 and 7, the importance of this work has been gradually appreciated.<br>This paper deals with <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 4 for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid (1389-1403), which still remains a manuscript. The contents and the order of description of this work is fundamentally based on Nesr&icirc;'s <i>Kitab-i Cihan-n&uuml;m&acirc;</i>, and also made use of the chronicles in the early ages of the Ottoman Empire, Oruc b. &Acirc;dil's and the anonymous Tev&acirc;r&icirc;h-i &Acirc;l-i Osm&acirc;n, etc. On the other hand, however, <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 4 contains much information of its own, which the above-mentioned works do not, and in this point we can say that this work has the great value as historical source. It fully describes the important events, for example, of the murder of Kadi Burhaneddin, the ruler of Sivas, by Kara Y&uuml;l&uuml;k Osman, the founder of the Aqqoyunlu Empire, and of the refuge of Aqtav, the influential <i>amir</i> of the Golden Horde, to the Ottoman Empire. And also there are valuable accounts for the activities of Bayezid's son Ertugrul and the generals of the marches (<i>uc beyi</i>).<br>From now on, if we make use of these accounts which did not come down to the later historical works, carrying out a further examination of them and confirming their reliableness, it has no doubt that <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 4 is the essential source as well as Aslkpasazade, Nesr&icirc; and so on, for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid, the important age for the development of the Ottoman Empire.