著者
山本 健児
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, no.4, pp.334-351, 1981-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
102
被引用文献数
2 1
著者
山本 茂
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.6, pp.529-553, 1988
被引用文献数
1

The aim of this paper is to discuss the relations of spatial inequality in really existing socialism through critical reconsideration of the previous literature, and to propose some alternative ideas to elabotate the problem.Three approaches were adopted in the present study: First of all, the theoretical aspects of the problem are discussed. Secondly, through analysing the changing regional policies in postwar socialist Poland, the author attempts to make clear whether there existed efficient and consistent regional policies to eliminate the spatial disparities in Poland. Third, the actual conditions of the regional disparities are measured and escribed in the later section of this paper. Finally, the author presents his interpretations on the inequalities under socialism in a spatial context, and proposes to introduce some alternative ideas in order to elaborate the previous discussions on this theme.Regional equality under socialism is defined by saying that every individual in society has to have equal access to economic, social and cultural opportunities, including spatially equal access, within the social, occupational and ethnic groups.Fuchs, R. J. & Demko, G. J.'s paper, focusing on the spatial equality problems under existing socialism, started their discussions from the firm faith that socialism is incompatible with spatial inequality and that regional policies should eliminate regional disparities. Many scholars considered different aspects of this problem using this premise. This common view in recent studies is the object of criticism by the author of this paper, because the ideological bases for equalization are so vague and indefinite and no one has justified the theoretical commitment to the elimination of spatial inequality.Endowments of nature are in themselves an incidential result, and natural resources, land conditions and potentials for development and so on are arbitrarily and unevenly distributed on the earth. As it is still impossible to overcome the factor of economic distance in economic development, under present conditions of economic development, the geographical distribution of economic processes should be uneven for the further development of economy.The spatial structure of national economy in really existing socialism is indeed geographically uneven, and it has a reasonable foundation.Regional policies in socialist Poland have been a part of comprehensive national development strategies. However, they have been inconsistent, and not strong enough to eliminate the regional inequalities, because the principle of economic efficiency was given priority over the principle of regional equality through the process of economic development in the postwar period.According to the Polish experience, the regional disproportions have been firmly diminishing, but the velocity of diminishing regional disparities has been slow and weak under the socialist regional policies. A long range persistence of spatial inequalities has been revealed in spite of the socialist regional policies.The author measured the degree of spatial inequalities in Poland on the basis of official data (Tab. 1, Tab. 3). The exisitence of regional disparities in economic indicators was clarified, and regional differences of economic development reflected on regional resources allocation, location of population and urban centers, exisiting regional structure and so on. However, equalization in living conditions and other social indicators was rather evident. The most important element was the fact that an historical trend of spatial equalization could be clearly observed (Fig. 4, Fig. 5).Three aspects of the spatial inequality problems were examined. As a result, it seems impossible to eliminate spatial inequality in the economic or production context in any social system. Spatial equalization in social processes were however much stronger in Poland.
著者
岡本 耕平
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.1, pp.23-42, 1998
被引用文献数
2 4

Behavioral geography, which started in the 1960s, had lost its impetus on account of internal division and various criticism from radicals and humanists in geography after about 1980. Because of its perceived lack of social relevance at a time when social issues had become the major focus of human geography, behavioral research was often relegated to a minor role within the discipline.Behavioral geography, however, has revitalized since 1990. This stems from two sources: the theoretical pluralism in post-modern geography and interdisciplinary studies with psychology, cognitive science, and GIS.This paper has three purposes. First, it outlines a history of behavioral geography and describes its revitalization in the 1990s. Second, the geographical studies on cognitive map and cognitive mapping, which has been the most important research theme in behavioral geography, are critically examined. Third, this paper pursues the future development of behavioral geography surveying the new ideas in recent psychology and examining the raison d'être of cognitive studies in human geography.In discussion, this paper makes the following pleas. 1) Behavioral studies in geography should look hard at routinized non-awareness activities in our daily lives in societal and cultural context. 2) The focus of the study should be on 'behavior in space', not on'spatial behavior', 3) The study on 'vista' will bring fertile perspectives to behavioral geography. 4) Behavioral geographers should notice that human spatial knowledge has various aspects.
著者
池口 明子
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.6, pp.574-589, 2001-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
45
被引用文献数
2 3

This study aims to examine the environmental adaptation of diving fishery groups with special attention to individual differences in fishing ground use.In Wagu, a diving fishery is operated mainly around small islands and rocky reefs located about 2km offshore. Five types of abalone, a turban shell, a topshell and some other less-economically valued organisms are the target species. The divers (Ama) have three different types of operation: an individual operation (Hamako), an operation undertaken by by one diver and one operator who are primarily kin (Funedo), and an operation involving several divers and one boat operator (Kachido). Since the latter is becoming the predominant operational type, an analysis of Kachido's activity space is therefore crucial to an examination of the relationship between operation types and the fishing ground environment in Wagu.The fishing grounds are divided into categories in relation to the abalone habitat. The largest is Iso, which consists of rocky bottom habitats identified by a specific name. In each Iso, there are small areas called Shima. These are dimensional but also topographical categories of the fishing ground. The selection of Shima is performed by individual Ama for all operational types, while that of Iso is performed differently. For Kachido, the boat operator recognizes available Iso for the day's operation in relation to the tidal current, water depth, and the Ama's diving ability.In the practice of Kachido, the behavioral patterns of individual Ama are variable. Abalone collecting is most profitable, but the physical ability of older Ama to collect these shellfish is constrained. Instead, these Ama are able to collect turban shells and topshells in the course of searching for Shima, or when brought to shallower Iso by the boat operator. Ama with experience in recognizing Shima may collect more abalone than other Ama, however. It can be seen from these behaviors that fishing grounds recognized by the boat operator or Ama result in variability in shellfish collecting activities by individual Ama.From the analysis, two significant characteristics of fishing ground use for Kachido operation are identified. The first is the recognition by the boat operator of the relationship between topography and tidal currents for the selection of Iso. The second is the use of different resources by Ama of variable age and experience that are adaptive to biophysical diversity within Iso.
著者
土井 喜久一
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.5, pp.485-502, 1970
被引用文献数
4 6

In his ingenious papers (footnote 1 to 4), John C. Weaver has not only contributed much to the advancement of the agricultural geography of American Middle West, but also presented to geographers in general an important method of the analysis of percentage distributions, namely the method of combination analysis. However, it should have been noted that, although his method was almost perfect for his study area where, thanks to the crop rotation, near-equal share of cropland percentages among major crops was the rule, his method is not always so effective if applied to other types of percentage sequences. Therefore, while many geographers of other countries adopted his method in the research of their particular subjects (footnote 5-8), some of them modified it to correct its most serious deficiency, i.e., its tendency to give "fragmented combinations" that include quite many elments with large as well as very small percentages.The writer is one of those modifiers and has demonstrated in an earlier paper (footnote 12, 13) that his modified method is superior to the original one in that (1) it prevents the fragmentation and produces combinations with the same or fewer number of elements, and (2) it saves much calculating work by the use of a table of critical percentage values instead of squares and divisions of percentages.In this paper the writer re-examines the original method to find the cause of the fragmented combinations resulting from the successive decrease, with the increase of the number of elements, of the variances used by Weaver (Weaver's variance).Weaver's variance can be divided into two parts, both being non-negative: (a) true variance or squared standard deviation, and (b) the correction term, i.e., the square of the difference between mean and the theoretical norm. Because the correction term always decreases with the increase of the number of the elements in the combination, either successive increase of the standard deviation (as in the case of Ionia County in Table 1) or the existence of a distinctive maximum of the standard deviation is the necessary condition for the occurrence of a minimum of Weaver's variance which determines the combination. Analysis of the percentage sequences incorporating various mathematical progressions has shown that only arithmetic and cosine progrssions show succesive increase of standard deviation. While these two progressions are represented in a semilogarithmic graph by convex curves, other types of progressions have very weak or no maximum of standard deviation and some of them are shown as straight lines and others, as concave curves (Fig. 1).Actual sequences of percentages have, of coutse, no such mathematical regularity, but plotting them on a semi-logarithmic graph may suggest the existence or non-existence of a minimum of standard deviation. However, convexity of the semi-logarithmic curve is only one condition for the existence of a minimum of Weaver's variance, and another condition is the sizes of the percentages of the first to, say, third ranking elements. If they, or the first of them, are large enough, Weaver's variances will show a minimum at the first, second, or the third element. Formula (II-1), another expression of Weaver's variance, leads to the condition of the occurrence of one-element combination, Formula (II-2). Solution of this formula is shown as the area I in Fig. 2 A, which also shows the ranges of percentages of the first and the second ranking elements of the two- or more-element combinations (II, II-III-, III-).Some geographers criticised Weaver's standard norm, an exactly equal division of 100% by the number of elements. Of course, other norms such as 50, 25, 25%, or 40, 20, 20, 10, 10% or even a mathematical progression are feasible, but the multiplicity of these norms and the subjectivity in selecting one from these render the merit of these alternative norms doubtful.
著者
水内 俊雄
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.5, pp.438-455, 1985
被引用文献数
1 4

Japanese cities are generally characterized as residentially homogeneous. This homogeneity is primarily preserved by ethnic singularity in Japan. A few studies postulate the existence of residential segregation in Japanese cities by differences in economic and social status. This is true in some cities strongly influenced by Japanese pre-war industrialization such as Osaka and Kobe. A previous paper by the author has already pointed out three residentially segregated areas in Osaka before 1945, and assumed the existence of a concentric residential structure. But it is recognized that differences in ethnicity and religion strongly affect residential location and form tight residential structures. Because of the lack of this ethnic pluralism in Japan, the study of Japanese residential segregation has not produced fruitful results. But ethnic pluralism was clearly observed in several pre-war Japanese colonial cities. In addition, a great deal of material and information written in Japanesei s available for such cities. Regrettably, the study of pre-war Japanese colonial cities is still at the primitive stage and of course an analytical framework is hardly developed.Before 1945, Japan ruled many colonial cities. In some cities, Japanese authority was powerfully committed and altered the native urban administrative system. Dalian had at first been constructed by the Russians in 1899 and five years later was occupied by the Japanese. Unlike other Japanese colonial cities, Dalian was newly constructed on virgin land and its city form was more rigidly planned. At the end of World War II, nearly two hundred thousand Japanese lived there, 28% of the total population of Dalian. In 1940, there were eleven colonial cities whose share of foreigners were over the highest rate in Japan proper (the 13.1% of Osaka). Dalian was ranked third in percentage and ranked second in total numbers of foreign population next to Mukden. (The author lays stress on the very rapid urban population increase, ethnic-biased employment structure and male-female ratio).Three major issues stand out in colonial cities such as Dalian. First, unlike Japanese cities, urban management and planning were carried out more extensively by the central government than the local one. For example, the sphere of municipal authority in Dalian was well restricted by the central government and did not reach the level of that in Japan until the extension of civic responsibility in 1937. Instead, the South Manchurian Railway Company had greater charge of constructing urban infrastructure, acting together with the central government, and these two big powers directly administering city affairs made Dalian a forerunner in town planning especially.Second, Dalian concurrently possessed the following features of urban construction prevalent in the latter part of the nineteenth century: a well executed baroque style of town landscaping by the Russians, a suburban residential district for the Japanese middle class, housing estates for factory workers, and a grid pattern originally developed by the staff of the South Manchurian Railway Company.This kind of town landscaping, however, never fails to give rise to enforcement of acts that determine discriminative residential segregation. This is the third issue. In the process of this enforcement, the following principle was in force: that a residential ethnic zone should have boundaries which constitute barriers of a kind preventing or discouraging contact between ethnic groups and should be an ethnically homogeneous community. In fact, a small ridge running south to north was chosen to divide the Chinese residential area to the west from the foreigners' area to the east. A gentle slope up to the south guaranteed psychological dominance and other amenites on an overlocking height; this slope was monopolized by a population 90% Japanese.
著者
河原 典史
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.168-181, 1990

The regional character of different places can berecognized through living styles and their changes in rural houses. In this study, the author examined functional changes and their factors in rural houses according to the changes in fishing, taking rural houses in fishery villages which have been neglected as an example. As a case study, the author took up <i>funaya</i> settlements in Ineura, in which many kinds of functions are mixed.<br>It was in the Taisho Era that the living functions of <i>funaya</i> which had functions for fishing, such as dry-docking a boat, keeping fishery tools, drying fishing nets and so on, began to come into existence. And it was after World War II that these living functions remarkably expanded.<br>The forms of <i>funaya</i> have greatly changed from a simple two-storied house to a regular two-storied house, because the living space has expanded to the upper stories of <i>funaya</i> since the war ended.<br>The following factors can be given as the reasons for which <i>funaya</i> are equipped with living functions:<br>1. the economic factor: prosperity of fishing in 1950, 1951 and in 1970&sim;1975.<br>2. the physical factor: linear villages which have little space for housing land.<br>3. a social factor: the rise of nuclear families.<br>Non-fishing families which have a large main house don't need <i>funaya</i> so few of these <i>funaya</i> are equipped with living functions. Furthermore, since about 1965, <i>funaya</i> have had a surplus of living space, so some houses are often found to be changed into <i>minshuku</i> (guest houses).<br>At the present time, the place for dry-docking a boat on the first floor of <i>funaya</i> is classifiied into 4 types: A, B, C and D (see Fig. 8). The main reason is that fiberglass-reinforced-plastic (F.R.P.) boats were introduced in 1969 and the weaving industry spread in 1961.<br>A type: This type doesn't show changes of form. Despite being equipped with dry-docking functions, these are hardly used.<br>B type: Though this type shows changes in form, it still preserves its function for dry-docking boats.<br>C type: This is the type in which formal change is the same as the functional one when the function for dry-docking boats disappeared because of the introduction of F.R.P. boats.<br>D type: This is the type in which the function for dry-docking of boats has disappeared and the forms have changed a great deal, owing to protection of weaving machines and commercial goods.
著者
白石 太良
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, no.6, pp.646-657, 1971
被引用文献数
1 1
著者
足立 理
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.4, pp.378-394, 1997
被引用文献数
3

Many previous locational surveys of library and other public facilities have been based on the use of location-allocation models, often utilizing the p-median solution. Unfortunately, such studies commonly lack a detailed comparison of actual patterns of location with the theoretical optimum thus derived. This note compares the actual visitor areas of public libraries in Hirakata City, Osaka, with the optimal areas obtained by the p-median solution and examines potential sites for new library location. A secondary aim is to consider the appropriateness of egg-shaped visitor areas within a city environment, as originally proposed by Kurihara et al. (1975).Section two of this note describes the development of municipal libraries, followed in sections three and four with a presentation of the optimal pattern for visitor areas and a comparison of this pattern with actual visitor areas. The results indicate that some areas (meshes) are still without adequate library provision, but that this shortfall could be overcome with the provision of two new branch libraries (fig. 5). Since no alteration in location of current services seems necessary, discussion on the hierarchy of library provision is deemed inappropriate. The results also indicate that the hypothesis of egg-shaped visitor areas does not apply in this case.More realistic results could be achieved by the following: consideration of the different attributes of library visitors; consideration of different modes of transport used to get to libraries;and collection of truly objective measures of populations and distances.

1 0 0 0 OA 三角洲新田

著者
佐々木 清治
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, no.5, pp.323-341,402, 1953-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
28

Various aspects and problems of Shinden(reclaimed rice-field) on delta have been so far investigated, but materials which refer to its geographical distribution are hardly to be found. Here in this report, I am to make a comparative study on the distribution of the settlemets of Shinden on the delta of the Fuji river and that of the Oi river (both in Shizuoka Pref.).(1) There are two ways in which Shinden is formed and developed on the delta, namely, the intussusception growth and the apposition growth. The one means that Shinden is formed and covers the delta by way of thrusting itself in already established villages, and by the other is meant that Shinden is added at the circumference of old settlement. In other words, the former can be called the area-expanding growth which makes Shinden spread over the delta, and the latter the thickening growth which makes the settlement on delta thicker. As the typical examples of these two ways of development of Shinden on delta, are taken the reclaimed rice-fields on the delta of the Fuji river (the apposition growth) and that of the Oi river (the intussusception growth).(2) Irrespective of the above-mentioned area-expanding growth or the thickening growth, Shinden is divided into another two kinds, the centrifugal growth and the centripetal growth, according to the direction of its development. Shinden on the delta of the Fuji river belongs to the former. There, the original rice-field being in the center of delta, the new rice-field developed thence toward the outer side-namely, the centrifugal growth. On the contrary, the one on the delta of the Oi river was centripetally formed. developing, from the circumference toward the surface of delta.(3) If developed by the intussusception growth, the reclimed rice-field is distributed all over the surface of delta. A good example is found in the one on the delta of the Oi river, which can be called an equifacial settlement. The equifacial settlement sometimes has a naturally formed nucleus, and there are two cases of forming the nucleus. In one case, the nucleus being vague, people can only surmise the nuclear part, and in the other case, the nucleus being distinct, the reclaimed rice-field is spreading around it. I call the nucleus of the latter a hilum of Shinden on delta. Such a hilum is found just in the center of delta of the Oi river, that is, Kamishinden in Aikawavillage. Besides the case the hilum coincides with the center of delta as afore-mentioned, there may be another case the hilum keeps at a distance from the center of delta.(4) The delta is edged by the reclamed rice-field if the latter developed by the thickening growth; and the bordered distribution or ringed distribution of the reclaimed ricefield on delta comes to be observed. The one on the delta of the Fuji river is its good example, which shows distinctly the distribution of pericycle settlement. When the delta is not edged wholly, the half bordered distribution is observed as we see on the deltas of the Ota river (Hiroshima Pref.) and the Hii river (Shimane Pref.). If Shinden is scanty in the center of delta while it is distributed only around it, a central gap is made in the region of reclaimed rice-field, of which good example is given by the distribution of Shinden on the delta of the Fuji river.
著者
船越 昭生
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, no.2, pp.115-127, 1971

The purpose of the present paper is to investigate what influences Matteo Ricci's world maps had in the culture of Korea, which was the closest to China among the countries in the Chinese cultural sphere.In the Li-Cho period of Korea, there were some fanciful world maps in Shan-Hai-Ching style, called T'yon-Ha To or T'yon-Ha Ch'one-To. On the other hand, early in the 15th century they also had world maps, which describes the entire world already, known to the Chinese of the day with a supplement of a detailed map of Korea (They even show their in acquaintances wich Islamic geographical knowledges.).The Li-Cho dispached envoys to China every year, who imported new things from China in a comparatively short time. It is probable that Matteo Ricci's world map in Chinese translation reached Korea already in the next year of its publication. Futhermore, we have in Korea the sole existent copy of the Lian-I Hsuan-Lan Tu, which was published by Li Ying-Shih in the next year following the publication of the best edition of Ricci's Kun-Yü Wan-Kuo Chúan-Tu and has almost the same geographical content with the latter, the main difference among them being their divisions into parts. It was a group of positivistic scholars (Si-Hak P'yo) aiming even at social reformations who accepted not only Ricci's world maps but also other things introduced by Western missionaries. Although those scholars had made extensive study of their own country, Korea, their scope for the world was naturally limited.The acceptance of Richi's maps, however, made it possible for them to extend their geographical knowledge beyond the already-known world, namely, as far as Europe, Africa and the new continents. There is evidence to show that they even knew the holiocentric theory by the latter half of the 18th century. They compiled an encyclopedia and incorporated into it their positivistic scholarship, including the geographical knowledge of the world. Although the Chinese world maps, based on such European knowledge as mentioned above, gave a new impulse to the rise of the modern Korean thought, it could not attain its full development because of the immaturity of historical and social conditions. As another reason for this unsuccessful development we might take account of the limitations of the positivistic scholars who could not go beyond confucianism. Thus, the acceptance of Ricci's world maps on Korea, unlike the case with Japan, ended without their wider diffusion and the maps passed in disuse, following the same course as in China after the middle of the Ching dynasty. just like the T'yon-Ha To in the Li-Cho period, Ricci's world maps were accepted in Korea, as one of the cultural overflows from China, and so they shared the same fate as in its mother-land, China.
著者
マクモラン・ クリス
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.519-531, 2005
被引用文献数
2

最近, 日本の非大都市圏の地方, とりわけ, 温泉地を訪れる観光客が急激的に増えてきた。「各地方へのアクセスの改善」,「自動車の増加」,「大都市からの逃避」, この三つのポイントに基づき, 本論文では日本の「新しい形の個人旅行者」と小規模な温泉との関係について分析する。小規模な温泉では観光目的の「町おこし」として理想的なムラを作る傾向が強まり, 20年前の大規模な温泉に比べ, 人気が高まってきた。この論文では, 熊本県黒川温泉を例に, 最近の日本における観光の流行と「町おこし」が抱える様々な問題点を指摘する。
著者
阿部 康久
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.23-48, 1999
被引用文献数
1

The purpose of this article is to analyze the occupational structure of Chinese workers during the 1920s in Tokyo Prefecture, paying particular attention to the nature of the labor market and to the impact of local community kinship on residential patterns. The data which the author uses were obtained from the Foreign Affairs Section of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The results of the paper can be summarized as follows: First, the author notes that most Chinese workers were employed in the construction and labouring sectors. While the occupational structure of traditional Chinese society has been explained in terms of chain migration, the present paper approaches this issue from a political economic view of the labor market. Thus, the author identifies the interrelations between the occupational structure of the Chinese and their labor market. At that time, heavy and chemical industrialization had occurred, infrastructure had developed and the wage levels of Japanese workers within the economy had been rising. Secondly, as a result, Chinese residential patterns were influenced by the localization of their labor market. Indeed, many Chinese workers were segregated in the Sumida and Ara basins. In these areas, manufacturing plants were concentrating, and a great deal of energy resources and raw materials were being imported. Therefore, low-waged labor generated the greatest proportion of their employment. Consequently, these workers lived closer to those plants and Chinese communities were formed in these districts. Thirdly, there were many Chinese communities other than in the Sumida and Arakawa districts. These were composed of construction workers working outside of Tokyo Prefecture and itinerant traders, for they had to live close to such persons as contractors, employers of itinerant traders, friends and so on. Fourthly, these concentrations of Chinese residents were reinforced by some ecological factors. For example, the occupational form of itinerant traders was based on the relationships between employers and vendors and affected their residential patterns. Thus, different groups of itinerant traders from Shandong, Zhejiang and Hokkien Provinces organized their own communities in Tokyo Prefecture. On the other hand, cooks and barbers tended to rely on kinship in the local Chinese community. However, some cooks and barbers worked for Japanese owners probably to obtain better working conditions. Indeed, there were approximately 500 Japanese owners of Chinese restaurants in Tokyo Prefecture and they provided the Chinese with considerable job opportunities. In addition, these factors resulted in a further dispersal of Chinese cooks. Lastly, the author examines how Japanese Government employment controls affected residential differentiation. During the early 1920s, it is noted that there were loopholes in the law, antipathy toward Chinese people within the Government, and a lack of integrated regulations related to their activities among Prefectures. Therefore, it can be said that employment regulations were fragmented at that time and that these in turn came to influence the occupational and residential patterns of Chinese people in Tokyo Prefecture from the late 1920s.