著者

杉浦 直

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.5, pp.451-482, 1977-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

86

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Although some dynamic aspects in Japanese farmhouse building constitition have been studied in disciplines of settlement geography and architecture, the regional understanding of such aspects is not sufficient yet from the viewpoint of comparalive geography. This paper is an inquiry into genetical processes of regional types of farmhouse building constitution in Tohoku, northeastern Japan. The author examinedthe present aspects and the changing processes of farmhouse building constitution in some investigation villages selected from two major regions, the central part of Iwate Prefecture and the Aizu District, and further compared them to those in the Sendai Plain discussed formerly.Each region has a characteristic pattern in building constitution. In the Sendai Plain farmhouses have usually many attached buildings, to whih various functions are distributed. On the contrary, in Aizu District they have relatively few attached buildings and farm functions are concentrated in Sagyosha (workshop or barn), the main attached building. Central Iwate is intermediate between above two regions concerning the number of attached buildings and the space of Sagyosha floor. The present author identified from these patterns three regional types of building constitution in Tohoku; multi-building type in Sendai Plain, mono-building type in Aizu and intermediate type in central Iwate.Each of these regional types has appeared in the process separation of attached buildings at two stages. The first stage occured before World War II. Multibuilding type in Sendai Plain is considered to have been established by the Taisho Period (1912-1925). In the central Iwate and Aizu, a considerable number of Sagyoshas were built at first from the 1910's to the 1930's. Through these decades the building constitution began to be differenciated from region to region. The second stage occured after World war II. Since 1955 a great number of Sagyoshas and other attached buildings have been added anywhere in Tohoku. Through this period the present charcters of each regional type were established.These two stages were respectively under different socio-economic conditions. The separation of Sagyosha in the first stage was caused by the spread of treadle and power thrashers. The construction of various attached buildings in the second stage was a resullt of the recent large scale mechanization in agriculture. The main house itself changed from dirt floor to plate floor in domaniwa hall in the first stage and in the second stage it was wholly rebuilt in large scale. As a result of the rebuilding, the peculiar traditional house types such as Nanbumagariya and Chumonzukuri were almost lost in the investigation villages. The above changes proceeded in the first stage mainly among comparative by upper class farmers, but in the second stage they spread into lower classes.Differences in those regional types are considered to have been brought about primarily by climatic conditions. Namely, in Aizu under snowy winter climate various functions are agglomerated in a few buildings for daily convenience and house-building difficulties. It might he necessary to further consider the relationships to agricultural structure and folk practice etc.

著者

田中 康一

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.5, pp.417-438, 1995

被引用文献数

2 1

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The author's purpose was to elucidate the mechanisms of the location and transfer of the headquarters of an enterprise.The author did a case study on an enterprise and used several kinds of numerical indicators and written statements from annual financial reports, corporate history book and other materials about the enterprise to explain the reasons for and the processes of the location and transfer of functional departments of its corporate headquarters, including those for purchasing, production control, sales, personnel, finance, general accounting, planning, general affairs, and the strategic decision making, with the help of theories of business management.For example, the transition of the financial ratios and the spatial distribution of financial sources of the enterprise were used to explain the location and transfer of its Finance Dept. and the transition of the spatial distribution of labor was used to explain those of its Personnel Dept.The implications resulting from the analysis of the differences and similarities between the transferring processes of those functional departments greatly helped to extract some common and important rules for the location and transfer of functional departments of the corporate headquarters.In this empirical analysis, Snow Brand Milk Products Co., Ltd. (founded in 1925), Japan's largest dairy products company, was selected as a case study.The main reasons for choosing this enterprise were the abundant data concerning its financing and location since its foundation, and its experience in transferring its headquarters from the city of Sapporo, the largest city of Hokkaido, the northernmost of Japan's four main islands, to the capital city of Tokyo, the location of the nation's largest money market, most of the headquarters of the nation's largest banks and of other private and/or public organizations, the most important market for selling products, and the location with the most efficient access for transportation, communication and information processing.The facts found in the empirical study are summarized as follows:1. Until the company established its management base in the Hokkaido area, its financing depended on the local financial institutions and its Finance Dept. was located in Sapporo. But, as the company gradually expanded its operational space nationally, the volume of financial demand dramatically increased and came to depend on large financial institutions based in Tokyo and finally the Finance Dept. was transferred to Tokyo. Its gradual transfer started in 1958, just before the company started its nation-wide expansion, and took about two years to finish. Simultaneously, the transfer of the General Accounting Dept., the Planning Dept., and the Board of Directors occurred.2. As the locations of its plants and sales offices expanded nationally, the distribution of its labor also dispersed nationally. Accordingly the Production Control Dept. and the Personnel Dept., transferred to Tokyo, seeking for the most efficient access infrastructure to secure a national scale of transportation, telecommunication and information processing. As for the Personnel Dept., its gradual transfer started in 1958 and took more than seven years to finish and for Production Dept. about 10years, while the Sales Dept. had been located in Tokyo since the foundation of the enterprise.3. The General Affairs Dept. transferred following the locational shift of other departments.4. These transferring processes all involved a gradual transfer of authority from Sapporo to Tokyo and a spatial division of business management/administration both between and within functional departments was observed.Possible rules for the location of the functional departments based on the facts above are as follows:1. The location of a corporate headquarters is subject to the location of its functional departments.

著者

戸祭 由美夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.2, pp.129-163, 1972

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&lsquo;<i>G&ocirc;ri-Sei</i>(_??__??__??_)&rsquo;is a system of local administrative division, enforced from 715 to 739-40 in the Nara era, and it consisted of two administrative divisions: &lsquo;<i>G&ocirc;</i>(_??_)&rsquo;and &lsquo;<i>Ri</i>(_??_)&rsquo;.Up to the present only historians had pursued after this system on their historical methods. So in this paper I tried to scrutinize it on a geographical method in making reference to following primary historical materials: &lsquo;<i>Daizei-Sinky&ucirc;-Rekimei-Ch&ocirc;</i> *in <i>Izumo</i> Province(_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_)&rsquo;, &lsquo;<i>Daizei-Oi-Shib&ocirc;nin-Ch&ocirc;</i> **in <i>Bicch&ucirc;</i> Province(_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_)&rsquo;(both in A.D. 739), &lsquo;<i>Izumo-no-Kuni-Fudoki</i> ***(_??__??__??__??__??__??_)&rsquo;(in A.D. 733), etc.<br>Scrutiny is carried out in the below mentioned process:<br>1. Presumption of the <i>G&ocirc;</i>-areas in consulting documents, present names of places, etc.<br>2. Presumption of the unities of <i>Lebensr&auml;ume</i> at that time in each <i>G&ocirc;</i>-areas in availing of materials such as documents, present names of places, topography, river systems, irrigation spheres of each river, remains in the <i>Kofun</i> era, sites of the &lsquo;<i>Shiki-Nai-Sha</i> ****(_??__??__??_)&rsquo;, etc.<br>3. Comparison between the unities of <i>Lebensr&auml;ume</i> and <i>Ris</i> in each <i>G&ocirc;</i>-areas.<br>Treating more than twenty cases on such method, I can clear up the four points.<br>1. In nearly all <i>G&ocirc;</i>-areas, several unities of <i>Lebensr&auml;ume</i> are classified into two or three grades for their scales.<br>2. Unities of <i>Lebensr&auml;ume</i> with nearly same scale to <i>G&ocirc;</i>-areas are recognized in a certain cases (Type A). On the other hand, there are not a few cases, where each unity of <i>Lebensraum</i> corresponds to the approximately same scale of a <i>Ri</i> (Type B).<br>3. In the case of Type B, especially when the name of place similar to the name of <i>Ri</i> is found in the unity of <i>Lebensraum</i> with approximately same scale to that <i>Ri</i>, (Type B'), there is a fair possibility that the <i>Ri</i> was organized basing on the unity of <i>Lebensraum</i>. Yet even in such cases of Type B and Type B', I can hardly suppose that the <i>Ri</i> was always organized basing on the unity of <i>Lebensraum</i>.<br>4. In such a case as neither in Type B nor Type B', there presents very considerable possibility that the <i>Ri</i> was organized almost indifferently from the unity of <i>Lebensraum</i> in the same <i>G&ocirc;</i>-area.<br>If the four above-mentioned points constitute nation-wide characteristic of the <i>G&ocirc;ri-Sei</i> at its enforcement, it is possible to develop further inference on the basis of the results which had been already achieved by historians. Although the <i>G&ocirc;ri-Sei</i> came in enforcement so that the government might rule over the &lsquo;<i>B&ocirc;ko</i>(_??__??_)&rsquo;, it had been unable to meet with the actual state of affairs at that time any more than the prior system, &lsquo;<i>Ri-Sei</i>(_??__??_)&rsquo; did. After a quarter of century, on the advent of new political situation, it was simply laid aside and the <i>G&ocirc;-Sei</i>, a not so complicated system of local administrative division as the <i>G&ocirc;ri-Sei</i>, came close after it and kept on for hundreds of years.<br>* an official document, recorded at each administrative divisions about men, women, and children, who were provided with rice from the provincial government for their old age or some other reasons.<br>** an official document, recorded at each administrative divisions about farmers who borrowed rice from the provincial government and died without repaying.<br>*** ancient topographical document which the Izumo Provincial Government compiled with materials of its own territory after the order of the Central Government.

著者

ワトキンズ チャールズ

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.6, pp.507-521, 2014

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<p>This paper considers the relevance of the work of Uvedale Price (1747-1829) to debates about the relationship between nature, landscape and society. It focusses on the management of gardens and trees and concludes by assessing his influence on nineteenth century ideas of nature, art and landscape. Uvedale Price published his <i>Essay on the Picturesque</i> in 1794. He defined the 'picturesque' as an aesthetic category lying somewhere between Edmund Burke's 'sublime' and 'beautiful'. He saw the <i>Essay</i> as a practical guide to managing estates and in this it was generally well received. It generated a literary controversy as he set his ideas of the picturesque forcefully against the then established and celebrated national style of landscape gardening practiced and popularised by Lancelot 'Capability' Brown. Price's work influenced literary figures such as Jane Austen, Sir Walter Scott and William Wordsworth; artists such as John Constable and David Cox and landscape gardeners such as Humphry Repton; John Claudius Loudon and William Sawrey Gilpin. By the mid-nineteenth century picturesque ways of seeing the landscape had become so normal and natural that Uvedale Price's contribution to the debate began to be forgotten, to be revived by architectural historians in the twentieth century.</p>

著者

山本 正三 田林 明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.611-637, 1975-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

38

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Part-time farmers (farming families who devote themselves to both farming and side business) have been increasing in number in recent rural regions, and a “Worker-Peasants” phenomenon (Clout, H.D., Rural Geography, pp. 43-81, Oxford, 1972) can be observed in many parts of Japan. The side business has often become important even to define or limit the farm management. In a countryside of this kind real regional characters can not be revealed by an examination of farming activities only. It is therefore necessary to make a different geographical approach to the rural area, including a study of side jobs as well as farming activities. Considering this point, the present writers pay attention in this paper, to the employment structure of farming population, a combination of economic activities in which members of farming families are engaged. Therefore, a discussion will be centered on the processes how the present rural region is being transformed (or evolved) into another by analyzing the general situation of employment of the farming families in the region.The study area, Urayamashin, is a village located on the Kurobe Alluvial Fan in the Toyama Plain of Central Japan facing the Japan Sea (Fig. 1). From 1964 to 1970, land consolidation was in progress in this area, and it could be concluded that this land improvement work has accelerated the transformation of this rural region. In this connection, a sample survey of a village where land consolidation has already been finished was done since processes of transformation can be explained relatively easily through the writers' observation during a rather short period.Around 1965, most of the farming families of Urayamashin attached importance to farming activities, which were sometimes a combination of rice and tulip farming and sometimes that of rice and dairy farming. Besides, farmers were engaged in construction work for the season free from farming either in areas near or far away from home for long (Table. 3). Even at that time, the farmers' sons rarely farmed, but commonly found employment in cities and worked as commuters. With the development of land consolidation, size of fields was enlarged, irrigation and drainage canals paths in the fields were improved (Figs. 2 and 3). Various kinds of machines began to be used for rice production. The mechanization and cooperative work of rice farming provided labour surplus, but it was devoted not to other farming activities such as dairy farming and tulip and vegetable growing, but to employment in manufacturing and tertiary activities which have been introduced into the Kurobe Alluvial Fan since about 1965 (Fig. 4). Today, not only farmers' successors but also the head of a family and his wife go out to urban and factory jobs, yet continue to work their farms in the evenings, over weekends, and during annual holidays from factory (Table 4). Worker-Peasants undoubtedly gain higher incomes than could be derived either from just farming or from industrial work. The extra income might be used to improve the family's living conditions or to purchase farming equipment.Based on this study of analyzing the employment structure of farming family, an experiential and tentative classification of rural areas of the Toyama Plain is formulated. As a result, the plain can be divided into the following five regions. In A region part-time farming, the head of a family and often other members participating in non-agricultural pursuits, is dominant throughout this region. The farmers keep their fields in expectation of higher value of land. In B region the members of farming family have just begun to commute to urban industrial jobs. Side business of farmers' wives is not so stable as those in A region. In C region farming families still regard farming activities as important.

著者

高橋 春成

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.364-377, 1996-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

105

被引用文献数

1 1

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The author made a review of feral animals in Australia, from a cultural-geographic viewpoint.European people went on voyages to find new colonies from the 15th to the 19th centuries. They had a custom of keeping livestock on board ship as food provisions. Consequently pigs, goats, cattle, horses and donkeys, etc. were introduced to new colonies a long with traditional European ways of keeping and releasing livestock.It was a common practice in the early days of settlement to let livestock roam or have free range so as to forage for food. In the 19th century, sealers and whalers released livestock such as pigs and goats on islands as food. As a result, some of these animals formed viable breeding colonies in the wild. Feral livestock populations established quickly and they were widely spread in Australia before the beginning of this century.However, the spread of feral animals like feral pigs, goats, horses, cattle, donkeys, water buffaloes and camels etc. caused changes in the biological environment. The majority of native Australian land mammals are marsupials. The intrusion of these exotic species appears to be altering the composition of species in Australia and is causing significant ecological and environmental change.Today feral animals are generally considered to be pests, because these animals damage agriculture and the native fauna and flora. However some discussion is necessary as follows:1) Feral animals are a‘product’of human culture.2) In case we consider feral animals as one example of environmental problems, we should not criticize traditional ways of keeping and releasing of livestock in a simplistic way.3) We need to collect information on feral animals and introduce it widely through environmental education. We should consider this problem as a good lesson for the future.

著者

坂本 英夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.220-241,281, 1961-06-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

被引用文献数

1

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弓浜半島は過去の商品畑作農業の結果,過少農の卓越する人口稠密地域となり,特に開発の早かった半島北部では農業生産は既に副次的な意味しか有していない。これに比べて近世以降に開発の展開をみた半島中部では耕地細分化が北部ほど進行していないことや,地元の小都市とも距離を置き農業部門の地位は相対的に高い。ここでは蔬菜の輸送園芸が戦後盛んとなり,大阪を主とした関西市場へ共同出荷がなされている。透水性の大きい砂土に覆われた弓浜半島で蔬菜栽培を技術的に成立せしめているのが,江戸時代に開かれた米川用水路の働きである。そして普通の畑作物の中で,より労働集約的で土地使用的な性格を持っている蔬菜部門が戦後採択されたのは,過小農が卓越する弓ヶ浜農業の経営経済上の必然であった。この場合,共同出荷の推進母体たる農協は当初の販売担当機関に止ることなく,産地形成上の条件整備機関としての活動まで必要となった。このような共同出荷体制の組織化が社会的規制の形で進むか否かは,管内農家に対する農協の経済的比重の大小によって決定される。この点半島中部の農村は優良農協を中核とする生産-流通の体制が確立されて蔬菜の輸送園芸の中心地区となっている。これに対して,専業農家の少ない半島北部や共同化への関心の低い(米子)近郊は農協による個別経営の結合が弱く,程度の差はあれ輸送園芸の集団的形成を阻害している。弓ヶ浜産蔬菜の代表である葱は需要との関係が生産上の大きな条件となった。特有の農業気象によって早期収穫の可能性は秋の葱消費市場(大阪)を独占し有利な価格を保持している。ただ葱そのものの需要は限界があることや,弓ヶ浜からの出荷蔬菜中に市場での優越を誇る品目が他に見当らないことが問題である。新しい市場を求め,新しい品目を求めて蔬菜産地はその発展に努力しているのであるが,内外の状勢が何時までそれを許すのであろうか。

著者

井戸 庄三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.4, pp.364-384, 1966-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

34

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It is usually said that modern administrative towns and villages of Japan were brought into existence by the amalgamation of towns and villages in the 22nd year of Meiji (1889). But, by that time, the local government system had already undergone a great change and the division or amalgamation of towns and villages had been carried out on a large scale, little of which is known to the general public. If we treat this fact lightly, we will be apt to have a wrong opinion that hanseison (feudal village in Tokugawa Era) means oaza. But the fact is, this mistaken idea seems to be widespread among many geographers even now.In this paper, the author trys to clarify this division or amalgamation of towns and villages in the early Meiji period quantitatively. Moreover, he demonstrates the following facts: in Yamanashi and Nagano prefectures (esp. the former Chikuma Prefecture) in which there were many cases where oaza was larger than hanseison, but on the other hand in the Kinki District, there existed a few cases where hanseison was larger than oaza.From the seventh to the nineth year of Meiji, through both Yamanashi and Nagano prefectures, the amalgamation of towns and villages was enforced. After that, each of the former villages was called “Kumi” in Yamanashi Prefecture and “Kochi” in Nagano Prefecture. Though new administrative towns and villages were born in the amalgamation, yet in reality “Kumi” or “Kochi” formed a rural community, and the rural community, as usual, managed irrigation, communal forests, village festivals and so on. In this paper, the author takes up Toyoshina-Gun in Nagano Prefecture and Fujimi-Gun in Yamanashi Prefecture as samples of rural community, and analyze their structure closely.

著者

谷 謙二

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.40-41, 2020 (Released:2020-05-08)

著者

山村 亜希

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.217-237, 2000-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

93

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Many studies of medieval Kokufu regarded the provincial constable's spatial control as a principal issue. They often equated spatial cognition, either of the provincial constable or of the town's people in opposition to it, with real spatial structure. Some studies concluded that provincial constables had reorganized ancient Kokufu into their provincial capitals, consequentially emphasizing the differences between medieval and ancient Kokufu.However, it is more likely that people living in medieval Kokufu were separated by class and various occupations and powers, and that the interaction of these factors affected spatial form and structure. The actual space within medieval Kokufu did not always correspond to the intentions or conceptualizations of one actor like a provincial constable. Furthermore, referring to recent studies on ancient Kokufu, the heritage of the structure of ancient Kokufu may be an important component of medieval Kokufu.This paper aims to reconstruct the morphology and function of Kokufu in the fourteenth century and to examine the social relationships among its people and to clarify the spatial structure, comparing it with ancient times. A medieval map is presented which illustrates a local power conceptualization of medieval Kokufu and the paper discusses the relationship between the real and perceived world. The example selected for this paper is Nagato Kokufu, which is shown on the medieval map, "Shrine Grounds Map of Iminomiya".The second section of the paper shows the direction and pattern of roads and allotments and the distribution of facilities and then examines the transformation of local powers. The ancient frameworks of the structure of Kokufu, consisting of the pattern of roads, allotments and facilities were maintained until the fourteenth century. Moreover, the awareness of ancient Kokufu frameworks was also preserved, and in part was even strengthened. At that time, the central government was unstable because of the struggles between warriors and Emperors. The Iminomiya Shrine had always been given financial guarantees from the provincial constable, Shugo, and the Kamakura or Muromachi shogunates. The Iminomiya had inherited the powers and officials of the Kokuga, which succeeded the ancient Kokufu government. Kokubunji Temple, which was established during the eighth century but had declined, recovered its land, relying on the traditional power of the Emperors in the fourteenth century. Shugo, always closely related with Iminomiya, continued as an independent local power. The locational patterns of these important facilities were similar to those of departmental facilities in ancient times. Other social groups also enjoyed a close relationship with the central polity in Kamakura or Kyo.In the third section of the paper, an analysis of the characteristics of the Shrine Grounds Map explains why and by whom the map was made, and how the map maker's spatial cognition was represented. It must be noted that Iminomiya is situated in the context of fourteenth-century political process. The characteristics of the Grounds Map undoubtedly show that it was made by Iminomiya. However, the map does not represent the whole real landscape; for example, some of the things that existed at that time do not appear in the map, some are emphasized and yet others are understated. This points out that the Grounds Map was intended to represent Iminomiya lands and the other facilities with which the Shrine was associated. The purpose of the map was to exhibit its territories to Shugo and to obtain the constable's protection, guarantee and tax exemption. Furthermore, the Grounds Map shows that the space of medieval Kokufu, as a squared world, was surrounded by mountains and sea;

著者

高田 正規

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.6, pp.669-680, 1967-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

7

著者

水内 俊雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.5, pp.385-409, 1982-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

5 5

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The object of this paper is to clarify how the residential areas in large Japanese city, Osaka, developed their own distinctive characteristics in the course of industrialisation. The study covers the modern period from the Meiji Restoration (1860's) to the beginning of the Showa Era (late 1920's to 1930's). The built-up area in this period exactly corresponds to the present-day inner city area. This paper also examines how and why the problems relating to the present inner city such as economic decline, physical decay and social disadvantage appeared in the industrialisation process since the Meiji Era. The author holds the following viewpoints: First, most of the emerging factory workers are assumed to be members of lower class society. Secondly, the poorer areas, which later became the inner city area, were created through the inflows of above mentioned factory workers in the course of industrialisation. Therefore the formation of lower class residential areas provides the key factor for the study of inner city problems in Osaka. Study of the labor market are used in clarifying social and living conditions of factory workers in the course of industrialisation. So the author deals with the changing process of labor markets as the analytical tool and focuses on the level of laborers' daily lives. The inadequacies of the existing Anglo-Saxon models to the areal structure of the Japanese city are pointed out, since the Japanese urban residential expansion can only be understood by taking into consideration the peculiar characteristics of the Japanese modernisation process.The results obtained are as follows: The expansion of residential areas up to the beginning of World War I characterised mainly by the outward extension of the lower class residential areas that included most of the laborers working in the cotton textile industries, heavy industry and the miscellaneous industries. The labor markets in each industry were organised differently in this development. These laborers, however, all belonged to the essentially the same class, with no appreciable income or living standard differences among industries. The organisation of residential structure consistently reflected the periphery-lower class structure proposed by Sjoberg. After World War I, the following two new factors emerged: The first is the rapid increase of white collar office workers. The second is that of a growing distinction in standard of living as well as income among members of the former lower class society, i.e., between large heavy industry workers and other factory workers. These new two factors contributed to the transformation of residential structure independently of the existing structure. The most important development was the creation of new residential areas. In this stage three types of residential area were clearly observed. The first and dominant were lower class residential areas which surrounded the city center and extended outward, building up sparse areas among some flophouse districts even at this time. This area was also characterised by the progress of the slum clearance, appearance of Korean residential districts and real advent of social policies. The second type of residential area was that of the better-off factory workers, which was formed adjacent to the factories' sites. However, this type of residential area was distributed sporadically within the first type of residential area. Between them, there were found no appreciable distinctions of housing and living conditions. The third type was white collar office workers' residential areas, which were created beyond the lower class ones and restricted to the upland lying to the south-east of Osaka City. These areas were created independently of periphery-lower class structure, which had been the most dominant or sole areal differentiation up to this time.

著者

服部 昌之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.5, pp.455-474, 1966-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

56

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In ancient Japan there was a unique land system concerning allotment and allocation which was called “Jori system.” So far, many geographers have been studying about the system from historico-geographical point of view.The purpose of the present paper is in an attempt to clarify the distribution and morphology of the Jori system in ancient Awa province (Prefecture of Tokushima at present) in order to approach general principles of the system in ancient Japan. Especially, the relationship between ancient administrative districts and regionalism was investigated to reveal the political backgrounds of the system.The main findings are as follows:(1) The Jori system in ancient Awa province was divided into three areas: the central area of the Yoshino-river alluvial plain (Miyoshi-gun and Mima-gun), the lower area of the plain (Oe-gun, Awa-gun, Itano-gun, Myozai-gun and Myodo-gun) and Minami-gata (Katsu'ura-gun and Naka-gun). In the lower area of the plain, Many Jori land allotment systems are found as seen in Figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4. However, the direction of most Joris is N 10°W even though they are apart situated each other. Therefore, each Jori seems to be constructed under the same planning. The real direction is based on the inclination of the Akui-river delta-fan that the Awa Kokufu (administrative town of ancient Awa province) was situated on.(2) It may be stated that the Jori system in the lower area of the plain was planned by the Awa-ooshinoatae family ruled this area 6th through 8th centuries as the “Kuninomiyatsuko.” Guns established immediately after the Taikanokaishin (revolution in A.D. 645) were divided into five districts with straight line boundaries each accoridng to the Jori system, and their original boundaries are still present in part even now as seen Fig. 1.(3) The Niijima manor established in A.D. 749 under the rule of the Todaiji temple owned 42cho, 8tan and 162bu (about 52ha.) area. This manor was sited on the lowland along the Yoshino-river or its former course near the coast as seen in Figs. 5 and 6, however that was destroyed by frequent floods of the river. In addition, a small Jori system is also found near the manor.

著者

島津 俊之

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.7-26, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

119

被引用文献数

1 1

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In recent Anglophone cultural and historical geography, attention has been increasingly paid to modern photography’s role in creating geographic knowledge and to its important role in nation-state building and imperialism. It has been pointed out that the mass production and consumption of photographic images tend to mold and reproduce people’s imaginative geographies. This paper focuses on the practice of ‘the production of landscapes’ undertaken by the Kubo Photo Studio, a local photo studio during the Meiji and Taisho periods in Japan. The production of landscapes here refers to two things: first, the production of landscape photographs as material representations ; second, the production of cognitive landscapes as non-material representations. These two sides of the production of landscapes interact mutually.The Kubo Photo Studio was established in about 1907 by photographer Masao Kubo at Shingu, Wakayama Prefecture. The southern part of the Kii Peninsula, including Shingu, has been called ‘Kumano’ since ancient times, and is blessed with a warm climate and a scenic natural environment of mountains, streams and coasts. Kumano occupies the southern half of the area inscribed on the World Heritage List in 2004 as the ‘Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range’.Kubo Photo Studio, run by Masao Kubo and his son Yoshihiro Kubo, produced and sold a variety of photography books and picture postcards featuring the natural and cultural landscapes of Kumano. In particular, the phrase ‘Kumano Hyakkei’, meaning ‘one hundred views of Kumano’, was often employed for titles or subtitles for photography books and picture postcards. Being aware that Kumano was a sacred site deeply revered by the imperial family in ancient times, Masao Kubo dedicated Kumano Hyakkei Shashin-cho (Picture Album of One Hundred Views of Kumano) to the imperial family in 1900. While an earlier production of Kumano Hyakkei was based on the national value of the landscapes of Kumano as a whole, one also finds a sort of localism in which landscapes in and around Shingu were implicitly privileged by Masao Kubo. Later, under the supervision of Yoshihiro Kubo, Kumano Hyakkei became the title for travel guidebooks conforming to the tourist view. Nevertheless, such ordinary landscapes as ports, towns, villages, agriculture, and fisheries can be observed throughout a series of Kumano Hyakkei. Various photographic images, produced by Kubo Photo Studio as ‘archives of landscape’, played a vital part in molding the collective view of the landscapes of Kumano, and also in dictating what should be seen and how.

著者

中川 祐希

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.3, pp.221-244, 2019

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<p>本稿は,神戸市の湊川公園の変容過程を事例とし,米騒動後における「市民」形成によって,いかなる都市空間が形成されたのかを明らかにした。米騒動と労働争議を契機に,都市行政は,湊川公園に公設市場や職業紹介所といった施設を設置した。都市行政は,「貧民窟」や労働者地区,歓楽街と近接するがゆえに,湊川公園にこのような整備を施した。さらに音楽堂と児童遊園地が設置されたことで,湊川公園は,諸階層を「市民」へと教化する空間に変容した。このように「市民」が湊川公園の利用者として想定される一方で,不況により公園内には数多くの野宿者が姿を現していた。はじめ都市行政は野宿者を救済の対象として認識した。しかし,「市民」を想定した公園の整備が進展し,昭和天皇の即位を祝う記念事業が開催されたことで,野宿者は排除や抑圧の対象に位置づけられた。湊川公園が私生活を積極的に管理する「勤勉」な「市民」によって利用される公園に変容する過程で,野宿者はこの規範から逸脱する「怠惰」な主体として捉えられた。こうして米騒動後の湊川公園は,「市民」への主体化の成否によって,諸階層が選別される空間へと変容した。</p>

著者

熊野 貴文

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.2, pp.193-214, 2018

被引用文献数

1

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<p>本稿では,大阪大都市圏の郊外外圏に位置する奈良県桜井市を対象に,1980年代後半以降の新設住宅の立地と土地利用変化を分析し,その要因について考察した。桜井市では,人口増加と地価高水準の局面にあった1980年代後半~1990年代前半に比べて,人口減少と地価下落の局面にある1990年代後半以降の時期の方が,新設住宅の離心化と中心市街地での低・未利用地化が進行し,都市構造は低密度化している。その要因として,以下の点を指摘することができる。大都市圏の地価動向を反映して郊外外圏の住宅供給の構成が戸建住宅中心に変化したこと,郊外間通勤の増加と関連して鉄道などの公共交通機関よりも自家用車を前提とした生活行動が成立していること,土地需給の空間的ミスマッチが発生していること,土地所有者の高齢化やバブル経済崩壊を背景に周辺部で土地の売却や賃貸アパート建設がみられたこと,そして,中心市街地の土地所有者が投資リスクの低い土地活用として駐車場経営を選択したことである。以上の知見は,郊外外圏の都市構造の変化が,郊外都市内の土地利用条件に加えて,郊外化の終焉や多核化といった大都市圏の構造変化の影響を受けていることを示す。</p>

著者

長尾 洋子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.187-206, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

76

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Local performances in provincial areas of Japan have witnessed various changes since the Meiji era. Along with the policies of the government, the changes were occasioned by the complex effects of industrialization and the spread of Western political styles and social reorganization. Exhibitions held through the late 19th century to the early 20th century demonstrate these transformative processes. By focusing on an exhibition that took place in Toyama, this paper asks how local people experienced and interpreted modernity, and what kind of cultural transformations occurred.The Joint Exhibition of Nine Prefectures hosted by Toyama Prefecture was held in 1913 to celebrate the opening of a train service between Nao’etsu and Toyama (part of the Hokuriku Main Line), and the completion of a harbor in Fushiki. The exhibition was typical of the era in performatively demonstrating the Enlightenment, industrialization, imperialism and the shift to a consumer society. The new train service and harbor symbolized these elements. These multi-faceted elements were also incorporated into the new Toyama Dance which was skillfully staged in the Entertainment Hall situated on the main fairground. One conspicuous image embraced in the production was that of “the sea”. The sea motif announced the emergence of Toyama as a modernizing prefecture whose domestic and international trade was made possible by enhanced transportation systems, industrialization, and tourism in coastal areas. Its semiotic effect also configured the locality of Toyama coupled with the traditional scheme of literary imagination and the classifying and commodifying effects of light, a distinctive feature of exhibition spaces.However, such a dominant discourse was also contentious. Amateur singers were invited from Yatsuo, a town located about 20km south of Toyama City, to take part in the production. Historical accounts suggest that this experience left them with uncomfortable feelings about the staging of the performance: it “defeated the true purpose of the Etchu Owara-bushi”. Eventually these Yatsuo townspeople created a dance called Honen-odori (Harvest Dance) to be performed in conjunction with Etchu Owara-bushi, and this modification has been passed down to the present. The creation of the Honen-odori involved efforts to reconcile frustrations arising from lowered status, on the one hand, and local pride, on the other, by assessing the town’s position in a rapidly changing Toyama Prefecture and in relation to the interests and visions of other prefectures across Japan (and its overseas territories). Such efforts brought about a new, reflexive sense of belonging to a Yatsuo situated within Japan as a multi-layered ideological construct. In addition, it is important to realize that Honen-odori imparted a visual element to Etchu Owara-bushi, primarily a musical performance, and thus served to conjoin the cultural tradition of Yatsuo with modernity, which privileges the visual. The creation of a new dance form for the Etchu Owara-bushi embodied the self-affirmation of Yatsuo in this new historical context.Modification of the Etchu Owara-bushi in response to the exhibition shows that people in provincial areas were not as passive as generally believed. Instead, multi-layered parties and discourses actively interacted to participate in the vision(ing) of modernity, by creating cultural forms representing identities that were constantly being renewed.

著者

片平 博文 岩崎 一孝

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.297-318, 1988-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

65

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Exploitation of the semi-arid region of Australia began in the late 19th century. Major expansion of farm land started at the beginning of this century. The landscape covered with the dense mallee changed to wheat fields or green pasture lands. The change was very rapid and drastic.In this paper the authors examine the characteristics of marginal land for agriculture in the semi-arid region by analyzing the relationship between wheat growing and rainfall. The condition of marginal land for agriculture and the reality of wheat growing in the semi-arid region will be clarified based on the analysis of the correlation between wheat yield (bushels per acre) and winter rainfall from June to September, which coincides with the growing season for wheat. The Murray Mallee region of South Australia in the period 1907-1946, was selected as the main study area (Fig. 1). This study uses the following sources: “Statistical Register of South Australia-Production” compiled in the South Australian Parliamentary Paper, and “Report of Monthly and Yearly Rainfall, 1907-1946” collected by the Bureau of Meteorology, Australia. The 33 hundreds and stations examined are: Cadell (Morgan P. O.), Paisley (Notts Well), Waikerie (Waikerie Lands), Holder (Maggea), Moorook (Moorook), Nildottie (Swan Reach), Mantung (Caliph P. O.), Bandon (Copeville) and Mindarie (Mindarie) in County Albert, Murtho (Wilkadine), Paringa (Renmark P. O.), Gordon (Taldra P. O.), Pyap (Pyap), Bookpurnong (Loxton P. O.), Allen (Alawoona), Kekwick (Paruna) and McGorrery (Meribah P. O.) in County Alfred, Vincent (Perponda), Wilson (Borrika), McPherson (Sandalwood), Hooper (Wynarka), Marmon Jabuk (Karoonda), Sherlock (Moorlands), Roby (Coomandook), Peake (Peake), Price (Parrakie P. O.), Livingston (Kiki) and Coneybeer (Coonalpyn) in County Buccleuch, Billiatt (Gurrai P. O.), Kingsford (Karte), Bews (Lameroo P. O.), Parilla (Parilla) and Pinnaroo (Pinnaroo P. O.) in County Chandos (Figs. 2 and 3). The statistics from these hundreds and stations provided sufficient working data.Originally, wheat yield was not stable here because of the influence of variable rainfall (Fig. 4). In the semi-arid region, if rainfall is plentiful, the wheat yield increases proportionally. But if there is a scanty rainfall, mainly in winter, the wheat growing will suffer deadly damage. The characteristics of the correlation between annual wheat yield and annual winter rainfall (1907-1946) can be classified into four types: Types I-IV (Figs. 7, 8, 9 and 10). Fig. 11 shows the distribution of the four types. The data shows that hundreds included in the same type tend to be in close proximity.D. W. Goyder, the Surveyor General of South Australia, defined the extent of servere drought in 1865. This is called “Goyder's Line of Rainfall”. It was a base line against which the safe and the unsafe areas for semi-arid agriculture were measured. It has a considerable validity even today. In the Murray Mallee region, “Goyder's Line of Rainfall” was drawn from Swan Reach in the hundred of Nildottie to the south of Peebinga in the hundred of Peebinga near the Victorian boundary.From analysis of the four types shown in Figs. 7, 8, 9 and 10, it is clear that “Goyder's Line of Rainfall” is not a fixed or static line but a boundary belt which moves dynamically within the Type II area, that is the safe and the unsafe wheat growing area. Also it can be suggested that the wheat growing conditions in the marginal land change drastically at the border, the difference being as high as 100 to 120mm of winter rainfall from June to September.

著者

金田 章裕

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.193-214, 1982-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

1 1

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1. The Jori Grid Pattern System is characterized by an interval network of paths and ditches, which divide a given area into units measuring approximately 109m square. By the middle of the 8th Century the system consisted of such a grid pattern, with the arable land in each section divided into regular allotments. About the middle of the 8th Century a new system was introduced, by which the entire Jori System was organized into “Jo”, “Ri” and “Tsubo”. The “Tsubo” was the smallest section of the square, consisting of approximately 1.2 hectares, the “Ri” comprised 36 “Tsubo”, or approximately 654m square, and the “Jo” was a liniar arrangement of “Ri”, whose exact organization varied according to region.In some provinces, such as Settsu, Sanuki and Awa, historical evidence shows that the system of land unit indication followed three stages, as follows: 1) according to former small place names 2) according to the Jori Numbering System with place names attached to it 3) according to the Jori Numbering System onlyA number of historical materials show the process from 2) to 3) in Yamato, Yamashiro, Iga, Ohmi and Echizen provinces in accordance with the fixation of the Jori Numbering System. However this Jori Indication System was not introduced at a time. In Yamashiro province, this system was introduced by 743, but in Sanuki, it came after 757 and before 763, and in Settsu, after 756 and before 767.2. The former type of small place name was divided or changed to fit with the Jori Grid Pattern in stage 1) or 2). This process is shown for Kuso-oki region, Echizen Province in the 8th century (Fig.7). Some of former types of small place names, which were quite extensive (See Fig.7 Left), were divided and changed (See Fig.7 Right) in accordance with increase in arable land.However all of the former types of small place names were not divided in the 8th century. In the Kinki District (near the Capital of Ancient Japan), the greater part of those place names already fit the Jori grid pattern, as shown in Fig.6, but others fit only partially, as shown in Fig.5.In the case of Echizen province, not so far from the capital, those place names partly fitted or were in the process of such adaptation as above mentioned. In the case of Etchu province, far from the capital, such place names were not divided as shown in Fig.8. In the last case, the Jori Indication System was established at once, but the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern was probably incomplete, and the Jori Indication System does not seem to have been fixed perfectly.3. After the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern and the fixation of the Jori Indication System, the latter began to deteriorate. An early sign of this process was found in the 10th century. In medieval times the small place name began to be used side by side with the Jori Indication System. Almost all these new small place names designated the smallest section of the Jori Grid Pattern. By the end of the Medieval Period, this small place name system became generalized even on the Jori Grid Pattern.4. The plan of the Jori Grid Pattern was completed in the middle of the 8th century, with the introduction of the Jori Indication System. This plan undoubtedly was connected with Handenshuju, one of the important policies of the ancient “Ritsuryo” period, but “Ritsuryo” was established by 701 at the latest. Accordingly, the plan of the Jori Grid Pattern, especially the Jori Indication System, was not peculiar only to “Ritsuryo”. It was necessary for registry affairs rather than for Handenshuju itself. Since the 8th century, the bureaucratic procedures for distinction between private lands and government owned lands became very important, in accordance with the increase of private land.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.3, pp.303-371, 2017 (Released:2017-10-20)