著者

山田 義顕

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.3, pp.455-456, 1992

著者

新免 康

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.12, pp.1973-2014,2129-, 1990

---

Since the middle of the 18th century, Sinkiang (= Eastern Turkistan) had been ruled by Ch'ing Dynasty. After the Chinese Revolution in 1911, the Han Chinese rulers continued an administration which was an ossified version of the Imperial administration. The local Turkic-speaking Muslims rose against the Han Chinese rulers in 1931, and finally established a separate "Islamic Republic of Eastern Turkestan" at Kashgar in 1933. Their activities during this period have been treated as ancillary in the history of political events, or regarded as the result of the influence of the foreign ideologies. In this paper, the author attempts to clarify the actual situation of their activities in the Muslim rebellion in the early half of the 1930s by discussing the secret organizations which led the revolts, and to examine the character of the nationalism of the Turkic-speaking Muslims in Sinkiang. During the 1910s and 1920s, the Turkic-speaking bourgeoisie and progressive 'ulamas started and developed he reformist movements all around Sinkiang, which were blocked by the oppression of the Han Chinese officials and conservative 'ulamas. During the early half of the 1930s, at Turfan and Khotan the Muslims rose up in. rebellion to overthrow the Han Chinese authorities under the control of secret organizations formed by the bourgeoisie and progressive 'ulamas. At Turfan, the leaders of the revolt aimed to modernize Sinkiang and to protect it from the influence of U.S.S.R. However, they were defeated. On the other hand, at Khotan the secret organization played an important role in achieving its aim to sweep away the Han Chinese authorities through a "sacred war". The rebellion leaders, basing their nationalism on Eastern Turkistan, generally aimed to set their "motherland" (=Eastern Turkistan) free from the rule of the Han Chinese authorities, but their thought and activities concerning the formation of a separatist policy at that time varied according to differences in their understanding of the external situation. And it is important to note that the activities for establishing the independent state of the Turkic-speaking people and the proposal for provincial autonomy emerged from within these leaders. On the other hand, their inclination toward the reforms contained two forms. Their aim to modernize local society were partially sttemed from their feeling that they were being ruled by the uncivilized Han Chinese, which strengthened their desire to overthrow the Han Chinese authorities. But they found it difficult to actually carry out the reforms because of political fluctuations. In contrast, the reformist policy adopted by the new Khotan government established under the leadership of the 'ulamas after the successful rising had a tendency to strengthen the Islamic character of local Khotan society. However, such movements were frustrated when the "Islamic Republic of Eastern Turkestan" which was the fruit of the separatist activities of the Turkic-speaking Muslims was dismantled, and the rule of the warlord Sheng Shih-tsai was established in 1934.

著者

上島 有

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.11, pp.1829-1868,1936-, 1988-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

---

Many attempts have been made to classify ancient and medieval documents written in Japanese. The method which best reflects the essential nature of the documents is classification according to the document style (様式). In Japan, the following document styles have been generally adopted : (1)Kushikiyo-monjo (公式様文書), (2)Kugeyo-monjo (公家様文書) and (3)Bukeyo-monjo (武家様文書). This method of classification corresponds to the three major political systems from ancient to medieval times, namely, (1)the Ritsuryo state (律令国家), (2)the aristocratic (Ocho) state (王朝国家) and (3)the warrior (Buke) political regime (武家政権). However, if we think of a particular document style as consisting of a common writing style (書式) and overall form, for example, not only do we find many differences between Kansenji (官宣旨) / Senji (宣旨) and Inzen (院宣) / Rinji (綸旨), which have been classified as Kugeyo-monjo (公家様文書), but we also fail to find any common features among these documents. The same is also true of documents classified under Bukeyo-monjo (武家様文書). Therefore, the author proposes that the following classification may be more. suitable : (1)Kushikiyo-monjo (公式様文書), (2)Kudashibumiyo-monjo (下文様文書) and (3)Shosatsuyo-monjo (書札様文書). The author attempts to confirm this point by investigating such aspects of writing style as (1)the sentence structure (文体), (2)the identification of the sender (差出書), (3)the name of the addressee (宛名), (4)the identification of official ranks (位署書) and (5)the method of signing the document (署名の仕方) ; such aspects of form as (6)the calligraphy style (書体), (7)how the paper is ornamented (紙面の飾り方), (8)the choice of paper type (料紙の使い方) and (9)how the sheets are pieced together (紙継目の固定の仕方) ; as well as such procedural practices as (10)the transmission of orders (遵行手続) and (11)rules for drafting the documents (書式作成手続規定). The classification proposed here corresponds to the division of the ancient and medieval state into (1)the Ritsuryo state (律令国家), (2)the early oligarchic (kenmon) state (前期権門国家) and (3)the later oligarchic state (後期権門国家).

著者

中田 美絵

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.3, pp.322-347, 2006

---

The Commission by the Tang court of the translation of the Renwang Sutra and conduction of related Buddhist ceremonies to the eminent monk Bukong (Skt Amoghavajra) in AD 765 during the reign of Emperor Daizong has heretofore been considered in the research as countermeasures taken by the court to deal with such national crises as the rebellion of Pugu Huaien, which occurred that same year. The translation project was carried by Bukong in conjunction with the eunuchs who had seized power after the rebellion of An Lushan in 755 and corresponds to the expansion of eunuch political influence from the inner court to the outer court. Therefore, we need to reconsider the meaning of such Buddhist activities in the context of Tang period political history. The inner court faction, which included the eunuchs, probably first made contact with Bukong before 765, when Empress Zhang and eunuch Li Fuguo began intervening in political affairs on the pretext to their contribution to the enthronement of Emperor Suzong in 756. This was also the time that they became interested in Buddhism and began forming alliances with such persons as Bukong, not out of any personal belief, but rather the need to legitimize their authority over the bureaucracy of the outer court. Later, during the last years of Suzong's reign, the eunuchs ousted the Empress and assumed the role of the official promoters of Buddhism at court. Then the Renwang Sutra translation and related Buddhist ceremonies are conducted under the cooperation of eunuch Yu Chaoen who inherited the authority of Li Fuguo and the monks led by Bukong in 765. Thereafter, in serving as the Gongde shi which conducts nation's Buddhism affairs, the eunuchs maintained connection with the monk's group, and obtained much more influence to politics. That is, the Renwang Sutra translation and the Buddhist ceremonies can be regarded as an decisive moment which gave the eunuchs an opportunity to advance to outer court.

著者

岡田 英弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.8, pp.1281-1287, 1981

著者

大高 広和

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.12, pp.1985-2018, 2013

---

Since Ishimoda Sho's description of ancient Japan as a "small empire of eastern non-Han people," the Japanese ancient state has been widely understood as distinguishing entities not yet subjected by the state ("kegai" 化外) as either shoban 諸蕃 (i.e., kingdoms of the Korean peninsula) or iteki 夷狄 (not yet assimilated peoples settled on the archipelago, like the Emishi 蝦夷 on the northeastern periphery and the Hayato 隼人 on the southern periphery). That is to say, the distinction between to two categories it thought to have been clearly institutionalized in the Taiho Ritsuryo legal codes. The present article poses a challenge to the basis of such an understanding by means of a critical investigation of the "evidence" taken from the Ryo-no-shuge 令集解 commentaries on the codes and the differences between the Tang Dynasty and Japanese versions of the codes Consequently, the author argues that there is no basis for supposing a clear distinction between shoban and iteki, since the specific references made to the two terms in the Ritsuryo codes make no such fine distinction, but rather reflect the traditional Chinese idea of an empire made up of Han and non-Han peoples which was imbued in the Tang codes. While it is certain that by the content of the Taiho legal codes Japan's ancient state looked upon its periphery as kegai, there is no evidence of some intent to make any further refined legal or institutional distinctions among them. Upon examination of the various commentaries on the Ryo 令 civil codes and the official chronicles, the author finds the creation between the early 8th and the mid-9th century of a new perception in which the kingdoms of Korea were now considered as ban 蕃, and distinguished from both i 夷 and iteki. That being said, the perceptions of the ancient state regarding yet assimilated entities should rather be regarded more in the fluid terms of historically developing relations and individual opinions based on the current situation, instead of statutory regulations. When considering such factors as the unfolding of Japan's foreign relations up into the 9th century and the changes occurring in the periphery of the archipelago, any attempt at envisioning the structure of Japan's "small empire" based on such elements as "ban" and "i" discussed in legal commentaries is fraught with problems. In its Taiho Ritsuryo codes, the Japanese state merely adopted uncritically the conventional Chinese ideas contained in the Tang Dynasty's codes. Any later attempts to make distinctions between ban and i or any individual perceptions or responses to the existence of kegai all show clearly the limits to ancient Japan's "small empire" structure.

著者

高杉 洋平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.1, pp.36-60, 2013-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

---

Following the Armistice which concluded the First World War, there occurred a strong international trend toward anti-militarism, and in Japan, as well, public opinion toward military downsizing gained traction. On the other hand, since Japan had not participated significantly in the actual fighting during the War, the Army's equipment was now utterly outdated in comparison with the armies of Europe and the United States, and a call arose for the modernization of the Armed Forces. Given these conditions, in 1925 Minister of War Ugaki Kazushige reduced the Army's strength by four infantry divisions and used the budget funding so released to modernize its equipment, thus accomplishing disarmament and modernization in one stroke. His political position was strengthened through this so-called "Ugaki Drawdown", and he was touted to be a promising candidate for Prime Minister. In 1925, returning to the post of minister of war in Hamaguchi Osachi's cabinet, Ugaki embarked on a second round of military reforms, which like his first arms reduction plan, aimed at disarmament combined with modernization. However, the plan ran aground after meeting fierce opposition from the General Staff, causing Ugaki to resign his position in the Cabinet. As to the question of why Ugaki's reform concept succeeded in the first arms reduction plan, but failed in the second, while the two plans have received considerable time and attention from researchers to date, they have focused mainly on each reform plan separately, and thus have had little success in clarifying the various factors which led to the success of one and the failure of the other. From this perspective, the author of the present paper compares the two reform plans on the basis of a sequential interrelationship, and attempts to clarify the various factors within and without the Army that destined each plan to success or failure, while examining the extent to which Ugaki and the General Staff were aware of those factors.

著者

森平 雅彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.2, pp.234-263, 2001

---

In this paper the author discusses turγaγ, hostages sent to the Yuan court by the royal house of Koryo, as one of the institutions in political relationship between Koryo and Yuan. He focuses on the fact that turγaγ were members of kesig, the imperial bodyguards, and regards the kesig system appears the most significance in the turγaγ system. From 1271 until the middle of the fourteenth century, the royal house of Koryo continued to send turγaγ and make them participate in kesig. As a result, almost all the kings experienced kesig before their accession to the throne. The kesig system was important in unifyling the political ruling class that constitute the Mongol Empire, and organizing a foundation of imperial power. It worked as a hostage system restraining the political ruling class, and worked as a way to train these hostages to become members of the ruling class. A bodyguard's devotion was regarded as a merit to the emperor, and the status was regarded as an honorable privilege which received the emperor's faver. Such kesig functions and significance affected the royal house of Koryo, too, and the royal family took advantage of it. At that time, the kings of Koryo became imperial sons-in-law, and received high statusas feudal lords under the Yuan Empire. Participation in kesig was significant as motivation for such status.

著者

岡部 毅史

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.5, pp.809-816, 2007-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

船田 善之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.11, pp.1900-1910, 2004-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

堤 一昭

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, pp.2154, 1998-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

永原 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.10, pp.1760-1761, 1988-10-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

萩原 守

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.12, pp.1939-1976,2073-, 1988-12-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

---

A great deal of research has been done on the legal system in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. But most of it is concerned with interpreting the Mongol Code (meng gu li 蒙古例) enacted by the Ch'ing government and tries to understand the judicial system in Mongolia in that way. There is no research which utilizes any actual judicial precedents. So there has been no way to see, except by speculation, (1)which code was actually effective, (2)how judgment was actually achieved, or (3)how leagues (cirulran) and banners (qosiru) actually functioned as judicial organs. In this paper the author collects and analyzes materials on judicial precedents in order to determine the actual process of the judicial system. He uses a collection of official documents (dang an 〓案) written in Mongolian. It was transcribed into the Cyrillic alphabet, titled as The oppression of Mongolian females in the period of the Manju invaders, and published at Ulan-bator in 1958. He also uses some other official documents photoengraved and introduced by K.Sagaster. The second chapter of The oppression of Mongolian females contains three documents exchanged between banners and leagues concerning an attempted murder which occurred in the left-wing-right-end (zuo yi you mo 左翼右末) banner of the Han-uul league in the Halha region. Looking at them, we can see the actual process of judgment. The outline of this incident is as follows. Two brothers stole three horses from a tayiji, but the bannerhead (jasar) ignored the Mongol Code and judged them by himself without reporting to his superiors. A daughter of the younger brother was given illegally to the tayiji in return for the stolen three horses and became a slave of the banner-head afterwards. Six years later she attempted to murder the banner-head and his wife, after she was incited by a man who had a grudge against the banner-head. The banner court of law sat again. Because she disclosed the illegal action of the banner-head in the second court of the league, the incident involved the banner-head himself and was reported to the emperor Qianlong (乾隆) by way of the minister dealing with the affairs in Huree (ku lun ban shi da chen 庫倫辧事大臣) and the board of foreign affairs (li fan yuan 理藩院). Finally the banner-head was deposed because of his illegal procedure and failure to report to his superiors, while the daughter was exiled to Canton, and the principal offender of the theft, her uncle, was sent to Hunan or Fukien. From these incidents, we can point out many legal facts which have not yet been appreciated. The first significant fact is the positive proof that the Mongol Code was applied in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. And the second is the major principle that the Penal Code (xing lu・xing li 刑律・刑例) of the Ch'ing Code (da qing lu li 大清律例) was to be applied if there were no appropriate regulations in the Mongol Code. We can also bring out some other valuable facts : (1)the requirement that serious criminal cases had to be reported from banners to leagues and then to the board of foreign affairs, (2)the actual conditions at each level in which courts sat and the decisions were made and (3)the process of transporting criminals and witnesses from banners to leagues and then to Huree.

著者

新井 政美

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.4, pp.467-509,583-58, 1984-04-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

---

Unlike most of West European nation-states, the nationalism of non-Western countries, as Hans Kohn put it with a clear insight, "grew in protest and in conflict with the existing state pattern". Such conflict between the political integration of an existing state and the national integration of a rising nationality also existed in Turkish nationalism. There were two groups of people who supported Turkish nationalism : the Ottoman Turks who were rulers of the Ottoman Empire, and Turkic peoples under Russian rule. The most urgent problem for the latter was to free themselves from the czarist rule. On the other hand, as long as the Ottoman Empire existed, preserving the political integration of the Empire should be the most important consideration for the rulers. Now, one of the distinctive characters of Turkish nationalism becomes clear ; it was a nationalism that purgued two different interests : interests of the state (political integration) and those of nation (national integration). These two interests were not in complete accord. Consequently, the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish nation must be regarded as the keys to analysis of Turkish nationalism. We have to examine the formation and development of nationalist movements both inside and outside the Ottoman Empire, making a comparison among them. In this paper, I will analyze the Genc Kalemler (Young Pens), a nationalist periodical published in Salonica, and the first center of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism after the 1908 revolution. Nationalists who issued this periodical stuck to the political integration of the Ottoman state. They regarded it as more urgent than the national integration of the Turkish nation. Then, how should we interpret such characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism? Political integration requires a center of power which becomes its nucleus. All the people in the territory, the object of the integration, are united under this power. It was the Ottoman Turks who were expected to become the nucleus for reconstructing the Ottoman state. If they discovered their national identity as Turks, which had been lost for a long time, the political integration of the state would be facilitated. Our next theme is how the characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism, the idea of the leaders of the Genc Kalemler, appeared in the Turk Dernegi (Turkish Association) and the Turk Yurdu (Turkish Homeland). These organizations were mainly supported by the Turks from Russia. We must analyze them in our next paper.

著者

加藤 博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.1, pp.103-104, 1983-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

村上 淳一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.4, pp.487-493, 1981-04-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

木谷 勤

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.12, pp.1748-1755, 1977-12-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

肥前 栄一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.1, pp.102-107, 1978-01-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

矢田 俊隆

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.317-325, 1977-03-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

小寺 敦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.9, pp.1532-1555, 2005

---

The Shijing 詩経, the ancient Chinese classic dealing with poetry, contains many verses ranging from popular songs to those sung by aristocrats at their feasts, indicating at what stage poetry was in at the time, what functions it performed, as well as how the Shijing itself came into existence and was compiled. Consequently, the actual places where the verses of the Shijing were recited as related in the historical accounts of the Zuozhuan 左伝 and the Guoyu 国語 were mainly confined to gatherings in the broad sense, including banquets, alliance negotiations, swearing in rituals, conversation, joint military action, etc. It is also clear that very important venues for poetry were communal ceremonies of both a religious and formal nature. According to the fables about how poetry was composed, the place where the Shijing itself was compiled was one of these ceremonial venues, closely related to where the kings of the Western Zhou would bestow bronze implements on their retainers as a symbol of their superordinate-subordinate relationship. During the Western Zhou period, marked by an era of city-states, the Shijing was composed of the oral tradition of musicians, when the Zhou kings dominated the rest of China in both knowledge and technology. However, after the move east by the Zhou, its intellectual monopoly ended as the knowledge and technology was disseminated far and wide by those same musicians to the other states, which soon adopted the ruling methods of the Western Zhou kings. From the last decades of the Spring and Autumn Period, regional rule progressed to the extent of governments with literate bureaucrats carrying on administration by documentation, and due to the fact that the Shijing had been utilized by the Western Zhou Dynasty and the other lords of the Spring and Autumn period, it came to play a valuable political role in legitimizing kingship during the following era characterized by rebellion and usurpation. It was also a time when the Shijing itself went through a transition from oral to written from, as the knowledge of it demonstrated by the followers of Confucius spread throughout the strata of would-be bureaucrats. It was under such a situation, as indicated by the archeological evidence, that during the Warring States Period, the Shijing became one of the ancient classics and changed along with Chinese society as a whole in the transition from the Zhou and Spring and Autumn Period to the world of the Qin and Han Dynasties.