著者

ナカイ ケイト W. 中井 義幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.10, pp.1542-1553, 1980-10-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

久保 健一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.5, pp.747-751, 1992

著者

山室 恭子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.5, pp.702-708, 1990-05-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

葭森 健介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.p38-61, 1986-01

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This paper suggests that the government of Tsao-Shuang, the last one of the Tsao dynasty, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule of the Han (漢) dynasty to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei (魏晉南北) dynasties. However, due to the Tsao-Shuang government's radical policy of centralization, opposition from local powers arose resulting in its overthrow by Ssu ma-I (司馬懿). Consequently, Ssu ma-I, recognizing the reason's for the failure of the Tsao-Shuang, government, implemented a revision of the Chung Cheng system, which respected local power. In A.D. 249 the imperial government of the Wei (魏) State at Loyang (洛陽) was overthrown by Ssu ma-I, a general under the Tsao dynasty. This incident would ultimately lead to the establishment of the Western Chin (西晉) dynasty in A.D. 265. At the time of Ssu ma-I's revolt, de facto political power was held by Tsao-Shuang, an imperial prince who was adviser to the young emperor Tsao-Fang (曹芳). This arrangement, which was in accordance with the last wishes of the previous Emperor Tsao-Jui (曹叡), involved a situation in which political power was shared by royalty according to kinship ties and co-provincial (common birthplace) ties with the Emperor. A pattern of nepotistic rule was also apparent during the reign of the Han dynasty ruler Weich'i (外戚). Another aspect of political power under Tsao-Shuang concerns the careers of those in the upper echelons of the political structure. Most were noted literati, famed for their literary works and general scholastic ability. They had gained positions of great influence by cultivating ties with the scions of distinguished families in the court of Emperor Tsao-Jui. The Emperor, suspecting these literati of stirring public opinion against Confucianism, instituted various represive measures to counteract their allegedly destructive influence. The literati found the young nobles to be sympathetic to their plight and, following the Emperor's demise, were able to use their connections to attain prominent positions under the new ruler, Tsao-Shuang. Later, He-An (何晏), a head of the Lipu (吏部), the government office, placed members of the literati and the notables in positions of power in an attempt to establish an effective political base. It is believed that the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynastic Period was characterized by a largely aristocratic polity consisting of the notables and literati. Scholars believe that the notables and literati had great influence on public opinion and their status was recognized in return by the general public. If this point of view is accepted, the government of Tsao-Shuang, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule, which characterized the Han dynasty, to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynasties, despite the fact that the overly centralized power wielded by the government of Tsao-Shuang was effectively counteracted by local public opinion. Ssu ma-I overthrew the government of Tsao-Shuang with the backing of local public opinion and attempted to reform the aristocratic basis of government by instituting the Chiu P'in Chung Cheng (九品中正) system, whereby public officials were assigned on the basis of public opinion. The Chou Ta Chung Cheng (州大中正) system was later established to expand the Chung Cheng system by instituting the Chou Ta Chung Cheng, which was positioned above the existing Ch'un Chung Cheng (郡中正) and insured local rights in governmental personnel affairs. Prior to Ssu ma-I's revolt this policy had not been implemented due to the opposition of these close to Tsao-Shuang, who had established the right of the Lipu to handle civil service personnel affairs. The implementation of the Chou Ta Chung Cheng system is usually regarded as an instance of centralization of administiative power. However, in view of the historical trend described in this paper, it is seen more as an attempt to establish a system in which local rights were respecte

著者

大藤 修

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.5, pp.795-797, 2009

著者

鈴木 裕之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.6, pp.37-62, 2016 (Released:2018-10-05)

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本稿の目的は、内裏の夜間警備(夜行・宿直)の分析から、摂関期における左右近衛府の機能を検討することである。律令制以来、衛府は内裏警備を主たる職掌とした。夜間の警備も同じく規定されていた。延喜式段階でも、その職掌は継承された。本稿の問題意識は、このような内裏の夜間警備が摂関期(一一世紀)に機能していたか、あるいは貴族に認識されていたかという点にある。従来の研究で否定的に理解されてきた摂関期の左右近衛府の治安維持機能について、内裏夜行・宿直の観点から再検討した。 まず、延喜式の夜行・宿衛規定の分析を起点とした。夜行に関する諸規定から、六衛府すべてが内裏・大内裏の夜行に関与していることを指摘した。内裏夜行の検討が、摂関期の左右近衛府の性格を知るうえで有効であると判断した。また、宿衛は考第・昇進の条件として考えられていた。内裏夜行・宿衛の実態史料の分析から、その日常性が確認できた。 次に、一一世紀の左右近衛府の内裏夜行・宿直を考えるため、行事書・儀式書から次第を確認し、古記録から実態を検討した。その結果、摂関期における左右近衛府の内裏夜行・宿直の日常性が明らかとなり、貴族が治安維持組織たる左右近衛府を認識していたことを指摘した。 最後に、内裏夜行・宿直の有効性を補足する論点として、内裏火災における左右近衛府の活動に着目した。摂関期の内裏火災において、消火活動と予防組織としての左右近衛府の姿がみられた。消火・予防という活動の背景には、内裏夜行・宿直の有効性とそれに付随する貴族認識があると考えた。 従来の研究で否定的に理解されてきた左右近衛府の治安維持機能を、内裏の夜間警備を通じてみることで、肯定的に捉えようとしたのが本稿である。儀式関与・芸能・摂関家への奉仕など、様々な存在形態が認められる左右近衛府であるが、本来的な治安維持組織としての姿もその一つとして認めるべきであると結論づけた。

著者

深澤 安博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.7, pp.1186-1191, 1987

著者

佐藤 正幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.5, pp.614-618, 2007-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.1, pp.39-66, 2017

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本稿の目的は、1887年に制定された近代日本最初の官僚任用制度である試補及見習規則期における文部省の官僚任用と文部官僚に要求された専門性・専門知識について明らかにすることである。従来、文部省・文部官僚への言及は、主に教育史領域からなされてきたが、そこでは政策過程を解明することが主眼であり、文部省・文部官僚自体がいかなる組織・集団で、官僚制度の進展とどのように関連したのかといった視角は希薄であった。本稿では、多数の帝国大学法科出身者が各省へ入省する契機となった試補規則期に焦点を当て、文部省による官僚任用の実態を明らかにした。そのうえで、雑誌『教育時論』を用いることで、文部官僚が同時代的に要求された教育行政の専門性・専門知識に関する議論を浮き彫りにした。<br> 本稿の成果は以下の三点である。<br>(1)試補規則期の文部省の試補の採用は、多数を占める帝国大学法科出身者の任用は各省中最少であり、対照的に文科出身の試補全員を任用するという点で、各省の中でも独自の人事任用を行っていた。そして、省内多数を占めた省直轄学校長兼任者・経験者とともに、文科出身者は教育行政を担うに足る専門性・専門知識を持っていると考えられていた。<br>(2)文科出身者とは異なり、井上毅文相期の省幹部が「法律的頭脳」と批判されたように、法科出身者は教育行政官としての資質において批判を受ける可能性を持った。根底には、教育とは「一科の専門」であり、法学領域の能力とは別のものであるという見解があった。<br>(3)「法律的頭脳」と批判された木場貞長は、「行政」を主として教育行政を考える自身を「異分子」と認識した。そして、木場は文部省直轄の学校長などから学校の実情を理解しないと批判されに至った。木場のような思考を持つ文部官僚が主流となるのは、文官高等試験を経て、内務省の官僚が文部省へ異動し、局長などの省内幹部を占める明治末期まで待たなければならなかった。

著者

クラーマー スベン

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.8, pp.1350-1372, 2017-08

著者

大隅 清陽

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.11, pp.1831-1832,2004-, 1991-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Under the Ritsuryo 律令 regime of Japan, the Benkan 弁官 formed a part of the Daijokan 太政官 system. It was an independent department of the Daijokan, and had original offices named the Benkan-cho 弁官庁 and the Benkan-soshi 弁官曹司. The Daijokan in a narrow sense was composed of only the Kugyo 公卿, the Shonagon 少納言 and the Geki 外記 and did not include the Benkan. The function of the Benkan was controlling central and local government offices organized under the Daijokan system, such as Hassho 八省 and Kokushi 国司. These offices informed the Benkan of state affairs by making oral reports as well as documentary ones. The Benkan also orally inquired of the officials about state affairs, and gave them proper instructions. In this way, the Benkan could completely control any government office. But this means that the Daijokan system of Japan was an undeveloped bureaucracy in contrast with the government system of the Tang dynasty In the Tang, every government office divided its affairs between the officials, the chief chang-guan 長官, the vice chief tong-pan-guan 通判官 and the pan-guan 判官. The directions of these officials were recorded in the documents, and the inspector jian-gou-guan 検勾官 of every office supervised their management and took delivery of documents sent by other offices. In Japan, however, there was no such system; only the Benkan controlled and supervised the management of every office as thoroughly as possible. This is the reason why the Benkan was a department separated from the Daijokan in a narrow sense, a cabinet formulating policies. In the ninth century, as the government offices established by the Ritsuryo code declined in their function and new administrative organs came into existence in the Imperial Palace Dairi 内裏, the Benkan also changed in substance. In the begining of the ninth century, the Daijokan in a narrow sense began to perform its duty in the Dairi, not in its original offices, but the Benkan continued to use its own offices. During this century, the Ritsuryo government offices further declined, so the Benkan lost its ability to control them. In the end of the century, the Benkan only sorted out the documents presented by many offices in the Katanashi-dokoro 結政所, the new office of the Benkan located on the east side of the Dairi. At the almost same time, the new administrative organs Tokoro 所 were established in the Dairi, and some Ritsuryo government offices; which had close relations with the Dairi, were reorganized under the Dairi's direct control. Later, the Benkan was appointed chief of the Tokoro and the government offices with the Kugyo and Tenjobito 殿上人, and was called Betto 別当. The establishment of the Katanashi-dokoro means that the Benkan also began to perform its duty in the Dairi. Moreover, the Benkan formed the original format of command, Benkan-ni-kudasu-senji 下弁官宣旨, imitating the Geki-ni-kudasu-senji 下外記宣旨, the way by which the Daijokan in a narrow sense had given the offices commands in the Dairi since the begining of the ninth century. In this way the Benkan's independence from the Daijokan in a narrow sense was diminished. On the contrary, the Benkan became the secretary directly responsible to the Daijokan, carrying out various affairs under the command of the Shokei 上卿, the person in charge of daily affairs in the Daijokan. This is the original form of the Benkan during the Sekkan 摂関 period, that was born at the end of the ninth century. The history of the Benkan under the Ritsuryo regime shows us how the Daijokan system changed and was reorganized.

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.35-37, 2014-01-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

著者

山田 桂子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.12, pp.1938-1960,2049-, 1989-12-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The federal system of India today is composed of linguistic states, corresponding to a linguistic division of the population, which emerged through general states reorganization in 1956. The idea of state reorganization on a linguistic basis in the preindependence era had been embodied from the 1920's through the "divide and ruie" policy adopted by the British government, and was taken up by the Indian National Congress out of the practical necessity to activate a national movement and to placate the muslim population. After independence, the INC shelved the issue on the grounds that linguistic states would pose a menace to national integration. The reorganization of the linguistic states in 1956, however, materialized because of the emergence of the state of Andhra in 1953, which had come into existence only after the fast and ensuing death of an agitator, and out of economic convenience to accomplish the 5 years' plan effectively. Andhra state, which led the states reorganization on a linguistic basis, was the consequence of the Andhra movement, which had been rising since the beginning of the 20th century in Andhra region, a part of the Madras Precidency, where Telugh language was spoken. The Telugu area was divided into Madras Precidency and Hyderabad Princery state. The Telugus were in the minority compared with the Tamils in Madras Precidency, and remained underdeveloped under the Muslim rulers in Hyderabad. In 1953 the Andhra region seceded from Madras state and named their territory Andhra state. Then Andhra Pradesh was formed in 1956, a united Telugu state annexing the Telugu area in Telangana. However, there emerged a strong demand for a separate Telangana state in 1968 led by people discontented with the economic imbalance. Why did such separatism have to take place in Andhra Pradesh, which was considered as the pioneer and model linguistic state in free India? The consistent phenomenon through Andhra Movement was the ascent of the castes on the political scene. The Andhra Movement was started by Telugu Brahman, and the largest landed non-Brahman caste groups, the Reddy and Kamma, participated in the movement during late 20's and 30's. In particular, the Reddy, widely spread throughout the Telugu area, came to power, which enable surpass the Brahmans, because they were reorganized and united by the emergence of a united Telugu state. Moreover, after Andhra Pradesh was formed, the people who belonged to the minor castes and factions gained influence in state politics and led a movement to agitate for a separate Telangana state. In short, the Andhra Movement was represented the ascent of the Reddy carried out around the symbol of Telugu language ; and the Telangana Separatists Movement was represented the ascent of the minor castes caused by economic imbalance. Thus, the inconsistent tendency to form and disunite the linguistic state can be seen in the consistent one of the steady ascent of castes.

著者

田崎 哲郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.12, pp.1952-1953, 1983

著者

小池 勝也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.10, pp.1699-1735, 2015

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The aim of the present article is to examine the historical development of the Tsuruoka Hachiman Shrine (present day Kamakura, Kanagawa Prefecture) during the Muromachi period, a subject that has not been given serious attention from the time of the compilation of the History of Metropolitan Kamakura: Temples and Shrines in 1967. This article focuses on the Buddhist abbots (betto 別当) and monks (guso 供僧) who served the Shrine during its period of Shinto-Buddhist syncretism, while keeping in mind the presence of Muromachi Bakufu appointed governors (kubo 公方) of Kamakura. The line of betto who managed the Shrine's Buddhist affairs during the period have been described in the sources as strictly disciplining the Shrine's monks, replacing those they accused of misconduct, in the process of continuously and freely exercising their powers of appointment and thus expanding their sphere of personal influence over the monks under their jurisdiction. On the other hand, we also see a rise in incidences of monks resisting the authority of their betto, to an extent that during the last years of the Muromachi Bakufu, betto were altogether prevented from replacing their subordinates. Concerning the case of Koken, who served as the Shrine's 20th betto between 1355 and 1410, issuing directives to his subordinate monks using the seal of the Kamakura Kubo in Oei 7 (1400), the research to date has interpreted this act as a surrender of betto authority to the governor ; however, a rereading of the related primary sources reveals that such a general conclusion can not be reached from one isolated incident. Although there is no record of Koken's successor Sonken replacing any of his monks, there is the incident in Oei 22 (1415) in which the prestigious mountain ascetic title of "In" was bestowed on the Shrine's monks, but excluded any one not belonging to the Shingon (Toji Temple) Faction of esoteric Buddhism, indicating a discriminatory attitude towards those monks not under the betto's personal influence. Then a struggle arose over the appointment of Sonken's successor, which reverberated into secular politics, leaving Son'un as betto by virtue of the mass replacement of the Shrine's monks. Son'un's term of office was marked by further worsening of relations between the Shrine's betto and his monks, which developed into a situation of such turbulence that the Kamakura Kubo showed signs of possible intervention in the Shrine's personnel affairs, and ended up replacing Son'un. Incidentally, Sonchu, the Kubo's replacement, was executed for collusion with Ashikaga Mochiuji in the Shogun's younger brother's "rebellion" of 1438-39. The process by which the Buddhist sector of Tsuruoka Hachiman Shrine was transformed from an non-sectarian center of learning to a predominately Shingon Faction dominated institution, beginning in the mid-14th century, was by no means a peaceful one, as indicated by the rise of serious tension during that time between the Shrine's betto and the monks under their jurisdiction.

著者

横山 伊徳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.11, pp.2005-2006, 1992

著者

坂口 太郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.4, pp.459-497, 2013-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In recent years, particular attention has been drawn to the retired Emperor Go-Uda's 後宇多 promotion of esoteric Buddhism and it surrounding cultural and political environment as the staging ground for the "anomalous (igyo 異形) monarchical regime" of his son Emperor Go-Daigo 後醍醐. This paper discusses the relation between the Daikakuji 大覚寺 line of imperial descent and its "monzeki" 門跡 (Buddhist temples designated for tonsured members of the imperial family, also referred by the title of monzeki) during the late Kamakura and Kenmu 建武 Regime periods, by focusing on prince-monk Shoen 性円 (Go-Daigo's brother), who was chosen as the Daikakuji Monzeki. Little is known about the early life of Shoen, who is generally referred to as "Daikakuji-miya"; however, the author's investigation of yet unpublished historical sources place him at Yasui Monzeki 安井門跡 (Rengeko-In 蓮華光院), which was affiliated to the Ninnaji-Goryu 仁和寺御流 branch of Shingon Buddhism. Given the additional fact that Go-Uda originally planned to take control of Ninnaji-Goryu, the author concludes that Shoen's assumption of Yasui Monzeki was part of his father's overall religious policy. Then Go-Uda founded the Daikakuji Monzeki, providing it with proprietary estates and sub-temples, and transfered his son to Daikakuji, making Shoen his possible successor. The author also points out that in his struggle with Ninnaji, Go-Uda bestowed on Shoen the second highest princely rank and such imperial household treasures as the cintamani jewel. Moreover, in his later years Go-Uda repeatedly performed esoteric Buddhist rituals for the protection of the Daikakuji line, and had Shoen participate in them to train him for his future calling. After Go-Uda's death, Shoen became the abbot of Daikakuji, supporting Go-Daigo, who sent his own son Gosho 恒性 to serve as a priest at Daikakuji, and the fact that Gosho would later be banished to Etchu 越中 Province by the Kamakura Bakufu and then assassinated shows without a doubt that he was part of the plan to overthrow that military regime. Hence, it is likely that because of its control over a large number of proprietary estates, Go-Daigo depended heavily on the Daikakuji Monzeki in his plans to overthrow the Bakufu. As for Shoen during the Kenmu era, in addition to his performance of esoteric Buddhist rituals, he served as a general on the field of battle. Moreover, after the fall of the Kenmu regime, Shoen continued to serve the Southern Court. Since the publication of Amino Yoshihiko's seminal work on the period in question, the research has been focused on the Shingon priest Monkan 文観, in order to elucidate the religious aspects of Go-Daigo and his reign. However, if one considers the historical developments from the time of Go-Uda, it becomes clear, as this article shows, that it was not Monkan, but rather the Daikakuji Monzeki allying with the Daikakuji line of descent led by Shoen, which lent the primary support to Go-Daigo's regime from within the walls of Shingon Buddhism.

著者

本多 博之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.10, pp.1738-1746, 2011-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

王 勇華

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.12, pp.2173, 1997-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

鈴木 裕子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.177-195,242-24, 1977-02-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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In March Cf 1868, the Meiji government's regulations against Christianity were made public. These new regulations in terms of content were inherited directly from the Bakufu. This decision was due to the complicated state of national affairs which included attacks on the government by the remnants of the Bakufu army and the ongoing clashes between foreigners and anti-foreigners. However, once these regulations were issued as law, the government had to preserve them, lest any change weaken its own authority and become a source of criticism against the government by those elements opposed to the new Meiji regime. The exiling of the thirty-four hundred Christians from Urakami Village in Nagasaki was the largest concession the Meiji government could make to foreign countries. This decision was implemented in December of 1869 despite delays resulting from the war. At first, the regulations concerning Christianity had no connection with the plan to make Shinto the established religion. However, this link was made during the government's efforts to retain the anti-Christian regulations. Accordingly, though the government promised generous treatment to foreigners after the Urakami villagers had been exiled, the government did not have any concrete plans to carry out its promise. Only in the fall of 1870 did Christianity become a subject of lively debate in the government, and that was simply because there was a fear of a problem possibly taking place in Kagoshima, the home of many important people in the government. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which had been receiving a constant stream of protests from foreign countries, understood that the problem of Christianity in Japan was an important one in foreign affairs. Yet, it had little power in the government and so did not participate in the making of government policy decisions concerning this issue. Nonetheless, the Foreign Ministry had continued to appeal to the government to keep the promises it had made to other countries. In the spring of 1871 the central government's suppression of the rebel forces ended in success. In July of the same year the "han" system was dissolved and replaced by the "ken" system of local government. As the government continued to centralize power and to institute organizational changes in the governmental system, it then began to show its willingness to change its policy by its handling of the Imari Incident in Saga and its release of those Urakami villagers who had given up their belief in Christianity. Also emerging at this time were demands for the end of any anti-Christian regulations by members of Japanese governmental missions in Europe and America. In February of 1872 when the government's concern over the discontented elements in Japan had come to an end, the enforcing of anti-Christian regulations also came to an end. In this way we can see that while the Meiji government's policy towards Christianity was a concern of Japanese foreign policy, essentially it was influenced more by domestic political factors and changes during this Period.