著者

大川 裕子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2019-2020, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

原科 颯

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.4, pp.30-54, 2020

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明治22(1889)年に制定された(明治)皇室典範(以下、典範)は、皇位継承や皇族など皇室に関する重要事項を定めた。本稿は、従来等閑視されてきた元老院議官の制定への関与に着目した上で、典範によって規定された皇室の自律性を明らかにするものである。<br>  典範草案の多くは、柳原前光や尾崎三良など、近世朝廷関係者で三条実美を人脈的結節点とする元老院議官によって作成・協議された。それらは、井上毅の意見とは異なり、天皇の皇族に対する監督権(以下、皇族監督権)を尊重しながら、皇位継承順序・摂政就任順序の変更などは元老院へ諮詢されねばならないとした。背景には、皇室の自律性確保や元老院の権限強化といった志向がうかがえる。<br>  しかしながら制定を主導した伊藤博文は、皇族監督権を容認する一方、皇位継承順序の変更については、皇室の政治からの独立性を担保すべく、元老院のみならず内閣への諮詢も否定した。こののち柳原は、伊藤・井上に対し、起草作業の主導権をめぐる対抗意識や政治的闘争心を強めるに至った。<br>  その後、典範諮詢案の枢密院会議では、永世皇族制が採択されたものの、皇族の婚姻や懲戒などに関しては、宮内大臣の副署や皇族会議ないし枢密顧問官への諮詢を要すとしつつ、天皇の皇族監督権が広く認められた。<br>  かくして典範の制定は、憲法のそれとは対照的に、草案の広範な回付や伊藤への対抗意識を伴った。この間、柳原ら議官は一貫して上院の皇室事項への関与を重視したが、伊藤は内閣・議会いずれの関与も斥けた。しかしながら両者は、先行研究では看過されてきたが、皇位継承を除く皇室事項について天皇の意思を尊重する点では概ね一致したといえる。即ち典範は、皇室の自律性を確保すべく、皇室の政治からの独立性(消極的自律性)を保障した上で、皇室事項は原則として、天皇をはじめ宮内大臣・皇族会議・枢密顧問官の意思で決定・運営されるとしたのである(積極的自律性)。

著者

下村 周太郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.6, pp.1084-1110, 2012-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Within the recent research done on the Japanese medieval state, a debate has arisen over how to evaluate the Kamakura Bakufu in contrast to the imperial court in Kyoto. If we try to relocate the problem somewhat differently, we end up fundamentally focusing on the question of what is the meaning of "state" in medieval Japan. The present article focuses on contemporary ideology and extraordinary events from the analytical perspective of the relativization of the modern nation-state, in order to trace indicators and characteristic features of the "state" within the Japanese medieval world, within the context of the time-space continuum of premodern East Asia. In concrete terms, the author takes up the political ideology of correlating divine will with human action (tenjin 天人) in connection with extraordinary events, a set of beliefs which originated in China then spread throughout the regions on its periphery, as the ideology developed in Kyoto aristocratic society during the early medieval period, which is a given factor when trying to place the Kamakura Bakufu within context of the state at that time. This tenjin ideology involved understanding the origins of extraordinary events, both favorable and disastrous, as stemming from divine judgement towards corresponding good or bad political governance. What the author terms the "tenjin correlation" can therefore be identified as the fundamental necessary condition for aristocratic organizations responsible for political action and therefore for those political entities of the premodern East Asian world which we conceptualize as "states". Although the research to date has tended to undervalue and de-emphasize the importance of the "tenjin correlation" in the workings of the imperial court in early medieval Kyoto, the author is able to verify the continuing existence of an ideology of causality based on the "tenjin correlation," in particular with respect to extraordinary natural phenomena. That is to say, the idea of such phenomena as crucial events being a characteristic feature of the medieval world is the key to evaluating the early medieval Kyoto imperial court as a "state" within the time-space continuum of premodern East Asia. On the basis of such ideology, the various political responses that were selected and implemented on the occasion of extraordinary natural events can be understood structurally as composed of invocation (exorcism) and public acts of benevolence. The author concludes that the medieval Japanese "state" model can be understood in terms of extraordinary natural events, etc. being ultimately judged as divine punishment for immoral, mistaken political governance on the part of the ruler, and also as a political entity composed of rulers and their counselors responding to the will of heaven with two kinds of human action, acts of expiation and public displays of benevolence. It is within this context that the situation of the Kamakura Bakufu and medieval social structure should be placed.

著者

堀 直

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.12, pp.1741-1748, 1977-12-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

高野 太輔

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.3, pp.307-331, 1996

著者

高野 太輔

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.3, pp.307-331, 1996-03-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

河上 麻由子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.12, pp.2047-2082, 2008-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article examines memorials (上表文) sent to the Southern dynasties that display a strong Buddhist influence. Its first chapter focuses on the analysis of the memorials sent to the Song and the Liang Dynasties from the Shizi 師子 Kingdom and the Tian-zhu-jia-pi-li 天竺迦〓黎 and Zhong-tian-zhu 中天竺 Kingdoms, which have been considered the same kingdom, but despite the common name Tian-zhu 天竺, they should not be regarded as the same. In addition, it is difficult to confirm that tribute sent in the name of the Shizi Kingdom in 527 was really sent by that kingdom. Chapter 2 discusses the circumstances under which the memorials sent to the Song and Nanqi Dynasties correspond to those sent to the Liang Dynasty and concludes that the former were composed by Buddhist monks who moved between the Nanhai 南海 Kingdoms and China, in such places as Funan 扶南. Moreover, the author argues that during the reign of Liang Dynasty Emperor Wu, correspondence was sent out expressing the emperor's wish to receive Buddhist-worded memorials, which forced neighboring kingdoms to consult older memorials preserved in a place presumably Funan. Given this background, Chapter 3 examines the relationship between the Southern dynasties and those kingdoms which sent Buddhist-influenced memorials, concluding that the traditional tribute relationship (册封 or 除授) was not formed between the Southern dynasties and those kingdoms, with only one exception during the Song era. This is because their memorials presumed a different relationship, between the Chinese emperor as bodhisattvas who provide guidance in popular worship and the kingdoms, as described in the Buddhist scripture about the relationship between Ashoka the Great and the kingdoms on his periphery. Within such a scenario, the traditional emperor-subject tribute relationship was considered inappropriate. Considering the situation of the Southern dynasties having to legitimize their existence in competition with the Northern dynasties, the author argues that the former, particularly the Liang dynasty, instituted a new form of diplomatic relationship based on Buddhism, which was now expected to play an international role as the guarantor of dynastic legitimacy.

著者

三浦 徹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.1, pp.1-47,141-142, 1989-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

被引用文献数

1

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I.M.Lapidus, an American specialist of Middle Eastern history, argued that the ruling Mamluks' role of combining the 'ulama' (religious and legal scholars) and the common people into one political and social unity, was characteristic of the structure of urban society during the Mamluk dynasty. He called such a system of political and social relations the 'Mamluk regime' and insisted that it worked well even after the rise of the Ottoman dynasty. At the end of the Mamluk era, that is during the time from the accession of Sultan Qa'itbay to the decline of the dynasty (1468-1517), the state suffered from a severe financial crisis due to the decrease of iqta revenue and the increase in the payment of salaries for soldiers and civil officials. Also at that time, impoverished Mamluks often revolted against the Sultan for the fulfilment of these payments. These social instabilities forced the Mamluk state to reform its financial and military regime, which had solely depended on the iqta' system and the Mamluks. This article examines those reform policies and their influence over administration and control of cities in the Mamluk state, in an attempt to reinterpret Lapidus' thesis on the structure of urban society. First, concerning financial policy, Sultan Qa'itbay started taxation on property of citizen and waqf endowment. The state intended it to absorb the accumlated wealth in cities for the betterment of bugetary conditions. For the same purpose the state adopted a policy to take bribes at appointments of officials and to confiscate their property during their tenures of office. It accelerated both a plutocratic tendency among officials and the prevalence of bribary in the administration. This tendency was especially noticeable in the legal administration of cities. The chief judge (qadi al-qudat) appointed many legal officials such as deputy-judges (na'ib), notaries (shahid) and executors (naqib, rasul) and formed them into his own faction (jama'a). He and his party gained profits on the legal system by means of bribary, services charges and so on. In Damascus the governor (na'ib) often levied taxes on its quarters (hara). Especially on expeditions, he conscripted both the arquebusier infantries and their wages from each quarter. He adopted this policy to resolve at once the problems of the financial crisis and the defense of the city. Administrators of each quarter (arif) and the governor's subordinates, such as the majordomo (ustadar) and executive secretary (dawadar), were in charge of collecting taxes. The governor managed to rule the city by embracing these officials and private mercenaries in his faction. As for the commn people, inhabitants of each quarter took remarkable political actions. They almost overwhelmed the military power of the Mamluks in the rebellion of the year 903 / 1497 and in the revolt of 907 / 1501. It was a social group called the zu'r that set up these popular movements. They were outlaws who lived on plunder and assassination. They were employed as infantry and private merconary by the governors, while they dominated markets and stores in their quarters and prevented the governor from taxation in exchange for protection fees. In the cities at the end of the Mamluk era, both the governor, a military-executive, and the chief judge, himself a civil official, formed their own factions (jama'a) and strengthened their domains and exploitation of the people. The commom people coudn't seek shelter anywhere other than under the protection of the zu'r, who built their bases of power in each quarter. The urban society in this period was co structured that various factions and groups were struggling with each other forcibly. Lapidus began his thesis by assuming that the Mamluks, the 'ulama' and the common people were the major strata and actors in the cities.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

古賀 康士

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.1, pp.42-68, 2016

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本稿の課題は、近世初期細川小倉藩の鋳銭事業の全体像を再構成し、その歴史的位置づけを明らかにすることである。小倉藩による鋳銭事業は短期間で頓挫したものの、幕府の寛永通宝の導入に先立つ大名領主の本格的な銭貨鋳造として、早くからその歴史的意義が注目されてきた。だが、既存の研究では新銭の流通開始直後に現れる「にせ銭」と不良銭の撰銭の問題などを始め、鋳銭事業の全体像はなお未解明であった。そこで本稿では、(一)新銭の鋳銭体制の復原、(二)新銭を含む銭貨の流通形態の解明、(三)新銭のベトナム輸出の実態分析という三つの分析課題につき検討した。<br>第一の新銭の鋳銭体制については、複数の銭屋による競争的な請負制が明らかとなった。銭屋の操業は分業による一元化がなされず、各自の採算性に基づいて鋳銭が行われた。そこでは新銭の競売による価格圧力も存在したため、低品質な銭貨が大量生産され、不良銭の撰銭現象が惹起した。これに対応し、小倉藩は新銭一貫文=銀五匁とする公定の固定相場制を導入し、価格競争的な鋳銭体制を修正した。<br>第二の新銭の流通形態については、流通開始直後の「にせ銭」の問題から、小倉藩が新銭を公式の銭貨とする専一流通策を採用したこと、また近世初頭の中国西部・九州北部において、新銭と同等ないしそれ以下の低品質な銭貨が地域的貨幣として広く鋳造・流通したことを導出した。<br>第三の新銭のベトナム輸出に関しては、ベトナム輸出の可能性が鋳銭事業の廃止を小倉藩に決定させる主要因となったことを示した。また日本では低品質な銭貨として位置づけられた新銭も、ベトナムでは精銭範疇に属する「大銭」として認識されたことが確認された。<br>以上の結論からは、寛永通宝の「銭座」体制の歴史的前提となる鋳銭体制の組織面・経営面での革新や初期藩札との貨幣政策上の類似性といった問題が新たな課題として示唆された。

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.2, pp.212-235, 2003-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Historians seem to regard the institution of the Caliphate as one of the most important problems in the Islamic political history. Even after the dissolution of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, that institution was still the main source of power and legitimacy, as seen in the Mamluk and Ottoman dynasties. It is generally understood that in the mid-ninth century when the amir al-umara' took over temporal power from the 'Abbasid Caliph, the Caliphate was reduced to a mere political symbol, granting legitimacy to the provincial regimes that were rising in various places at that time. A critical re-examination of the political relationships among the Buwayhid rulers and between the Caliph and the Buwayhid rulers, however, reveals that authorization by the 'Abbasid Caliph came not always into effect as the root of their legitimacy. In the earlier period, Buwayhid rulers were amirs appointed by the Caliph as his provincial officers. Acquiring the riyasa, which was the leadership of the Buwayhid family, became more important in claiming legitimacy after the struggle for power within that family. As a result, 'Adud al-Dawla, having won the riyasa of Buwayhid family, was no longer an amir appointed by the Caliph, but established himself as a "malik", meaning the holder of "mulk (sovereignty)", which did not originate from the 'Abbasid Caliphate. Judging from the above, the authority of the Caliphate as a political symbol was not always absolute, but rather was one of the several resources by which provincial regimes could legitimize their domination. So, when studying the development of political institutions after the emergence of the Saljuqid dynasty, must take the existence of malik and mulk into consideration.

著者

村井 章介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.411-453,552-55, 1978-04-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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The machinery which the Kamakura Bakufu set up in Kyushu to govern a large area has been much studied from the point of view of institutional history, with priority given to its judicial aspect. In the present article, attention is given to two aspects which have been largely overlooked, namely, its close relationship with the office of county shugo 守護 (Protector) in Kyushu, and its connection with the "tokusei" (徳政 : political innovation), especially the protection of the estates of Shinto shrines. As to the first point, at least eleven counties saw their shugo replaced at the same time towards the end of 1275. This reshuffle formed part of the plan for a counter-attack on Ko-ryo, which had been used by the Yuan as a base for their invasion of Japan. In the reshuffle, the arrival in Kyushu of Kanesawa Sanemasa 金沢実政 as deputy for the shugo of the county of Buzen 豊前 was the starting-point of the political process leading to the establishment of the office of Chinzei-tandai 鎮西探題. There followed the arrival of Hojo Tokisada 北条時貞 as shugo of Hizen 肥前 in 1281 and the exercise of military power over the whole of Kyushu by Hojo Kanetoki 北条兼時, who was appointed shugo of Higo 肥後 in 1293. These appointments were made directly in response to the external tension caused by the Mongol invasion, and resulted in the extension of the influence of the Hojo clan. This process reached its peak when in a short space of time the offices of shugo of four counties, Hizen, Higo, Buzen and Osumi 大隅, were monopolized by Kanesawa Sanemasa, who returned to Kyushu as Chinzei-tandai in 1296, and his close relatives. The development of regional power, pointing to the future territorial government system under the shugo, had already begun. As for the second point, the Tokuso (得宗 : head of the Hojo clan) government, which dominated the Kamakura Bakufu, framed a series of policies called Koan-tokusei 弘安徳政 in 1284 after the Mongol invasion. These policies were an attempt to elevate the Bakufu into a central power ruling over the whole of Japan by having the Bakufu decide cases concerning the land-tenure problems of shrine estates and by organizing the people under the control of manor lords into a new feudal hierarchy. The policies were, however, upset by a coup-d'etat in November 1285 in which the leader of the innovatory movement, Adachi Yasumori 安達泰盛, was killed. What the post-coup Tokuso government inherited from the Koan-tokusei and developed still further was a policy of almost blind protection of the Shinto shrines. Although the Tokuso government was prematurely possessed of several characteristics of the Muromachi Bakufu, it did not attempt to reform the shogun-gokenin (将軍-御家人 : lord-vassal) relationship which was the institutional backbone of the Kamakura Bakufu. Lacking any legitimate claim to exercise domination over the gokenin, it sought to enhance its power by obtaining a huge material base. But this was only to estrange the vassals and to intensify the isolation of the government. The Tokuso government even feared that the Kanesawa family, which belonged to the Hojo clan, might extend its influence in Kyushu, and a step was taken to check the process by which the Kanesawa were becoming a territorial power. In this way, the government could not avoid continually giving rise to its own critics and opponents, and so it deepened its reliance on divine protection in order to escape from the sense of isolation.

著者

安部 聡一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.10, pp.1591-1620,1732-, 2002-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In order to find a clue to a new understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin 魏晋,the author reex-amines descriptions of Dang Gu 党錮,the oppression of the members of the so-called "faction" in the last decades of the Eastern Han Dynasty. This is based on the difference between the Eastern Han and the Wei-Jin, to which some scholars have already called attention, and what the author examined in previous papers on the transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions from Dong Guan Han Ji 『東觀漢記』 to Fan Hua 范曄's Hou Han Shu 『後漢書』 , via Xie Cheng 謝承's Hou Han Shu and six other Hou Han Shu, influenced by the consciousness and understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin. That oppression has been an important point in the research on the historical development from the late Eastern Han to the Wei-Jin and the formation of aristocratic social institutions during that period. In particular, the research of KAWAKATSU Yoshio 川勝義雄 has had a great deal of influence. KAWAKATSU argues that the so-called "upright-literati" 清流士大夫, which took the lead in the so-called "upright-group" 清流勢力, which was the origin of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin, was organized autonomously into a pyramidal system of assessing persons 郷論関節の重層構造. His argument is principally based on the "ranking" personages 名士の「番付」, which is described in Dang Gu Lie Zhuan 党錮列伝 of Fan Hua's Hou Han Shu. However, reexamining the description of that "ranking" process with the above-mentioned transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions in mind, it is obvious that on the one hand, the title in the Zhang Jian 張儉's group must have really existed in the period of Dang Gu, but on the other, the "ranking" personages in the world 天下名士の「番付」 and titles in this "ranking", such as San Jun 三君 and Ba Jun 八俊, must have appeared between the Western Jin to the Eastern Jin Dynasties. This means that the "ranking" personages in the world based on the understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin, therefore, cannot overrate the relationship of literati 士大夫 in the period of Dang Gu. This brings up the subjects of local powerful families, and Wang Fa 王法, the idea of rule which spread from the center to the local level, the provinces Jun 郡 in which the rule of Wang Fa appeared, and, moreover, reconsidering various subjects of the formation of aristocratic institutions from the view of the relation between local powerful families and the Wang Fa. This also brings up the subjects of the self-identification of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin and the legitimacy of these dynasties, through the way in which these descriptions were made. These points need to be investigated when researching in the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin in the future.

著者

大葉 昇一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.7, pp.1135-1172,1286-, 1986-07-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Chinghis khan reorganized his troops in accordance with the decimal system in 1204 before he attacked the Naiman tribe. This formation was a military unit, but on the other hand, it was also an administrative unit. This system is called the Ch'ien-hu-zhi 千戸制, which has remained the standard system in the Mongol Empire since then. The features of this formation are a simple chain of command, a simple style of organization and ease of mobilization. It functioned very effectively. But this formation had irregular characteristics and various ploblems. For example, the chief of the Ch'ien-hu 千戸 (chiliarchs) posessed a Po-hu 百戸 (centurions) which was under his direct control. He held the post of the chief of the Po-hu concurrently. And the chief of the Po-hu posessed a Shi-hu 十戸 (decurions), which was under his direct control. He held the post of the chief of the Shi-hu concurrently. In these cases, we find the traces remaining of the body guard formation of clan faction organization. These cases do not describe the usual military formation of the Mongol empire. At least in the period of the Yuan dynasty, the hierarchy of officers was systematized bureaucratically and the officer's compentence was restricted reasonably. However, in the cace of the Shih-wei-ch'in-chun 侍衛親軍 (the imperial personal army), there was not a solitary commander who could lead the whole army in the bureaucratic system, in order to prevent an army clique from appearing. On the contrary, high officers of the central government were able to occupy the post of the solitary commander. It was too difficult to prevent men from concentrating power. They were the Mongolian and the Se-mu-ren 色目人 who stood on the basis of the Shih-wei-ch'in-chun. There are various explanations about the Ch'ien-hu. The correct explanation is that it was organized with one thousand hu 戸 (households), which were able to offer one thousand soldiers. In Mongol, the general idea of hu was that it was a kinship group, each such group with one manhood was counted as one hu, whose man was destined to be a soldier. A group with two soldiers was counted as too hu, and so on. Therefore, every hu had only one male member who should be a soldier. In Mongol it was the social custom that they counted the number of hu this way. The Ch'ien-hu was the military and administrative unit organized with one thousand hu each of which offered one soldier. However the number of members or hu was not mathematically strict. The Yuan dynasty used the system of Ch'ien-hu when it organized the Chinese into the Han-chun 漢軍. But the households of Han-chun could not stand the military economic burden. Therefore, the Yuan dynasty had to allow military households, which could not offer a soldier, to mainly bear military expenses. Consequently, the capacity for mobilization did not correspond to the fixed numbers in accordance with the decimal system. This difference resulted from the fact that the military formation of the nomadic society was applied without revision to the farming society. However, after the middle of the Yuan period, the formations of Han-chun were completed relatively, resulting in the military of the Mongols and the Se-mu-ren severely lacking in soldiers. This paper aims at describing the general idea of the military formation of the Mongol empire and the Yuan dynasty and how to solve it's structural deficiencies from the viewpoint of both the chain of command system and the style of organization.

著者

池上 俊一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, pp.2160, 1998-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

袁 甲幸

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.2, pp.167-202, 2020-02

著者

渡辺 滋

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.64-89, 2014

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This article examines the early stages of the widespread acceptance and use in Japan of a new indicator of ranked status in the attachment of the prefix "yomei" 揚名 to the names of bureaucratic posts, a practice that is first seen in 10th century. The author takes up the actual case of attaching the prefix yomei to the post of provincial governor (kokushi 国司), clarifying its origins and historical development. Yomei-kokushi was used in the case of appointees who were considered to be of equal rank to a provincial governor, but were not entrusted with the actual duties of the post. Beginning with their appearance in the mid-Heian period, there is no doubt that the earliest yomei-prefixed appointments included neither official duties nor salaries. However, concerning the situation from the late Heian period on, the research to date diverges in opinion, leaving no solid conclusions. This state of affairs is what prompts the author to reexamine the related source materials from the period and in so doing finding three different definitions of "yomei", on of which consists of the prefix attached to the name of office and meaning, "an official title with no actual authority". The custom of attempting to obtain such a title began in the capital (Kinai 畿内) region during the 10th century, then spread to the outer provinces during the 11th century. The motives by which such a title was obtained were not only pecuniary through outright sale of the office, but also the desire on the part of patrons to bestow titles upon their subordinates for the purpose of strengthening ties of clientship. Up through the 11th century, the number of available yomei appointments was limited to less than the number of qualified applicants and involved a continuous turnover rate of from several months to a year. Later on, the title gradually decreased in value, until even yomei titles of low level local administrators became viewed as worthless. That being said, titles based on the bureaucracy defined by the ancient Ritsuryo legal codes, which by the beginning of the medieval period had long been empty of meaning, now became worth obtaining as expressions of ranked status throughout medieval society. The appearance of the title yomei-kokushi in the 10th century can therefore be placed within the context of symbols determining ways of thinking about how medieval Japanese society was supposed to function.

著者

後藤 裕加子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.6, pp.1152-1153, 1991-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

向井 伸哉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.10, pp.1-30, 2018 (Released:2019-10-20)

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本稿は、南仏ラングドック地方の中央に位置するベジエ市とその南九キロメートルに位置するヴァンドレス村を対象に、十四世紀後半の都市文書と村落文書を組み合わせ、都市=農村関係の政治的側面について解明を行う。 十四世紀後半、ベジエのエリート(都市自治体の役職経験者)は、①ベジエの国王役人、②一時的な司法的・行政的任務の遂行者、③国王税・地方税の徴税人、④ベジエのコンシュル(執政官=自治体代表)、⑤金貸し、村の所得税収・資産税収ならびに農作物の購入者、⑥個人的協力者・助言者、⑦自治体弁護士など、様々な資格・役割で村落共同体の前に現れる。 ①②の資格では村に対して司法・行政上の決定権を行使し、③⑤の資格では村に対して財政上の決定権や影響力を行使しつつ、金銭的援助や営利目的の投資を行い、④の資格ではヴァンドレスのコンシュルにある時は対等な関係で助力を与え、ある時は上位の立場からこれを指導し、⑥⑦の資格ではヴァンドレスのコンシュルに様々な助言・助力を与えた。職業の観点からすると、①②には大土地所有者と法曹、③⑤には実業家(商工業)が多く、⑦は法曹が占めている。 彼ら都市エリートは、ヴァンドレスのエリートに対して、経済的、学識的、政治的資本の所有という点で圧倒的優位に立っており、これらの資本を利用しながら、村を時に支配し、時に保護した。 十四世紀後半の過酷な戦争環境を生き延びる上で、たしかに村は外部からの軍事的保護を頼りにせず自衛機能を強化した。しかしながら、軍事以外の分野では卓越した経済的・学識的・政治的資本を有する都市エリートの保護を必要とした。領主制から王朝国家へと統治レジームが移行する一方で、戦争による治安悪化が常態化し外部権力からの軍事的保護が無効になった中世後期南フランスにおいて、村落の保護者の役割は、もはや領主ではなく、いまだ君主でもなく、他ならぬ地域首府の都市エリートによって担われたのだ。

著者

荒木田 岳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.8, pp.1430-1454,1548-, 1999-08-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The conventional research on the large / small administrative districting system of the Meiji period known as the daiku-shoku-sei 大区小区制 explains that the passage of the "Three New Acts" (sanshimpo 三新法 ; a new four-district system, rule for prefectural assemblies, and taxation guidelines) in 1878 was in direct response to various forms of nationwide resistance to the system's "bizarre" character. On the other hand, in the midst of increasing administrative problems after the abolition of the Tokugawa era fiefs and the establishment of prefectures, in addition to expanding administrative districts in the hope of governmental rationalization, a method allowing either "consolidation" or "alliance" of local villages and towns was being sought. While consolidation was being aggressively pursued in some prefectures, almost nothing was being done in others, thus causing much regional diversity. Therefore, the early Meiji era's local administration system has been characterized as "different depending on both time and place," resulting in an institutional history portrayed within both temporal and spatial discontinuity. In recent years, scholars have focused on villages and towns under this large / small districting system in terms of its continuity with the "Three New Acts" of 1878 ; however, the conventional methodology is incapable of explaining changes implemented in the Three New Acts regime after 1878. In the present article, the author searches for away of understanding the large / small districting system by building a systematic structure of its temporal and spatial differences, a methodology to examine the continuity of the two systems in question by focusing particularly on the administrative districts headed by kocho 戸長 under the large / small districting system and their counterparts under the Three New Acts regime. The main findings are as follows ; 1) the large / small districting system involved the "alliance" of towns and villages ; 2) "alliance" was convenient for implementing the new land tax system ; 3) however, under the system, " consolidation" was pursued to expand administrative jurisdiction ; 4) regional discrepancies in consolidation efforts led to regional diversity in terms of both scale and character ; 5) in order to eliminate such discrepancies, the Three New Acts established an administrative district headed by kocho to continue the "alliance" process ; 6) here lies the continuity before and after 1878 ; and 7) all of these events amounted to preparation for the establishment of "Allied Kocho Administered Districts" in 1884 and the large scale consolidation of towns and villages after the establishment of City, Town and Village Districts Law (shisei-chosonsei 市制町村制) in 1888.

著者

樋口 雄彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.3, pp.445-451, 2009