著者

內田 慶市

出版者

関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点(ICIS)

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.191-198, 2012-02

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The influence of Jean Basset's translation of the Bible into Chinese on RobertMorrison's translation of the Bible into Chinese is well known. There are four groups of manuscripts for Basset's translation. This research will present an initial consideration of the formation process of these manuscripts, after which the connection with the Morrison translation shall be explored.

著者

石田 智子

出版者

関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点(ICIS)

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.407-423, 2012-02

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This thrust of this essay is to consider the changes and the relationship of the various influences in Hōgai's works through a comparison of two works, Kannon with Hibo Kannon, and an analysis of Niōsokki. From an analysis of these works, the newness of Hōgai's later works can be seen in his technical use of ink painting and colour painting. Two other examples unrelated to motif are the uniformity of his brushstrokes and an expressive "smearing". Hōgai's late works reflect a wide range of elements: designs inherited from the early Edo period, the influence of techniques that appeared at the end of the Edo period and early Meiji period, techniques from Western painting, and Fenollosa's theories. The relationship between Hōgai and Fenellosa cannot be reduced to the simplistic statement that "Japanese culture had changed after the acceptance of Western culture". It should, I suggest, be seen as a mutual exchange. Hōgai's late works can only be understood as the product of a cultural exchange of multiple periods, places and people

著者

二階堂 善弘

出版者

関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点(ICIS)

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.41-48, 2010-03

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In Xiyouji Zaju, written in the early Ming Dynasty, both Hua-guang and Da-quan play active roles on the same stage. In a sense, it is safe to say that Xiyouji Zaju is the only piece of literature in which these two gods appear together. This paper analyzes the characteristics of these two gods by examining how Hua-guang and Da-quan were depicted in Xiyouji Zaju.

著者

金 仙煕

出版者

関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点(ICIS)

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.131-142, 2010-03

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In Japan, the establishment of the modern science of history that advocates the cause of positivism has played a significant role in increasing interest in Korean history. Chosenshi (Korean History), written by Hayashi Taisuke from a Korean perspective, is one of the earliest studies of its kind, providing a new style of historical description. The book was translated into the Korean language and published by Hyon Chae under the title DongGookSaRyak. However, Chosenshi became a target for harsh criticism from Korean thinkers of that time who advocated nationalism. In the study of Korean history, in which a major challenge was to overcome the historical perspective of colonization after Korea's decolonization, Chosenshi was criticized for being filled with a "historical perspective of colonization," rather than praised as the establishment of a modern history description. In South Korea today, however, Chosenshi has recently drawn renewed attention in discussions regarding "historical description." A look at the history of the acceptance of Chosenshi shows how the book has raised various questions, including arguments about the results of studies on ancient history in South Korea.

著者

二階堂 善弘

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.11-19, 2011-03-31

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In Mainland China, while many academies of classical learning traditionallyworshiped Confucius; some academies however, worshiped Wenchang Dijun. In Taiwan,many of these academies were established during the Qing dynasty. In order to researchthe relationship between the academies and the Wenchang belief, this author visitedsome of the Wenchang shrines in academies located near Taipei.

著者

井上 充幸

出版者

関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点(ICIS)

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.475-488, 2010-03

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After the latter half of the 15th century, the deforestation of mountain became active in the northern frontier of Ming dynasty. Therefore, around the 16th century, Ming government prohibited the deforestation around Great Wall chiefly by military reasons. However, a lot of virgin forests have still extended at the northern foot of Qilian mountains in the upper reaches of Heihe river basin until about the 17th century. Tibetan and Mongolian people lived in this region from ancient times by nomadism, stock raising, hunting or farming. It was chiefly Han people who promoted the development and the use of timber resources. They came from Ganzhou in summer, cut down and carried away the forest woods in order to sell them. After the 18th century, under the rule of Qing dynasty, the full-scale deforestation of the Qilian mountains has begun in the upper reaches of Heihe river basin. Because the area of the forest reduced rapidly and the water-holding capacity of mountain forest decreased, the amount of water necessary for the irrigation agriculture came to be insufficient and the flood came to happen many times in the middle reaches. To deal with such a situation, the officials of Qing government understood the function of the mountain forest enough based on the field survey. They decided to make regulations concerning to the usage and the management of the mountain forest and severely punished the offender, but the effect was not so satisfactory.

著者

鄭 英實

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.79-95, 2011-03-31

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Arai Hakuseki (1657-1725) was an Edo-period Confucian scholar. He was involved with politics as a Confucian scholar during the time of Tokugawa Ienobu, and known for having effected various political reformations. In particular, he sought to establish equal diplomatic relations with Korea and revised the reception of the Korean emissaries. It is necessary to realize that this decision was not made with sufficient negotiation between the two countries, but rather something Hakuseki forcibly established on his own. Naturally, the records of the Korean emissaries contain entries in which Hakuseki is harshly criticized, which in turn reflect the historical background of the Korean intelligentsia's attitude towards Japan at this time. This research explores the Korean awareness of Hakuseki, its formation, and if it changed over time primarily through Korean documents.

著者

岡本 弘道

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.221-248, 2008-03-31

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I have clarified each of the following points in regard to the "sea-going vessels" that composed the basis of sea activity and cultural interaction in the Ryukyu Kingdom during the Old Ryukyu period. (1) The first sea-going vessels of Ryukyu were the Jigo-sen vessel(s) with identifi cation numbers that were built and registered during the Ming Dynasty. It can be said that the growth that is visible in the scale of the sea-going vessels in the middle of the 15th century and then their miniaturization in the first part of the 16th century are phenomena that both indicate the uniqueness of Ryukyu. (2) The Han' in Kango tally that was issued along with the dispatch of Ryukyu sea-going vessels is something that runs through the East Asian sea region during that age. Furthermore, by tracing back those numbers, I have presented the concrete circumstances behind the dispatch of Ryukyu sea-going vessels. (3) Ryukyu sea-going vessels were named in the respective fashions of China, Japan, and Ryukyu and their operating organizations were diverted to the Hiki land-based organizations, which had a major influence on the establishment of the system of governance in the Ryukyu Kingdom.

著者

日並 彩乃

出版者

関西大学 大学院東アジア文化研究科

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.145-159, 2014-03-31

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文部科学省グローバルCOEプログラム 関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点

著者

高橋 誠一

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.307-325, 2012-02-01

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The political centre of seventh-century Japan was Asuka. Asuka is presentlylocated in Asuka-mura Takaichi-gun Nara Prefecture. Within the narrow confi nes of this region, temples were constructed as well as a series of imperial palaces, the newreplacing the old. There was also an installation, known as the "mystery stone structure" sekizo−butus 石造物, the purpose of which remains unclear. For the time, however, an extremely advanced culture fl ourished. Immigrants from the Chinese mainland and the Korean Peninsula brought with them new scholarship, arts and techniques, and Asuka was truly a stage for cultural exchange and cultural negotiation. Here, ideologies and perspectives from each region in Asia confronted differing ideologies and perspectives to fuse and rival with others.

著者

荒武 賢一朗

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.391-399, 2011-03

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Japan in the 1860s (the Bakumatsu-Meiji Restoration transitionperiod) entered the free trade system through treaties of trade withforeign countries. Naturally, the treaties of amity were concludednot just with Western countries but also with Qing China andKorea. It is commonly claimed that predatory designs on Asia wereinherent in Japan' s treaties of amity with China and Korea. Yetthere are limited historical materials documenting the actualeconomies and trade in these three Asian countries, issues that havenot been researched to any great extent. This paper attempts toclarify as far as possible economic relations between Japan andKorea in the 1860s and 1870s based on the actual record.Key to my discussion are the documents left by Godai Tomoatsu,who contributed to the founding of the Meiji government. Godaibecame extremely interested in the Korean peninsula while still inoffi ce. After resigning, he became a signifi cant fi gure in the growthof business in Osaka. Here I will analyze historical documents onJapanese-Korean relations left by Godai Tomoatsu to discuss twomajor points. First, I will examine information exchanged betweenGodai and Mori Shigeru and other diplomats. Second, I will analyzehow the Osaka fi nancial world, of which Godai was the center,viewed the Korean peninsula when seeking to attain rapid economicgrowth in Asia.In sum, this paper clarifi es how Japanese economic circles viewedthe Korean peninsula, and examines in particular the philosophicalconstruct Godai Tomoatsu maintained through politics anddiplomacy in arbitrating with those around him.

著者

孫 知慧

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.171-187, 2012-02-01

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Wonhyo has been a well-known fi gure in East Asia since the ancient kingdom of Silla; however, with the restrictions placed on Buddhism in favour of Confucian worshipduring the Korean Li Dynasty, Wonhyo's prestige diminished. The reappraisal of Wonhyo began in the 20th century. At the time, rather than Buddhist doctrine and beliefs, Wonhyo was associated with the existence of the Japanese imperialism and national independence during which time reliefs of Wonhyo were carved. After 1930, however, the awareness of the Korean Buddhists' associating Wonhyo with Buddhism, and Wonhyo appeared as symbol of Korean Buddhism. This essay addresses the equation of the "Wonhyo = Tsūbukkyō = the establishment of the tenets of Korean Buddhism". Trends in world Buddhism emphasise and aim for uniformity and integration. The process of development for each form of East Asian Buddhism is that is came from India to China and then to Korea. Composite Buddhism transcends the various sects of Buddhism, and is said to have perfected Korean Buddhism. With the logic that Korean Buddhism represents the fi nal point in the development of world Buddhism, the superiority of Korean Buddhism was emphasized. Controversies such as this were extremely popular in Japanese Buddhism during the Meiji period, the "Buddhist Uniformity Theory" being an infl uential example. Inoue Enryō and Murakami Senshō's "Buddhist Uniformity Theory"and Inoue seikyō, who organised the lectures on the tsūbukkyō, and their relationshipwith Takada Dōken will be re-examined. The basic logic emphasising the modern "rebirthof Wonhyo" refl ects the reception and interaction with trends in Japanese Buddhistthought. I shall be exploring the historical contexts within their relation to JapaneseBuddhism as well as the origins of the term tsūbukkyō, or universal Buddhism and thedistinct characteristics regulated in tsūbukkyō, that comprise Wonhyo Buddhism.

著者

二階堂 善弘

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.99-108, 2009-03-31

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The Mazu Hall (Maso-do) in Tou Temples (Tou-dera) in Nagasaki has hitherto been thought to be a reflection of the religion of Southern China. However, it is considered that the regional religions were reflected in these temples when they are built: Mindongfaction in Soufuku-ji Temple, Minnan-faction in Fukusai-ji Temple, and Jiangnan-faction in Koufukuji-Temple. It can be speculated by the fact that Gotei-do once existed in Soufuku-ji Temple and it is considered that it honored the God of Plague Expulsion (Wufu Dadi) in Fuzhou.

著者

孔 穎

出版者

関西大学大学院東アジア文化研究科

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.493-504, 2013-03-27

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The Chinese term "Wo Nu" (倭奴), literary meaning "Japanese Slaves", was used to refer to the Japanese Nation before Yuan Dynasty, and had grown into an equivalent of "Wo Kou", or "Japanese pirates", by the time of Yuan and Ming Dynasties. However, the term became more complicated in the context of Macao during Ming Dynasty: it included some half-merchant-half-pirate "Wo Kou" and more Japanese Christian exiles fleeing the crackdown of Catholicism back home; in addition, there were large numbers of slaves in the true sense of the word, purchased by the Portuguese from Kyushu, Japan. It is this last group of "Wo Nu" that draws the attention of the present essay, which seeks to clarify the meaning of the term by using Chinese, Japanese and Western materials and to justify the Ming Cantonese Government's judgments of the nature of the Wo Nu in Macao and its policies toward them.

著者

田中 梓都美

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.467-482, 2011-03-31

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In 1639, the Edo bakufu prohibited Portuguese ships from entering Japaneseports and also prohibited any Japanese from travelling overseas. After this, informationin the form of written rumours entered Nagasaki. Naturally, much of this informationconcerned Taiwan; however, as of yet, there is no research that focuses upon the uniquegeography and customs of Taiwan. During the Edo period, the Japanese awareness ofTaiwan was formed by Tei Seikō's [Zhèng Chénggōng 鄭成功] accounts; however, for thisargument, it is necessary make a distinction between governmental awareness andpopular awareness. This paper attempts to determine the accuracy of information inmaterials compiled by the Edo bakufu and how faithfully they represent the actualcondition of Taiwan. This will then be contrasted with Chinese records. Also, acomparison and investigation of the information on Taiwan contained in Edo-periodpublications and the information on Taiwan in the materials compiled by the Edo bakufuwill provide insights into the formation of the Edo-period populace's awareness ofTaiwan.

著者

西村 昌也 ファン・ミン・フェン

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.187-219, 2008-03-31

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15 pieces of bronze drum in Bình Định Province, central Vietnam are suggestive materials for understanding the technological and cultural contexts of the bronze drums in Southeast Asia. This paper considered its technological and cultural background based on the restudy of the bronze drum collection and their discovery sites. The chronological frequencies of the drum assemblage indicate that the duration of the bronze drum usage is not long successive period (1st C. BC to 2nd C.AD) and possibly stopped the bronze drum usage at the same time or in very short duration. Only Gò Rộng drum was identified as the possibly local-made drum by lost-wax technique and the other are transported from the northern Vietnam. No bronze drums later than the 3b period (later than the late 2nd C. AD) of Imamura's chronology are seen in not only Bình Định but also central and southern Vietnam, Cambodia, coastal area of Thailand and Malay Peninsular. During the 2nd C.AD, the early states formation or political integration with the strong influence from India and China are already evidenced in this region. Especially the Indianized ideas for the statecraft and religion possibly left no space for the survival of the bronze drum usage in their society. Thus this ending period of the bronze drum usage well accords with the real beginning of the Indianization in the Southeast Asia.

著者

黄 蘊

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.113-130, 2010-03-31

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セッション2 エスニック要素と宗教実践、そして宗教コミュニティ形成の文化交渉This paper presents an analysis of the Theravada Buddhist temples, societies in Malaysia as well as their devotees, focusing on the process of the formation of the multi-ethnic Theravada Buddhist community. In Malaysia, many of the Theravada Buddhist temples have a long history with various memberships of Sangha comprising monks from Thailand, Sri Lanka and Myanmar. On the other hand, the devotees of almost all Theravada Buddhist temples are predominantly English educated Chinese or English-speaking Chinese. The Theravada Buddhist temples, despite retention of cultural legacies of Thailand, Sri Lanka and Myanmar, carry out manifold activities in their own way and styles. This paper examines how the Sangha membership and the Chinese participants have engaged in developing Theravada Buddhist temples in cooperation with each other, focusing in particular on the temples and Buddhist societies of Sri Lankan tradition. The Sri Lankan Theravada Buddhist temples and societies tend to provide Dhamma and humanitarian services to the public; at the same time they tend to adopt customs and styles of their Chinese devotees. It is in this way that they become indigenised and form a distinctive socio-religious community. This research will demonstrate how the Buddhists of the Theravada tradition organize their community and how multi-ethnic participants interact with each other in that process.

著者

黄 蘊

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.39-51, 2012-02-01

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This paper examines the development and the formation of the Dejiao organization. Dejiao originated as a spirit-writing cult in 1939 in the Teochew region of South China. Dejiao is largely a Teochew phenomenon with a close link to Teochew religious culture and Teochew businessmen. By the end of World War II, Teochew businessmen had begun spreading Dejiao to areas of Southeast Asia, such as Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia. Since then, it has continued to expand, and today Dejiao has developed into large Religious organizations. The organization in Malaysia boasts the largest number of adherents.The main activities and the characteristics of the various Dejiao organizations remain the same. They carry out planchette divination and charitable activities, at thesame time, Dejiao organizations also act the role as Chinese mutual aid society. Thispaper will analyze the development of Dejiao in Malaysia, focusing on the environment of the migrant society and the characteristics of its members. It will examine how thebusinessmen, as well as other members, have shaped the Teochew religious culture intoa religious organization and how they have affected the formation of the character ofDejiao.

著者

中谷 伸生

出版者

関西大学大学院東アジア文化研究科

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.27-41, 2013-03-27

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This paper discusses artistic modification and the cultural relationship of the traditional Japanese style of paintings compared with those of the East Asian world including China by presenting, as an example, some humorous pictures (called "Giga" in Japanese) drawn by Nicyosai, who was known as one of the leading caricature artists during the Edo period. China, however, has hardly any humorous paintings such as caricatures, and no comparison of Giga with Chinese paintings can be given here. In other words, this study sheds light on a new aspect of arts reflecting the characteristics of Japanese paintings within the framework of East Asian arts, and the author discusses some specific problems of art history entailing a two-way approach of works-oriented and method-oriented approaches. The author also reviews works by Nicyosai and evaluates such works to examine if the caricatures drawn by Nicyosai are truly the traditional Japanese style of paintings.

著者

陳 其松

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 (ISSN:18827748)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.483-516, 2011-03-31

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With the Japan's debut on the international stage in 1854, the image of Japanesefrequently appeared in pictorials, a medium that initially became popular in the 1840s.Through focusing on one of these famous pictorials, Harper's Weekly, we can see howthe image of Japanese changed over time. At the beginning, the Japanese attired in"traditional samurai costume" were considered a primitive race and depicted with darkskin and twisted faces. After the Meiji Restoration, however, modernizing Japan strove toshed the image of the "premodern." Accordingly, editorial comments and the tone of theillustrations of the Japanese also became accepting. These pictures are not simplyevidence of Japan's modernization, but trace its drifting from the periphery to the centerof World history in the 19th century.