著者

細谷 亨

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.2, pp.149-171, 2014-08-25

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本稿の課題は,戦時期に展開された満洲への分村移民を,農家の移住形態と母村の変容過程に着目しつつ検討することでその歴史的特質を明らかにすることである。農家戸数と耕地面積の調整を意図した適正規模論にもとづく分村移民では,農村労働力流出の型でいえば挙家離村(全戸移住)が重視されていた。だが,親戚管理を通じた耕地処分のあり方にみられるように帰村を予定していた農家が多く,実際は母村からの農家世帯の流出はあまりみられなかった。家の存続と家産の保全を目的とする農家にとって分村移民は非現実的な政策にほかならなかったが,その一方で農家の家族移住者が相当数に及んだことは,労力不足による農業生産力の低下を招くなど送出後の母村・集落に与える影響は決して小さなものではなかった。かかる事態に対応すべく政策側は送出後の母村整備に着手していく。農家の対応と母村の政策遂行が密接な連関をもっており,そのことが分村移民の展開を強く規定していたのである。

著者

石橋 悠人

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.4, pp.481-500, 2014-02-25

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本稿は1850年代初頭に開始されたグリニッジ天文台の時報事業に焦点を当て,ヴィクトリア朝イギリスにおける正確な時間の通知・表示技法の変革とその社会的な影響を考察する。時報事業は交通・運輸・情報網の大規模な拡充に伴う正確な時間への需要の高まりを背景に導入され,国内全域に敷設された電信網を駆使して標準時を無償で通知するものであった。このサービスを可能にしたのは,グリニッジ天文台・海軍省などの公的機関と民間の電信・鉄道企業との緊密な連携に基づく設備や技術の使用に関する負担の分散化であった。この運営の枠組みは1860年代末の民間電信システムの国有化によって大きく転換し,1870年には逓信省が時報転送に電線を使用することを埋め合わせるために課金制へ移行する。この有料サービスの普及には明確な限界があったものの,時報は鉄道会社の運行システム,都市自治体が管理する報時球と午砲の操作方法,海軍の航海術などの領域に採用され,イギリス社会における時間通知の様式の改変とグリニッジ標準時の普及を促進するものとなった。

著者

青木 虹二

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.193-196, 1978-07-25

著者

三浦 壮

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.4, pp.499-522, 2013-02-25

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本稿は,戦間期宇部地域の工業化を検討することで,近代日本における地方工業化の特質を,主に鉱業資本家の投資活動から解明するものである。宇部地域の炭鉱および製造業の出資者はその多くが福原家の家臣団につながる家々であり,地域の共有財産である石炭鉱業で得られた利益金を再投資するよう,婚姻関係や,家同士の結びつきを利用した株式の所有を行っていた。投資動機としては,地域社会による地下資源の共有意識と地縁・血縁関係を基底とした,各鉱業資本家の製造業への投資に対する「連帯的強制」があった。新しい事業の拡大と利潤獲得は宇部社会の発展と同義の概念であり,地域社会への「貢献意欲」も重要な要因であった。鉱業資本家の所得構造を実証した結果,地元株式に集中して投資をしていたこと,地元株が中央株よりも高い利回りを維持し,特に石炭鉱業の利回りと利益総額は高いものであり,地域工業化の原資となっていたことが明確となった。

著者

三木 理史

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.6, pp.781-806, 1995-03-25

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In the early Showa era local railway companies were in difficulties because of the Showa economic depression and the development of bus transportation. Proposals for the reorganisation of transport systems were made and carried out in various parts of Japan. Since the reorganisation schemes were not coordinated on a national level, they have to be examined individually. In this paper the case of the Ryobi Railway is examined. (1) The Ryobi Railway and the Ikasa Railway were privately-owned branch lines of the Sanyo Line of Japan National Railways (JNR), The Ryobi Railway had two lines : the Fuchu Line, joining Fukuyama and Fuchu, which opened in 1914, and the Takaya Line, joining Kannabe and Takaya, which opened in 1922 and was transferred to the Shinko Railway in 1933. The Ikasa Railway opened between Kasaoka and Ibara in 1913 and was extended to join Ibara and Takaya in 1925. The two railways met at Takaya. (2) Because Fukuyama had been at the center of the regional economy since the Meiji era, the Ryobi Railway was more profitable than the Ikasa Railway. When bus transportation began to grow rapidly between the last years of the Taisho era and the early years of the Showa era, the Ryobi Railways strengthened the connection between the Fuchu Line and JNR. (3) The Ryobi Railways Fuchu Line was nationalized in 1933, and in 1935, its gauge was widened and its track relaid. The Takaya Line was not nationalised but taken over by the Shinko Railway instead. As the Shinko Railway was not competitive with bus transportation, it suffered great economic losses. (4) The Shinko Railway was going to close down, but through the intermediation of the Ministry of Transport and local community, it was absorbed by the Ikasa Railway. (5) After nationalisation, the Fuchu Line reduced its fares so that they agreed with the Ministry of Transport levels. Trains were able to run faster as a result of the gauge-widening and track-relaying carried out in 1935. In contrast, the Takaya Line could not keep to its timetable because of the need for passengers to change trains, and fares on the Shinko Railway were not competitive with those of the buses. (6) After nationalisation, the Fuchu Line became more closely connected with the Sanyo Line, and traffic grew as a result. When the Line was extended northwards, this contributed to the economic development of that area of Fukuyama.

著者

加藤 要一

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.346-377, 1997-09-25

著者

青木 洋 平本 厚

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.5, pp.501-522, 2003-01-25

被引用文献数

2

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This article explores the activities of the Research Neighborhood Groups (kenkyu tonarigumi) in the context of the mobilization of science and technology during World War II, and throws light upon their influence on research collaboration in postwar Japan. Although research collaboration has recently attracted academic attention as a factor in the competitive ability of Japanese industry, its history has not yet been fully researched. The Research Neighborhood Groups scheme played a unique and symbolic role in research collaboration activities of various kinds during the War because the aim was to organize research collaboration over the length and breadth of the country. It was planned by the Cabinet Technology Agency and carried out by its extra-governmental organization. The groups were in principle organized by young and promising researchers on the same special subject. The total number of researchers enrolled rose to about 3,000. Three typical examples, the vacuum tube, and vitamin and statistical quality control groups, clearly had decisive influence on the research collaboration activities which took their place after the war. The activities of the Research Neighborhood Groups scheme built connections between researchers belonging to various institutions which went on to provide a secure basis for successful research collaboration in postwar Japan.

著者

関 権

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.2, pp.218-219, 2000-07-25

著者

山口 和雄

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.143-145, 1950-04-15

著者

瀧 善成

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.8, pp.856-887, 1934-11-15

著者

高橋 暁生

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.189-210, 2002-07-25

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Rouen, the capital of Normandy, showed a firm and unchanging loyalty despite the fluctuating nature of the French Revolution and of its government in particular. The political leaders of Rouen found it necessary to observe the actions of the government and react to them with prudence. Claude MAZAURIC, one of the most famous specialists on the French Revolution, explains this loyalty by pointing to 'the national viewpoint' of the local leaders, and 'the union of the state' that they considered it vital to sustain. But why was it vital for them to sustain 'the union of the state'? This can only be understood through an examination of the regional background of Rouen. In this article, the author therefore investigates the problem of the supply of gain to th city. Rouen depended on government help for its supply of gain, especially in 1793 and 1794. This economic situation and dependence on the government had a great influence on the political stance and the choices open to Rouen, and was the reason behind its loyalty to the government.

著者

御園 謙吉

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.503-505, 1985-01-20

著者

峰 毅

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.1, pp.130-131, 2013-05-25

著者

宮地 英敏

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.2, pp.203-224, 2010-08-25

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本稿は,戦後の三菱端島の労働者を対象に,彼らの個票データを主たる史料として利用して,その出自・前歴・年齢などを分析することにより,炭鉱労働者の性格について考察した論文である。戦前以来の中四国から北部九州の炭鉱(特に坑内労働)へという労働移動は,戦後も引き続き数年間はみられたが,1950年代にはそれが南九州から北部九州へという労働移動に転じた。しかし石炭産業が構造不況業種となっていく中で,1950年代後半から末年にかけて農村からの労働力の吸引力は弱まり,中小炭鉱を含む他の炭鉱会社や関連業種などで働いた労働者たちの採用が増加していった。また,三菱端島での職種と前歴とのクロス分析では,農村出身者が低熟練の職種に就いたのに対して,他炭鉱などの経験者が相対的な熟練職種に就いていた。一方で工作見習や電工見習には,三菱端島労働者の子弟が大量に採用されるという傾向も抽出された。最後に,炭鉱労働者の「下降構造」というテーゼに対して,三菱端島のような大手炭鉱であっても,1960年代以降を中心に状況に応じて中小炭鉱経験者をも採用している点などを論じている。

著者

鈴木 良隆

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.416-419, 1971-10-20

著者

永井 一郎

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.6, pp.602-629, 651-650, 1972-03-30

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West Saxons made a landing at the south coast of Hampshire in 495. Then, conquering Britons, they went northward and reached the Upper Thames Valley in the second half of the six century. There they established West Saxon kingdom which included Hampshire, Wiltshire, and Berkshire. This is the story the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle tells us about the earliest history of Wessex. But according to archaeology and place name studies, it is evident that by the end of the fifth century a considerable number of Saxons had settled in the Upper Thames Valley. Moreover the Saxons who lived in Wiltshire and Hampshire in the fifth and sixth centuries were few and most of them were warriors. This discrepancy between the evidences about the Saxon settlement in the Upper Thames Valley can be explained that the Saxons in the Chronicle (Gewissae) conquered the Thames Saxons. In the laws of Ine we find "sixhynde", the lower class of nobles. This class is peculiar to the West Saxon kingdom and can not be found in other early laws of England. I take the view that "sixhynde" was the Thames Saxon obles whose amount of wergeld was lowered as the result of Gewissae's conquest. It is conjectured that Thames Saxon peasants began to migrate into Wiltshire in the first half of the seventh century at the earliest. There the native Britons hnd been under the rule of Gewissae for a long time, preserving their old settlement form, "vicus". The Saxon peasants were, in a sense, colonized among Britons without fights nor conquest, and they lived at peace with Britons. There was no general enslaving Britons under the Saxon peasants in Wiltshire.

著者

三木 理史

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.3, pp.449-451, 2011-11-25

著者

牧野 文夫

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.6, pp.585-607, 705-704, 1984-03-29

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The diffusion of new technology seems to be one of the most important elements of technological progress, which has played a significant role in the process of Japanese economic development. To examine the rapid growth of the Japanese economy, therefore, it is indispensable to explore conditions for technological diffusion. It has not been necessarily clear, however, how the new technology replaces the old one. To examine this problem, we study the conditions for diffusion of power looms in the Japanese weaving industry, one of the leading industries during the prewar period. In the first section, it is hypothesized that the entrepreneurs choose the technology which has the highest profitability among the alternatives, with the result that a certain technology will come into widespread use. In order to test this hypothesis, the rate of net profit among five types of loom technology are estimated. We then analyse the relationship between changes in relative profitability of the alternative technologies over time and their diffusion, and between the choice of loom technology and the type of business organization. The results obtained are as follows: (1) Generally speaking, at each point in time the loom that had the highest rate of net profit among the alternatives was adopted. (2) The rate of net profit on modern looms was higher in the modern business organization, whereas that on traditional looms was higher in the traditional business organization. In the second section, we test three basic hypotheses that attempt to explain the regional difference in the rate and timing of diffusion of power looms, namely (1) the diffusion of factory system as a modern business organization, (2) the technological adaptation of power looms dictated by the product mix, (3) the availability of electricity as cheap motive energy. It is found that the diffusion of factory system is the most important among three factors. It accounts for a large portion of an increase in the diffusion of power looms over time and its regional differences. The increasing availability of electric power explains mechanization significantly, especially in the earlier periods, while it does not lead to regional differences in mechanization. As for the regional differences in mechanization, a difference in the product mix makes non-negligible influences. In the third section, we examine the development and production of power looms. It is emphasized that rapid increase in power looms was attributable to inexpensive power looms which adapted to the factor endowment at that time. Most of them were produced by a lot of small and medium scale loom-makers in weaving regions. This is indeeed on of the best examples of what is now called "appropriate technology".

著者

武内 達子

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.269-292, 375-374, 1980-09-15

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An important problem of capital formation in the industrial revolution is to find the facts how the neccessary capital was financed in the various stages of the development of an industrial enterprise. Accepted theories of the financing of industrial enterprises in capital formation in Great Britain are : (1) Capital is mainly financed by the partners and the very high-rate of the growth of capital is realized by the reinvestment of the gross profit, and (2) Loans from individuals or banks were basically short-term credit for circulating capital. These assumptions, however, are seemed to be based in some fragmental evidences, and they must be tested in the actual state of financing of an industrial enterprise. The present paper makes an analysis of the original records of Newton Chambers, an ironworks in Sheffield founded in 1793. The facts obtained from the account books, such as great ledger, stock book, etc., between 1792 and 1806 are summarized as follows. Expenditure for "building and fixture" of the ironworks continued for the first eleven years, amounting to about £ 11,000. The sources of almost all capitals freshly supplied by the partners were an oversea-trade merchant in Sheffield and London merchants. The supply of the fresh capital continued also for the same early years, amounting to about £ 11,OOO. In the very early stage of the company, there were a lot of loans from individuals, industrialists and others, and from a bank in Sheffield and the neighbourhood. The former supplied about £ 2,500 as long-term credit and the latter £ 4,700 at the peak of overdraft as a kind of long-term credit. The overdraft after the first six years was only circulating capital fluctuating in one year cycle. The present study revealed the detailed complementary relationship between partners' capital and loans. The fact that, in the first five years, the total amount of long-term loans was greater than that of capital supplied by the partners is an evidence of the importance of loans in the industrial financing. Furthermore, it became clear that the very high-rate of the growth of capital in the early stage of the company's history was the result of both the reinvestment of the gross profit and the continuous supply of fresh capital from the partners.

著者

武内 達子

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.265-288, 348-347, 1981-10-20

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Capital formation in an industrial enterprise can be analyzed by the construction of assets and its variation with the development of the company. Because various assets in account books during the industrial revolution in Britain were not well-classified, fixed capital in an industrial enterprise has not been adequately defined in the debates of capital formation so far developed by many authors. The author has analyzed in a previous paper the content of debtor in balance sheets of Newton Chambers, and revealed the importance of loans in the early period of its history (1792-1806). The present paper analyzed creditor, the opposite side of balance sheets, in 1799-1850(earlier period), and 1817-1820(later period). The material assets in the stock books were classified into three groups: (1)fixed assets(buildings, fixtures, machines, tools and other equipments), (2)circulating assets(raw materials, half-finished goods, and goods stock), and (3)other assets which were considered not indispensable for production of goods,(such as firms, lands, shop stocks, sunday school, etc.). The immaterial assets were divided into two groups: (4)ordinary account of credit sales (charge account) which amount to about 65 % of annual turnover, and (5) long-term credits which arose on sales and are considered to be due after more than one year. In the present analysis, fixed capital is detined by (1), circulating capital by(2)+(4), and surplus capital by(3)+(5). The surplus capital is treated as useful for the analysis of the growth of an industrial enterprise. The ratio of the fixed to circulating capital in the present definition was almost constant in the both periods, but the surplus capital greatly increased in the later period, by as large as one thirds of total assets. In the period after the completion of Thorncriffe Iron Works of Newton Chambers, the the surplus capital was very small and the percentage of the fixed capital to the total capital was about 45-50%. The same percentages of two cotton enterprises (M'Connel Kennedy and Oldknow Cowpe) in the similar stages of their growth were about 40-45 %. It has been said that some of surplus capital flowed out of industrial activity, but the amount was very small in Newton Chambers, and most of the surplus capital was used as credit for other newly established industrial enterprises. The variation of the construction of assets in Newton Chambers can be regarded as an elementaly unit of capital formation in the industrial revolution in Britain.