著者

平田 雅博

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.4, pp.475-490, 2015-02-25

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本稿では,まず,帝国と帝国主義の文化面を重視して,多大なる成果を生み続けた,マッケンジーを総編集者とする「マンチェスター大学帝国主義研究シリーズ」の出現の背景や強調点の移り変わり,今後の見通しなどの今日的な総括を試みた。ついで,これを踏まえた上で,歴史学にも影響をもたらした「ポストコロニアル」「新しい帝国史」「帝国論的転回」の動き,および,これらに対するキャナダインの「オーナメンタリズム」などによる実証史家としての批判の試みを見た。さらに,帝国研究の複雑性を示す「犠牲性の歴史学」の再検討から発生した「ブリテン帝国史への4ネーションアプローチ」を検討して,ケルト辺境のアイルランド,スコットランド,ウェールズとそれぞれの帝国との関係,とくにイングランドと帝国の関係の課題を提示した。最後には,残された非経済的要因としての思想やイデオロギーを「ブリテン帝国史のイデオロギー的起源」「独立宣言のグローバルヒストリー」といった著作で,思想史の重要性の認識を促したアーミテイジの思想史研究から検討した。

著者

沖谷 忠幸

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.12, pp.1391-1405, 1935-03-15

著者

若尾 祐司

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.6, pp.873-875, 1989-03-31

著者

高橋 理

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.553-571, 1962-05-25

著者

田北 廣道

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.196-220, 1997-07-25

著者

熊野 聰

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.4, pp.443-458,3, 1966-12-25

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Studying the history of trade in the early middle age, we encounter a difficulty, arising from the lack of written sources. We must, therefore, make use of archaeological, philological, numismatic data. Numismatical materials are particularly attractive for the students of the history of trade. But one coin-find never indicates anything positive, for there are accidental elements in it. So we have to grasp the whole of finds, which should make clear the tendency of distribution of currency. We have data as follows. (1) In the North Europe, the main coin-finds consist in Frankish denarii during 800-850, Arabian dirhems during 850-950, and Western coins again from the end of 10th century. (2) In Frankland, the hoards (treasures, Schatz-funde) belonging to the period until 850 are numerous and each of them consists of coins of various origins in time and space. But after that time, the number of hoards decrease and each hoard consists of coins of limited origins in time and space. (3) The coins minted during 950-1075, in the South and West of the Elbe and the Saale are excavated in the North and the East of the Elbe and the Saale much more than in the South and the West. How have we to explain these data?

著者

水鳥川 和夫

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.1, pp.99-118, 2012-05-25

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本稿は前稿で明らかにした畿内・西日本に引き続き,中世東日本で標準的に使われた升の成立と変遷及び使用升の容積を明らかにしようとするものである。15世紀に西日本で標準升であった讃岐斗は,さらに東北日本でも標準升として見出され,畿内でもこれとほとんど同じ畿内本斗が標準升であったから,日本列島の過半をカバーする広域的な標準升が存在したと考えられる。一方,15〜16世紀に畿内から山陽道にかけて売升が市場升として普及していたが,東日本では15世紀に南関東,東海,伊勢にかけて市場京升と等量の下方升を使用する市場圏が存在した。この下方升市場圏は16世紀初頭には近江国を,天文年間には京都を組み込み,京都において市場京升を成立させたと考えられる。この京升は,後に公定升となり,全国に普及した。しかし,民間市場取引では,天下統一が進むにつれて讃岐斗またはこれとほぼ等量の畿内本斗が標準升となり,近世初頭には全国をカバーする標準升となった。讃岐斗と畿内本斗は1%程度の違いがあったが,寛文頃に畿内本斗へと統一されていったと考えられる。

著者

永沼 博道

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.2, pp.287-289, 2013-08-25

著者

石坂 昭雄

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.108-110, 2006-05-25

著者

原 剛

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.273-294, 329-328, 1977-09-30

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By the turn of this century the idea of family wage-the assumption that a man's wage should provide for all the family-had been established in England. This article attempts to trace its formation in England during the nineteenth century primarily in the light of changing attitudes toward women's, especially married women's, labour. For various reasons and at different periods after the Industrial Revolution many of the English wives ceased to engage themselves in productive activities at home. Earlier it was taken for granted that the wives of the working people should earn something to contribute to their family budgets, which meant that a man's wage did not need to be so much as to keep their wives. When working-class wives lost the opportunities to earn their living at home some of them went to work in factories, and there was much talk about and against mothers working in factories. What with the Victorian notion of perfect women, what with the upper and middle classes' apprehension about the working-class moral and physical deterioration as a result of working wives, and what with male workers' intention to secure their labour market, it was generally agreed that it was desirable for wives to stay at home to do their household duties and to take care of children.Not only was it based on the middle-class view of family, but it came to be the desire of working-class men and women. Also it was commended as a social policy when Alfred Marshall wrote, ` The necessaries for the efficiency of an ordinary agricultural or of an unskilled town labourer and his family, in England in this generation, may be said to Consist of a well-drained dwelling with several rooms, warm clothing; with some changes of under-clothing, pure water, a plentiful supply of cereal food, with a moderate allowance of meat and milk, and a little tea, c., some education and some recreation, and lastly sufficient freedom for his wife from other work to enable her to perform properly her maternal and her household duties.' (my italics) Such freedom Of a wife presupposes that her husband's wage can provide for her and their little children. Thus toward the end of the nineteenth century family wage came to be an ideal in terms of social policy, common practice among the middle class, and wish and desire of working-class men and women.

著者

菅井 益郎

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.456-457, 1999-11-25

著者

渡辺 尚

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.241-274,390-389, 1984-10-30

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Im Jahre 1821 nahm die Rheinisch-Westindische Kompagnie (RWK) die erste Versuchsexpedition nach Port-au-Prince in Angriff, dann fuhrte deutsche Waren nach Mexiko (Veracruz, Hauptstadt und vorubergehend auch Alvarado), Buenos Aires (Montevideo), Valparaiso, Lima, La Guaira, Pernambuco, Bahia, New Orleans u. a. aus. Die Bestimmungsorte der RWK reichten sogar bis an Singapore, Kalkutta und Bombay. Bis dem letzten Schiff von Hamburg nach Veracruz 1831 expedierte die RWK insgesamt 43 Schiffe mit ganzen Ladungen von verschiedenen Hafen, besonders aber von Hamburg. In diesem Aufsatz berucksichtigt der Verfasser vor allem die Entwicklungihrer Geschafte in Haiti und Mexiko. Obwohl der Absatz in den beiden Landern von politischer Situation nicht unbedeutend abhangig war, wollte die preuBische Regierung der RWK nicht zur Seite stehen, da jene in ihrer AuBenpolitik damals der Grundlinie der Heiligen Allianz ganz treu blieb. Schon 1826 war die RWK gezwungen, ihre Niederlassung von Port-au-Prince zu raumen. Auf dem allerwichtigsten Markt, in Mexiko, litt die RWK unstabile politische Situation seit dem Ausbruch des Revolutionskriegs gegen Spanien. Jedoch war die Aussicht des Wachstums des mexikanischen Marktes auf lange Sicht keineswegs schlecht, da die deutschen Waren, vor allem die schlesischen Leinenwaren, ausreichende Konkurrenzfahigkeit gegen die englischen Baum wollwaren schon zeigen konnten. Trotzdem beschloB die RWK schon 1832, sich aufzulosen. Warum? Wohl eben deswegen-das ist einstweilige Ansicht des Verfassers. Nach ihrem Statut sollte die RWK Geschafte nach Westindien, Nord- und Sudamerika oder nach den anderen Weltgegenden, entweder fur eigene Rechnung oder konsignationsweise, mit oder ohne VorschuB betreiben. Eigenhandel und Konsignation konnten um Verteilung der begrenzten Mittel unter Umstanden ins antagonistische Verhaltnis geraten. Es war daher von entscheidender Bedeutung, wieweit die RWK den Konsignanten Vorschusse zur Verfugung stellen konnte. Dabei kam es auf die Praferenz zwischen den zweier Postulaten der RWK an, i.e., demjenigen der Verstarkung eigener finanzieller Basis durch die Ausfuhr moglichst rentabler Waren auf eigene Rechnung und demjenigen der Pioneerleistung fur die eigentlich heimische Industrie, deren Produkte aber nicht immer einen gunstigen Absatz auf dem lateinamerikanischen Markt finden konnten. In dieser Hinsicht wandelte sich die Sowohl-als-auch-Politik der RWK angesichts der hektischen Nachwirkungen der Krise in Europa 1825 auf dem mexikanischen Markt unverkennbar in die Entweder-oder-Politik. Der Anteil der Beladung auf eigene Rechnung ubertraf denjenigen der Konsignation immer weiter. Pararell dazu wurde der Anteil der Leinenwaren an der gesamten Ausfuhr wieder immer groBer. Diese auffallige Korrelation weist wohl darauf hin, daB die Produkte der bergisch-markischen Industrie, besonders aber sog. Seiden- und Halbseidenwaren, eventuell hauptsachlich konsignationsweise ausgefuhrt wurden. Daraus laBt sich folgern, daB die RWK sich de facto immer mehr zu einer Elbisch-Westindischen Kompagnie umgestaltete. Als die Kundenaktionare im rheinischen Gebiet sich dieser Realitat voll-bewuBt wurden, verlor die RWK schon ihre raison d'etre ihnen gegenuber. Daraus konnte sich das Paradoxon wohl erklaren, warum die RWK so fruhzeitig wie nur nach elfjahrigen Aktivitaten liquidieren sollte, obwohl ihre Direktion an sich uber die Aussicht des mexikanischen Marktes immer noch ihr optimistisches Urteil beibehielt.

著者

斎藤 仁

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.440-443, 1986-08-25

著者

高橋 周

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.27-46, 2006-05-25

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the causes of increase in Japan's import of fertilizers from 1904 to 1913, mainly considering its relationship to the global market. This paper focuses on three types of fertilizers: bean oil cake, fish oil cake, and ammonium sulfate. While bean oil cake was the most popular nitrogenous fertilizer that farmers bought during this period, fish oil cake had been used during the 19th century, and ammonium sulfate became popular after World War I. The import of the three fertilizers suddenly began increasing during (or after) the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), a trend that continued until 1907. From 1908, when the Japanese economy was in depression, there was competition among the three fertilizers, and the use of bean oil cake and ammonium sulfate increased, while that of fish oil cake decreased. The prices, which were determined by the global trade, influenced this competition. Japanese agriculture acquired a stable supply of various fertilizers by purchasing widely from throughout world. Bean oil cake shared half of the fertilizer import during this period, which was the result of the rational choices taken with the global market in mind.

著者

清水 元

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.3, 2011-11-25

著者

宇尾野 久

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.6, pp.558-561, 1951-12-30

著者

浜田 道夫

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.381-400, 2002-11-25

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In the France the Old Regime, the monarchy gave the nobility the exclusive privilege of hunting and bearing arms; the commoners, especially the peasants, opposed thid monopoly by poaching. The object of this paper is to examine the nature of seigneurial authority through investigating the repression of poaching in several jurisdictions. The poachers who appear in the criminal records tend to be fairly rich peasants (or their sons and young servants) using guns, which circulated among peasants in the countryside through both purchase and loans. This shows that hunting was rather commonplace as a leisure pursuit, although only a few records of proceedings against poaching can be found (only twenty-five in five jurisdictions throughout the eighteenth century). But why are there so few records of proceedings? First, it was because le garde de chasse (the rural police) were recruited from among the peasants and often chose not to pursue poachers; and second, because the seigneurial prosecutor proceeded principally against habitual poachers. There was certainly a threshold of tolerance in the seigneurial justice system. Thus the system served to mediate between the monarch, who needed to maintain order, and the peasants, who had been accustomed to hunting since the middle ages.

著者

中村 美幸

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.5, pp.700-703, 1991-02-25

著者

浜田 道夫

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.4, pp.461-491, 1998-11-25

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In order to understand the characteristics of French absolutism, it is important to examine the seigneurial justice system. The object of this ARTICLE is investigate various aspects of seigneurial justice as it functioned in the Beaujolais region. The judicial documents show that in the majority of cases, criminal proceedings did not reach the final judgment stage, suggesting that most conflicts were resolved outside the official system. There were two methods of unofficial resolution: reconciliation of the two parties through mediation by priests, notaries or notables, and private acts of revenge by the aggrieved party. These practices had deep roots in the traditional norms of the peasant community. Conflicts were seen to belong to a private realm, beyond the reach of outside authority, and therefore to be solved by the local inhabitants themselves. Even seigneurial justice could not exercise a great influence on the local community. In fact, seigneurial justice did not function efficiently in conjunction with royal justice either. It is true that the long dispute over jurisdiction between the seigneurs and the monarch came to an end with the beginning of the eighteenth century, when seigneurial justice was incorporated into the royal justice system as the court of the first instance. This meant that officers of the royal courts also functioned as offices of the seigneurial courts, and that the seigneurial courts could make use of facilities of the royal courts such as prisons and law courts. Back up from the royal justice system was particularly valuable when it came to the prosecution of serious crimes. But problems remained. There is evidence of criminal proceedings being abandoned half-way through in order to save costs. Seigneurs of the eighteenth century were no longer willing to insist on their right to administer justice to the extent of shouldering the costs of expensive lawsuits. In other words, it would be wrong to overestimate the power of the seigneurial justice system, limited as it was both by the traditional norms of peasant communities and by the desire to reduce judicial costs.

著者

杉浦 勢之

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.31-61, 1990-06-30

被引用文献数

2

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Postal savings in Japan, after sluggish years in the latter 1890s, began a period of rapid progress early in this century, i. e. the time of the Russo-Japanese War from 1904 to 1905, through the development of savings promotion policy by the Japanese government. And in 1905, during the Russo-Japanese War, postal savings reached 50 million yen. After the war this increasing trend continued, and only three years later, in 1908, postal savings exceeded 100 million yen. The postal savings system began in 1875, and during the next 30 years, including the Russo-Japanese War, it reached 50 million yen, but due to the special environment created during the war, it was only three years after the war that 50-million-yen figure doubled, to 100 million. The largest factor for this remarkable progress in the postal savings was that the Japanese government paid the national treasury disbursement to individuals, increased due to the Russo-Japanese War, throngh postal savings instead of paying in cash. Therefore, the increase in postal savings during this period was not really a reflection of direct deposits, but was rather due to political reasons. Furthermore, in order to limit drawing out from the postal savings, the Japanese government decided to continue its savings promotion policy. The main reason why the government adopted this policy was to prevent a large influx of financial funds into the industrial circulation created by the war, to avoid a rapid change in domestic demand that might have initiated a post-war economic crisis, such as rising prices, increased demand for imports, and a conversion crisis. Additionally, the Japanese government tried to strengthen the supply capacity of domestic low-productivity sectors, by limiting the use of savings produced through the savings promotion policy to productive investment. This was one political measure Japan took during this period to cope with the international balance of payments imbalance. It can be said that the development of Japanese postal savings after the Russo-Japanese War reflected the position of the Japanese economy in the world economy.