著者

木村 清孝 Kiyotaka Kimura

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.170-155, 2006-03-31

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In Japan, wa (和. he in Chinese) is still popular as an important tenet taught by Prince Shotoku in the Ancient Age. In this paper, the author tries to analyze the concept of he as it appears in Chinese and Japanese Buddhist texts (Especially Chinese Versions of the Buddhist Canons) and clarify its various meanings, some of which have been deeply influenced by Chinese thought. Since the time of Early Buddhism, Buddhists have fundamentally attached importance to unification and harmonious relations of the order. For example, the famous Dhammapada says, sukha sanghassa samaggi samagganam tapo sukho. Samaggi in this sentence was translated he (和) or hehe (和合) in China. This seems to be the most basic sense of he in Buddhism. Secondly, the idea of hejing (和敬), which relates with he mentioned above is also notable. This idea served as the base of the theory of six kinds of hejing (六和敬), which means harmonious behaviors in the six fields of body (身), speaking (口), mind (意), sila (戒), view (見), and benefit (利) in general. But it does not seem that this theory was formed before the occurrence of Mahayana Buddhism in the first century B.C. and widely prevailed all over the Buddhist world. Thirdly, there is the term of heyan-aiyu (和顔愛語. wagen-aigo in Japanese). This phrase is very popular in Japan. However, we can not find out any equivalent in the Sanskrit text of the Amitayus-sutra to heyan, that constitutes the most well-known idiom in one of the Chinese versions of it. Fourthly, we discuss the concept of heguang-tongchen (和光同塵) 50 Buddhism and the Concept of he (和, wa in Japanese) in East Asia (Kimura) originating in the Laozi. This was accepted in Chinese Buddhism in two ways, i.e., one positive, and the other negative. We can see one typical example of the positive usage of this idiom in the Great Concentration and Insight (Mohezhiguan.摩訶止観) by Zhiyi (538-597). The negative usage of it, in the expression butongqichen (不同其塵) appears in the Mahayana-nirvana-sutra translated by Dharmaksema. Lastly, the author investigates the relationship between these various meanings of he in East Asian Buddhism and the thought of he advocated by Prince Shotoku. Our conclusion is that Prince Shotoku tried to apply the Buddhist idea of samaggi to the secular society at large.

著者

鎌田 茂雄

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.1-29, 2000-03

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There are several sacred places of Buddhism, like Fan-jing-shan, Jin-ding-shan, and Qian-ling-shan, in Gui-zhou, China. In these sacred places of Buddhism, which were established in Ming/Qing era, there are many temples, to which many Buddhist believers came to worhip from such surrounding regions Si-chuan and Yun-nan. In this paper, taking the Buddhism of Qian-ling-shan of these sacred places of Buddhism as my subject, I describe the history and present status, the life and thought of the priest Chi-song-he-shang, who was the founder of the Hong-fu-si temple of Qian-ling-shan, and the Zen priests of Gui-yang recorded in Qian-nan-hui ding-lu. In my second section "Qian-ling-shan, the sacred place of Buddhism in Gui-zhou". I describe the nature, scenery, ruins, beautiful places etc. mainly by the use of copy of Qian-ling-shan-zhi owned by Toyobunko, Tokyo. In Qian-ling-shan, there is Hong-fu-si, the largest temple in Gui-zhou. In my third section I delineate the history and present status of this temple. The founder of Hong-fu-si was Chi-song-he-shang. Since we have biographical material on him, I describe his life and thougt in my fourth section, "The life and Thought of Chi-song-he-shang". Iestablish that he was an excellent Zen priest ; not only was his thought profound, but also his life itself was brillant. Since the lineage of the successive chief priests of Hong-fu-shan is not clear, I describe the lives of the Zen priests of Gui-yang in my fifth section, The Zen of Priests of Gui-yang, recorded in Qian-nan-hui-ding-lu. "Almost all the life records of Chinese Zen Buddhists concepy those in regions like Jiang-su, Zhe-jiang, and Hu-nan, not those who stayed in Qian/Gui-zhou. Only Qian-nan-hui-ding-lu, by Shan-yi-ru-chun, contains the lives of the Zen priests of Gui-zhou. This is the reason why I searched for the lives and activities of the Zen priests who were active in Gui-yang, where Qian-ling-shan is located, by mens of this volume. Even thougt it is certain that Gui-zhou and Si-chuan are closely related politically and economically, and that they had developed transpontatim systems between tlem, how about the history of Budd ism? This paper makes it cleen that the Buddhist priests in Si-chuan and Yun-nan played a great role in the organization of Buddhism in Gui-zhou. Now that I have finished writing the sixth volume of The History of Chinese Buddhism, only the seventh and the eighth volumes remain unfinished. It seems to me that the historical current of Chinese Buddhism will be clarified to a certain degree by the completion of these eight volumes. However, it is a history of Buddhism focused on the central district, the center of political authority, the history of Buddhism in the local regions has not yet become evident. The only Chinese scholar who has delineated the history of Buddhism in the Dian-Qian region is Chen-yuan, whose work, Ming-ji-Dian-Qian-Fo-jiao-Kao (A researh onto Buddhism in Dian-Qian in the late Ming Era) was published by Zhong-hua Book Store in April, 1989. I have continually been paying attention to the history of region al Buddhism and Buddist writings in orderon to acguiren the whole iguit of the history of Chinese Buddhism. After the conpletion of all eight volumes of The History of Chinese Buddhism, I would like to write a technical book on the history of regional Buddhism, Buddhist writings, Buddhist ruins, and so forth. This is the reason why I have considered Buddhism in Gui-zhou considered.

著者

斉藤 達也 Tatuya Saitô

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.33-93, 2017-03

著者

上杉 智英

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

巻号頁・発行日

2017

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元資料の権利情報 : CC BY-NC-ND

著者

興津 香織 Kaori Okitsu

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

仙石山論集 = Sengokuyama Journal of Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13494341)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.1-154, 2008-11-30

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Ever since its transmission to Japan, the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya 倶舎論 has been keenly studied by scholar-monks of all Buddhist schools. This has given birth to a long and vast tradition of outstanding commentaries. As the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya refers to or implies knowledge concerning concepts peculiar to non-Buddhist philosophical schools of Ancient India, amongst which Sāṃkhya stands prominent, it is quite natural that the Japanese exegetes would also occasionally touch upon such ideas. Before the middle of the Edo period, however, no independent work dedicated to the presentation of the Sāṃkhya philosophy alone appears to have been produced. It seems that the first systematic treatment of this school is found in the Kusha ron kōki kōshū 倶舎論光記講輯 written by Dōkū 道空 (1686-1751). The text actually represents a 14-scroll 十四巻 sub-commentary to a Puguang's 普光 Jushe lun ji 倶舎論記. It covers only the first part of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya dealing with the Chapter on Elements 界品, Chapter on Faculties 根品, Chapter on the Universe 世間品, and the Chapter on Karma 業品. Dōkū mentions Sāṃkhya in Scroll III (ad the Chapter on Faculties), in Scroll VII (ibid.), and in Scroll XIII (ad the Chapter on Karma). In Scrolls VII and XIII, Dōkū's treatment of the subject does not go beyond a typically exegetical approach: he briefly touches upon some Sāṃkhya concepts, and he does it mainly by relying on the explanations offered by such Chinese commentaries as the Jushe lun song shu 倶舎論頌疏 by Yuanhui 圓暉 and the Jushe lun song shu chao 倶舎論頌疏抄 by Huihui 慧暉. The discussion of Sāṃkhya in Scroll III stands, however, in sharp contrast to mere exegetical references. Here one can clearly see that Dōkū attempts a presentation of the whole philosophical system rather than of a few disparate notions. Actually, Dōkū extracted this part from his commentary on the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya and published it as an independent work entitled Notes Concerning the Twenty-five Principles of Sāṃkhya (數論二十五諦記 Suron nijūgo tai ki). Starting with the middle of the Edo period, i.e. 18th century, Japan actually witnesses the birth and development of an exegetical tradition on Paramārtha's 眞諦 translation of the *Suvarṇasaptati 金七十論, tradition which was to continue for nearly 200 years. Prior to this epoch no similar attempts are known to have existed. This may appear to us as a rather sudden and unexpected phenomenon, but seen in the context of its age, the movement had its causes. This period of peace, stability and growing prosperity allowed many brilliant scholar-monks to concentrate their efforts on deepening their understanding of all aspects of Buddhism, which also led to the necessity of conducting researching into non-Buddhist works. Nonetheless, the idea of studying and writing about heretical philosophical systems, historically hostile to Buddhism, must have aroused more or less resistance from the more traditional minds. What was the driving force and scholarly need of this new movement which presumably was strong enough to brush aside all opposition? In the present paper, I discuss the exposition of Sāṃkhya as found in Scroll III of the Kusha ron kōki kōshū and the Suron nijūgo tai ki by Dōkū, which may well represent the inception of this new movement. I hope that my examination of Dōkū's criticism of Xuanzang's 玄奘 understanding of Sāṃkhya will shed light upon the origins of the scholarly necessity which lay behind the new exegetical movement.

著者

Almogi Orna

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.135-212, 2010-04

著者

橋本 文子

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

仙石山佛教學論集 (ISSN:13494341)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.1-25, 2010-04

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Kūkai 空海(774-835) developed his theory on the ten stages of the thought of Awakening (Skt. bodhicitta; Ch. 菩提心) on the basis of the passage on the generation of the mental flow 心續生段found in the Mahāvairocanasūtra 大日經.1 It is organised into ten items which actually encapsulate Kūkaiʼs views on the hierarchical classification of the Buddhist teachings 教判and provides a fundamental piece in the doctrinal system of the Shingon school 眞言宗. Kūkai expounded this theory in the Himitsu mandara jūjūshin ron 秘密曼荼羅十住心論and the Hizō hōyaku 秘蔵寶鑰. The former, usually considered to be the earlier work, has survived in an unfinished form. There are quite a few details concerning its formation as well as content which remain unclear. Kūkaiʼ s theory of the ten stages of the thought of Awakening has presented generations of scholars and followers us with many doctrinal problems. Most notable is his allotment of the eighth stage (the so-called ichidō mui jūshin 一道無爲住心) to the Tiantai/Tendai school 天台宗 and the ninth one (goku mujishō jū shin 極無自性住心) to the Huayan/Kegon 華嚴tradition. This hierarchy which became an unmovable truth for the Shingon exponents was, quite understandably, unacceptable to the Tendai followers. The long-standing controversy has continued into modern timesand is still traceable in the studies of such representative scholars as Shishio Enshin 獅子王圓信2 and Nasu Seiryu 那須政隆.3 Nonetheless, one gets the impression that the polemical dispute between modern academics still retains an air of sectarian bias not unlike the works of many mediaeval and pre-modern scholastics. This, I believe, actually hampers any effort to tackle the problem in its essence. My view is that the controversy surrounding the allotment of the eighth and ninth stages brought significant changes to the understanding of the theory of the ten stages of the thought of Awakening in its entirety. A systematic view of the relevant opinions expressed by Tōmitsu (Shingon) exponents from the end of the Heian period throughout the first half of the Middle Ages as well as a good understanding of the background of the ideas put forward by earlier scholars is indispensible in any endevour to disentangle the intricacies surrounding this problem. This will, I hope, ultimately help us to elucidate the original meaning of Kūkaiʼs theory and its historical context. The present paper is part of this larger research project. It mainly deals with a critical text which may have influenced the Jū jū shanan shō 十住遮難抄, a work which I examined in some of my earlier studies.

著者

津田 眞一

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.31-67, 2000-03

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This paper aims at describing the system of the Mayasamvaratantra, which, together with the system of the Guhyasamaja-tantra, serves as a bridge between the Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha-tantra, the foundation of a genuine esoteric system of attaining enlightenment instantaneously, and the Hevajra-tantra, the extremity of Tantric Buddhism, in the historical development of Buddhist thought in India. In the case of tantric system such as the system of the Mayasa mvara-tantra, the "thought" is not presented directly in any teachings or dogmatic systems apparent on the surface of the text ; as a result, any restoration must be done through analyzing the hidden meaning of the mandalas of the system. This is why we investigate, in the present paper, the structure and contents of the original image of the world which is said to have as appeared to Gotama, the Buddha, in his experience of enlightenment, His experience forms the substance of his second 'sattanam cutupapata-nana' (that is, the wholeaggregate of all the chains of transmigratory lives of all living beings), and its mahayanic transformations and substantializations as given in the system of the Gandavyuha-sutra, We realize the meaning of the mandalas of the Mayasamvara-tantra only when we observe them ageinst the background of the coherent transitions of the Buddhist image of the world. This course was first set by the "critical" development of the Mahayanic system of the Gandavyuha-sutra from the original system of the Buddha himself.

著者

四津谷 孝道 Kodo Yotsuya

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.354-333, 2000-03-31

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The Middle Way may be, roughly speaking, understood from the philosophical point of view that things are neither existent nor nonexistent(非有非無). Nagarjuna seems to assume that this philosophical understanding of the Middle Way is taught so as to cancel any discursive knowledge whatsoever, including discursive knowledge of existence and that of non-existence, both of which pertain to the most fundamental categories by which to comprehend phenomena. Tsong kha pa gives two sorts of interpretations of "neither existcnce nor non-existence." In a context which concerns "the four alternative positions" (catuh-koti) along the same lins as Nagarjuna does and assumes that one should negate any discursive knowledge whatsoever that presupposes hypothesized entitics, namely, not only hypothesized existence (有), but hypothesized non-existence (無) as well. However, unlike other Madhyamaka followers, including Nagarjuna, he thinks that mental activities should be classified as virtuous (prajna) viz. the understanding of non-substantiality (vicious). We must not discard the former. In another context, he gives another interpretation of it in terms of the "two truths theory" (satya-dvaya). It shows that the hypothesized entities are denied on the uhimate level(非有), but everyday things must remain undenied(非無)on the conventional level.

著者

四津谷 孝道

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.354-333, 2000-03

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The Middle Way may be, roughly speaking, understood from the philosophical point of view that things are neither existent nor nonexistent(非有非無). Nagarjuna seems to assume that this philosophical understanding of the Middle Way is taught so as to cancel any discursive knowledge whatsoever, including discursive knowledge of existence and that of non-existence, both of which pertain to the most fundamental categories by which to comprehend phenomena. Tsong kha pa gives two sorts of interpretations of "neither existcnce nor non-existence." In a context which concerns "the four alternative positions" (catuh-koti) along the same lins as Nagarjuna does and assumes that one should negate any discursive knowledge whatsoever that presupposes hypothesized entitics, namely, not only hypothesized existence (有), but hypothesized non-existence (無) as well. However, unlike other Madhyamaka followers, including Nagarjuna, he thinks that mental activities should be classified as virtuous (prajna) viz. the understanding of non-substantiality (vicious). We must not discard the former. In another context, he gives another interpretation of it in terms of the "two truths theory" (satya-dvaya). It shows that the hypothesized entities are denied on the uhimate level(非有), but everyday things must remain undenied(非無)on the conventional level.

著者

興津 香織 Kaori Okitsu

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

仙石山論集 = Sengokuyama Journal of Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13494341)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.31-59, 2005-09-30

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It is not unusual to see Buddhist texts mentioning and criticising other philosophical schools. Amongst these, Sāṁkhya and Vaiśeṣika have received particular attention. The fact that the *Suvarṇasaptatiśāstra (hereafter, Ss), translated by Paramārtha 眞諦, and the *Vaiśeṣikadaśapadārthaśāstra 勝宗十句義論, translated by Xuanzang 玄奘, are the only treatises of classical Indian systems rendered into Chinese and included in the Chinese Canon also testifies to the importance attached to these two schools. The way Buddhist thinkers regarded Sāṁkhya philosophy can be grasped from two angles. One is to survey their criticism against this system as reflected in Buddhist philosophical works. The other is to examine how the Ss was understood and assessed in commentaries written by Far Eastern Buddhist thinkers. The latter approach has not been attempted so far, and the present paper is part of a larger project to explore this less known aspect in the history of ideas. It seems that no exegetical work was written on the Ss in traditional China. By contrast, Japanese Buddhists showed considerable interest in this Sāṁkhya text. This can be seen as early as the Tenpyō Era (729-767), when the name of the Ss appears amongst the manuscripts copied by imperial order. We have no concrete data for the following centuries, but later, by the middle of the Tokugawa Period (18th century), the Ss became the object of an intense commentarial activity. Unfortunately, only very few of these works were printed and became available to the general public. Most of the rest has remained practically unknown to outside circles. As much as I could check, no less than 26 commentaries on the Ss (including texts no longer extant) were written during the Tokugawa Period. We know the names of 17 of these exegetes. For three of the commentaries, the authors’ names have been lost. An important figure, which I also briefly discuss, is Nyokai Nichimyō 如海日妙 (?-1711) who appears to have written or edited the ‘Postface to the *Suvarṇasaptatiśāstra’ 金七十論跋 attached to the woodblock print edition of the Ss issued in the Tokugawa Period. My paper also examines the texts and materials used by the scholar-monks associated with the Ss exegetical literature, the common corpus of knowledge shared by them as well as the distinctive characteristics of each of the available commentaries. I have paid special attention to the following three works which illustrate the philological methods of textual interpretation representative of this age: the Kon shichijū ron bikō 金七十論備考 by Gyō’ ō Gonzō 曉應嚴藏 (1724-1785), the Kon shichijū ron sho 金七十論疏 by Chidō Hōjū 智幢法住 (1723-1800), and the Kon shichijū ron sōkyō 金七十論藻鏡 by Rinjō Kaidō 林常快道 (1751-1810).

著者

奧村 元康 Motoyasu Okumura

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

仙石山仏教学論集 = Sengokuyama Journal of Buddhist Studies (ISSN:21853444)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.114-16, 2014-02-05

著者

津田 眞一

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.61-105, 1998-03

著者

津田 眞一

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.109-209, 2004-03

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This article is an attempt to clarify the original meaning of sapore (in Japanese, sabanya). Quite surprisingly, a leading Japanese scholars misread this word, which occurs in the phrase諸佛菩提薩婆若海of the jingang sanmei jing金剛三昧經,and confuse it with薩般若as employed by Won, hyo元曉in諸佛菩薩般若海of his Commentary on the Jingang sanmei jing金剛三昧經.The latter term is construed as 'the sea of prajna般若'or the origin根源of all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. Sapore薩婆若'is a phonetic transcription of the Sanskrit word sarvajnata in the Astasahasrikaprajnaparamita (hereafter, ASSP), the earliest and most important text of the whole Prajnaparamita literature, and is usually rendered as 'omniscience'. In the original context of the ASSP, it refers to the other world or the celestial/paradisiac world (which I call 'world A'). in the pan-Buddhist two-world theory, this is the world transcending the real, earthly world of the living beings ('world B'). In the course of the historical development of the Buddhist Weltanschauung, the notion sarvajnata as the other world replete with immeasurable brilliant buddhadharmas finds its final from in the vajradhatu 'adamantine realm'金剛界.This is the mandalaor the aggregate of 'all Tathagatas countless as the sands of the Ganges' in the Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha-tantra (hereafter, STTS), the main text of esoteric Buddhism in India, and it provides us with the ultimate framework on which the Buddhist idea of human life could and should be rebuilt. The transformation of the idea of world A from the sarvajnata of the ASSP into the vajradhatu of the STTS was a matter of historical necessity. This gradual transition can be followed by tracing the Sanskrit equivalents of薩婆若from sarvajnata to sarvajnajnana and passing through sarvakarajnana, a distinct stage reflected in the Pancavimsatisahasrikaprajnaparamita. In my paper, I also offer a survey of the historical development of the Buddhist thought and discuss the principles underlying my historical reconstruction. I also try to clarify the meaning of the sapore hai 薩婆若海in the Jingang sanmei jing as well as Won-hyo's sabore hai 薩般若海which actullay corroborate my notion of sarvajnata as the other world (world A).

著者

津田 眞一

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.214-135, 2011-05

著者

原 実

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.412-390, 1999-03

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This is an abridged Japanese version of my paper originally written in English, entitled "A Note on the Concept of Plant and Tree," which is to be published in the Festschrift Professor Padmanabh S. Jaini (Lund). It is evident that the author has been greatly inspired by, and consequently much indebted to the writings of Professor L. Schmithausen, particularly by his monograph The Problem of the Sentiency of Plants in Earliest Buddhism (Tokyo 1991). There are, however, some newly added portions here in this Japanese version. These areas follows. (1) The last chapter (the Merit of Planting of Trees=vrksa-ropa). (2) Newly added textual materials (Notes 1-10). (3) Newly added secondary literatures (marked with asterisk in Bibliography). For convenience sake, below is given a table of contents of this paper. Introduction Chapter I. Sthavara, tree-worship. Chapter II. Plants (trna) and Trees (vrksa) in Indian Literature. Chapter III. Plants and Trees as Living Beings. Chapter IV. The Sense-organs of Plants and Trees (ekendriya in Buddhist Vinaya and pancendriya in MBh.) Chapter V. Tree-dohada (Mallinatha ad Meghaduta 74, Vrksayurveda, etc.) Chapter VI. Asvattha and Udumbara (MBh. 3. 115) Chapter VII. Merit attributed to the Planting of Trees (MBh. 13. 99)

著者

落合 俊典 赤尾 栄慶 梶浦 晋 後藤 昭雄 辛嶋 静志 衣川 賢次 デレアヌ フロリン STEFANO Zacchetti 金水 敏

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2000

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平成12年度より開始され、平成15年度をもって終了した「金剛寺一切経の基礎的研究と新出仏典の研究」では、4ヶ年間に79回の現地調査を実施し、19回の新出仏典研究会で真摯な討論を重ねてきた。この他に諸機関・諸寺院等の調査はもとより、国内外での研究発表も行い活発な研究活動を展開した。その結果、金剛寺一切経の概要を示す目録(暫定版)を完成させ、新出仏典の翻刻とその資料的価値を確定させることができた。一切経の奥書から中世における河内長野近在の書写事業の一端が明かとなった。また書写する人々は奈良写経を尊崇していたことも分かってきた。本研究は従来の一切経調査では試みられなかった現行本との照合を行うとともに、今後の研究の一層の発展を期して一切経のカラーデジタル撮影に取り組んできた。かくして金剛寺一切経4,000余巻の内、1,123巻を撮影しDVD2枚に収録した。その数26,500コマである。この方法に基づいて多くの新知見が得られただけではなく、新たな新出仏典も発見された。その一つは中国の五世紀前葉、鳩摩羅什等によって翻訳された『十誦律』に基づく在家信者のための手引き書であり、これも新出安世高訳『十二門経』と並んで非常に貴重な資料となるであろう。

著者

原 實 今西 順吉 落合 俊典 木村 清孝 津田 眞一 デュルト ユベール 杉山 二郎 平川 彰

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2001

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平成13年度以来同16年迄の4年間、幸い科学研究費補助金の支給を受け、研究協力者の助言を得ながら研究を続行し得た成果を以下に報告する。近時ジェンダー研究が盛んで本邦に於いても社会学者を中心に所謂「女性差別」「男女平等」を学問的に研究しようとする気運が昂まった。筆者はこの問題を自らが専攻する古代インドの文献に徴して学問的に研究しようと試み、方法論を筆者の専攻する文献学に取り、斯学の世界的リーダーとして令名の高かったロンドン大学のJ.Lisley博士の精神的支持を得てその研究に従事した。不幸にして同博士は昨年急逝したが、同種の研究に従事する「ギリシャの女たち」の著者桜井万里子氏(東大教授)やタイ国の法制史を研究し比丘尼の生活規範を纏め上げた石井米雄氏(文化功労者、京大名誉教授)の助言を得ながら同学のインド古典研究者、仏教学者を研究協力者として研究を進めた。ここに提示するものは過去四年間に亘って研究代表者が発表したもの中心に同類の「女性」に関する過去の研究を一括したものである。その結果分量が大部となり、従って研究協力者の論文は今回見合わせざるを得ず、それらは別の機会に発表する事とした。古代インドの「貞女」「烈女」「淫女」の諸相、「妻」「娘」の地位を中心に「男尊女卑」の系譜を辿ると共に、「貞節」「不倫」の諸問題を系統的に文献に徴して整理したものである。