著者
小林 博
出版者
島根県立大学
雑誌
北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.89-108, 2001-10

1. One of the main causes of the Asian currency and financial crisis is that many East Asian countries had adopted the de facto dollar peg system before the crisis. This indicates that the exchange rate system is one of the important factors for the financial and economic stability in East Asia. In this paper, the future exchange rate system of East Asia will be examined. 2. The extent of internationalization of the RMB and the Japanese yen will have the significant effect on the future exchange rate system in East Asia. For this reason, the possibility of future internationalization of the RMB and the Japanese yen will be analyzed before the future exchange rate system in East Asia is discussed. 3. In order for a currency of some country to become truly international, there are conditions to be satisfied by the country and the followings are the fundamental ones. (1) The economy is highly developed and the size of economy is one of the largest in the world. (2) Trade volume is also one of the largest in the world. (3) Money market is highly developed and the size of market is one of the largest in the World. 4. In the case of the RMB, China will satisfy the first and the second conditions mentioned above relatively in the near future if China maintains the current rate of economic and trade expansion. However, regarding the third condition, that is, the development of money market, it seems extremely difficult for China to satisfy the conditions because China is faced with many difficult problems such as bad debt problem of state-owned commercial banks and development of capital market. For this reason, the internationalization of the RMB will be very limited one. 5. There has been very little progress as to the internationalization of the Japanese yen. The fact that the Tokyo money market is inconvenient for foreigners has been the main reason for the limited progress. In the case of deutsche mark, the existence of the European Monetary System (EMS) helped it to become key currency in Western Europe. Unless Tokyo money market becomes truly international, and unless the EMS-typed monetary system is introduced in East Asia, the progress of internationalization of the Japanese yen could not be expected. 6. After the currency and financial crisis, many East Asian countries moved to independently floating exchange rate system from the de facto dollar peg system. However, the current system is not the ideal one, and new system should be sought. When we envisage the future exchange rate system, the following points should be recognized. (1) In the case of East Asian countries, the trade partners are diversified. In addition to other East Asian countries, Japan, the United States and the Euro Area are very important partners. (2) The bilateral exchange rates of the U.S. dollar, the euro and the Japanese yen are very volatile. It is necessary that the adverse effects of this volatility on the East Asian countries is mitigated. (3) Stable exchange rate relationship among East Asian countries should be maintained. 7. In order to reduce the adverse effects of volatility of the major currencies, and to maintain the stable relationship among the East Asian currencies, common basket peg system is suitable. In this case, currency basket consists of the U.S. dollar, the euro and the Japanese yen. 8. However, it is almost impossible for East Asian countries to adopt common basket peg system from the beginning as the economies of East Asian countries are very heterogeneous. Consequently, it is practical that each East Asian country adopts individual basket peg system at the initial stage and then move to the common basket peg system. Furthermore, if the common basket peg system is firmly established, it is not impossible that East Asia will have the common currency. 9. Though ASEAN countries, China, Korea and Japan agreed to establish a system of swap arrangements (The Chiang Mai Initiative), there is no cooperative arrangement in the field of exchange rate system. It is desirable that East Asian countries establish the longer term scenario of regional monetary system including the exchange rate system. Strong political will among East Asian countries to develop the regional cooperation is the key factor for the materialization of the system.
著者
王 鳳
出版者
島根県立大学
雑誌
若手研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2009

改革開放以降の中国の社会意識の変化に関わる各種の言説を考察することによって80年代と90年代以降という二つの大きな区切りがあり、人々の意識やその表象に決定的な影響を及ぼすものがそれぞれ「正しさ」の論理と「できる」論理であると結論した。また、社会現実を語る際に用いられる時代的ディスコースの変化は、90年代の「奮闘」(頑張っていること)から2008年前後の「棟梁」(成功そのもの)に移っていくという重心の転移があったのである。
著者
鹿 錫俊
出版者
島根県立大学
雑誌
北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.17-41, 2001-03

During the time of the Rehe Crisis in early 1933, the Chinese Nationalist Government, having been disillusioned with Britain, USA and the League of Nations, was forced to rely on USSR to check the movement of Japan. However, it turned out to be even largerr disillusionment than the one experienced with Britain and USA, which led to the conclusion of the "Tanggu Cease-fire Agreement." Thenceforth the Nationalist Government started to cool off the relations with USSR while employing a policy of partial compromise toward Japan. Establishment of diplomatic relations between USA and USSR in 1933 made a substantial impact on the political climate of the rest of the world including the Nationalist Government. While showing some understanding of the necessity to compromise with Japan, some advocated progressive diplomatic alliance with USSR, USA and the League of Nations to "make friends" anew under new international situations. They regarded the policy that solely focused on improving relations with Japan as "too feeble." Yet despite initiatives taken by USSR to approach China under the heightening tensions with Japan, Wang Jingwei strongly opposed to the emerging "coalition with USSR" argument. His assertion was based on the idea of making a realistic view that entering alliance with foreign countries for containment of Japan might further irritate that country and reflected a growing sense of fear that China's destiny might become subject to communist influence by USSR. Thus the party opposing to the compromise policy disappeared from the main stage of diplomacy after "Tanggu Cease-fire Agreement." Within the party affirming the "partial compromise policy toward Japan, " however, politicians were divided to two schools on the questions of "alliance with foreign countries for containment of Japan" which was backed by their judgment on USSR and the direction of the future Sino-Japanese relations which was backed by their judgment on Japan. Therefore, although all supported a policy of compromise and shared the common aim of giving priority to domestic stability over eliminating the Japanese invasion, party members remained divided on what course of action to take. Consequently, they held, as a matter of course, different attitudes toward the three lines taken by USSR, USA and the "international organization." Existence of these two schools demonstrates the fact that the Nationalist Government implicitly contained two orientations in their "partial compromise polity toward Japan." On the other hand, Jiang Jieshi of those days showed strong confidence and immense expectation in the "diplomatic potentials" of China and advocated their tactical operations. In this sense Jiang was more optimistic than pessimist Wang. Furthermore, attention should be given to the fact that Jiang Jieshi learned about Russian methods of domestic and international policies while harboring even more fears against USSR than Japan did, and asserted to have both Japan and USSR check the movement of the other party. On the question of "alliance with foreign countries, " Wang Jingwei generally stood at "no profits at the moment and no hope of success in the future, " while Jiang Jieshi viewed it as "no problem in action at the moment and definite hope of success in the future, " and firmly held the basic strategies of "internationalization of Sino-Japanese Dispute" and "resolution of Sino-Japanese problems within the international sphere." The divergence of opinion between Wang and Jiang lead to a "dual structure" of diplomacy in the Nationalist Government, namely the explicit Wang Jingwei's line that existed in parallel with that of the implicit Jiang Jieshi's. Furthermore, attention should be paid to the contents of Jiang's view that served to bridge the gap between opposing views through a kind of mutual compensation. In other words, he made efforts to actualize one possibility while having to be fully prepared to appease the opposing other. Therefore, the "dual diplomacy" of the Nationalist Government owed its divergent character not only to the ideological division between Wang and Jiang but also to the "multiple perspectives" that belonged to Jiang himself. The Chinese authority started to seek "coalition with USSR for containment of Japan" during Jiang Tinghu's visit to USSR under the circumstances of policy line confrontations mentioned above. The four following elements were also taken up : recurrence of Sino-Russo disputes over Xinjiang problems in August 1934, joining of USSR to the League of Nations in September, successful 5th attempt to suppress the Chinese Communist Party by the Nationalist Government around the same period of time and aggravation of anti-American sentiment caused by American policy to buy up silver.
著者
鹿 錫俊
出版者
島根県立大学
雑誌
総合政策論叢 (ISSN:13463829)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.61-74, 2002-03-25

Jiang Zerning, as the leader of The Communist Party of China, recently proposed three influential theories of Chinese political reform in the future: l) the development requirements of advanced social productive forces, 2) the progressive courses of Chinese advanced culture, and 3) the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority people in China. The theories appear to be accepted by China as well as the rest of the world. The paper analyzed how Chinese historical factors affect the three theories as follows: 1) the historical backgrounds of the three major theories, 2) the viewpoints of the three major theories, 3) the meaning of the three theories, 4) the conservative's criticism of the theories and the values of the criticism, 5) the limitation and the radical dissatisfaction of the theories, 6) the four main issues on Chinese political reform.
著者
鹿 錫俊
出版者
島根県立大学
雑誌
北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.199-208, 2001-10
著者
山下 一也 松本 亥智江 橋本 道男
出版者
島根県立大学
雑誌
基盤研究(C)
巻号頁・発行日
2008

魚摂取を増やす介入(魚料理教室)がうつ状態に与える影響について検討した。対象者は高齢者22名で、月1回の料理教室の開催を1年半行った。75歳以下の群ではツング自己評価式抑うつ尺度37.4±6.1点(前)から31.7±7.7点(後)へと減少傾向がみられた(0.05<p<0.1)。75歳以上の群では変化は認められなかった。魚摂取は前期高齢者では、うつ状態の改善効果が期待できることが示唆された。
著者
川中 淳子
出版者
島根県立大学
雑誌
挑戦的萌芽研究
巻号頁・発行日
2008

今年度は、本研究の最終年度であった。今年度も3名の研究協力者とともに研究をすすめてきた。研究協力者荒川ゆかり(しまね臨床心理研究所)(役割分担:地域文化、地域理解、神話、スクールカウンセリング)木谷健二(平成22年度 島根県中央児童相談所、平成23年度島根県立こころの医療センター)(大元神楽、神懸り、地域と個人の無意識、心理検査を通しての理解)西田京子(島根県スクールカウンセラー)(精神的風土、スクールカウンセリングを通してみた石見神楽)それぞれが研究旅行で調査を実施したり、より良いインタビュー面接を実施するために研修を受けたり、学会参加により多くの知見を得たりしてきた。研究協力者の荒川は、平成22年11月の中国四国心理学会第66回大会で「スクールカウンセリングと地域臨床-文化を生かす見立てについて-」の発表を行った。研究代表者の川中は、神楽の心理療法的意味と音楽持つ意味との関連を追求し、その成果を、平成23年度7月に島根県立大学短期大学部松江キャンパスの公開講座で報告する予定である。研究協力者の木谷は神懸りと心理療法の関連を論文として執筆している。平成23年度中に発表予定である。研究協力者の西田は平成23年度2011年3月31日心理臨床学会第30回秋季大会で「石見神楽の心理療法的可能性-非日常世界を抱える日常性-」として発表する予定である。3年間の取り組みを通して、地域の個性、地域性と文化や芸能の関連を明確にしてきた。広く地域を支援する上で重要な視点を得ることができたと言えるだろう。