著者
畠山 兆子
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
no.54, pp.82-95, 250, 1999-01-31

What kind of televised animation has most attracted Japanese children of today? "Pocket Monster, " which was originally made for a data-trading game for Nintendo's Gameboy, has been overwhelmingly popular. Consideration will be given to the detailed analysis of the animation's structure in comparison with its orginal game and comic scripts, which are found in children's monthly magazines such as "Korokoro Comics" and Shogakukan's "Primary Grader: 4th to 6th." In particular, major features of both the openings and the endings, as well as their broadcasting time schedules will be thoroughly examined to illustrate why "Pocket Monster" has become so popular.
著者
フェルドマン オフェル 川上 和久
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, pp.197-206,311, 1988-04-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

This study was designed to explore and analyze some features related to the evaluations and the perceptions Japanese university students held toward the political coverage of the press. In paticular, while replicating and extending earlier studies conducted in the U.S., the aims of the present paper are threefold : to examine the multifaceted evaluations of the newspapers' political stories while referring to specific dimensions in categories of competence/trust, community involvement/personalism, and bias/sensationalism; to follow systematically the way Japanese youth construct their image of the press' functifon; and to determine whether newspapers' image has any effect on selected demographic and media use variables. The findings reveal that the press is highly trusted in its political reportage, perceived as fulfilling and realizing its social role, and as presenting unbiased coverage as well as reflecting correctly the public opinion. More-over, frequency of general exposure to newspapers and television, reading or watching the political content of the news media, political interest, stances and knowledge of political events are all found to be associated with different degrees of perception of the printed media. From the comparative viewpoint, the study points out a diversity and variation of newspapers' images held in the U.S. and Japan and suggests further comparison surveys.
著者
李 錬
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, pp.143-152,315-31, 1988-04-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

Hansung Sunbo was the first modern Newspaper in Korea. The first edition was written and published by Kakugoro Inoue in 1883. Hansung Sunbo's importance in the history of the press is its emphasis on Korean modernization and ideology which was popular among the readers. Its publication became a turning point in the history of the Korean press. Inoue did not put emphasis on research and made little progress. The Korean people perceived Kakugoro Inoue as an instrument of the MEIJI government and did not acknowledge his great contribution to the Korean press. The Korean harbor became an open port after the Kang Wha Do (treaty)in 1876. As part of the treaty of Kang Wha Do, a third diplomatic mission was sent by Korea to Japan When Ock Kyun Kim and Dongin Lee, members of that mission, lived in Asakusabetsusou, they had a deep relationship with Ukichi Fukuzawa. During their stay in Japan they had the opportunity to view Japan, its political world and civilization system. At that time, Young Ho Park and Ock Kyun Kim established the Bark Mun Guk, and by recomendation of Fukuzawa, were introduced to 6 people beside Inoue. They purchased a printing machine in Nagasaki and started publishing a newspaper・At that time, Inoue was appointed as an associate editor and he was mainly responsible for collecting materials, serving as the redactor, and supervising translation and printing. Finally on October 31, 1883, the first edition was published (Hansung Sunbo). Yun Sik Kim and Inoue also published the Han Sung Junbo and changed the name on January 25, 1886. The Han Sung Sunbo was the first newspaper written in the Korean language in the history of the press, and which also used the Korean literary style. Inoue was a very famous journalist and he was a pioneer in the history of Korean speech (press). Although Han Sung Sunbo was published 104 years ago, nobody knows much about him in Korea and he has not been a subject of research. As he made an important contribution, we have to reassess his place in the history of the Korean press.
著者
加藤 春恵子
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, pp.74-88,264, 1989-04-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

This essay raises the question as to how women's sexuality, personality and role are, should be, and could depicted in the mass media. The issue is raised by the introduction of an American active feminist lawyer's theory and practice concerngng pornography. Discussion of the concept, theory and practice of the "freedom of the press" or "freedom of expression" should become more fruitful through realization of the overwhelming power of the "Invisible viewpoint" of the "Japanese WASP man"-highly educated males who do not identify with any discriminaetd against group. This discussion should also be of more value through active listening to the criticism of those people whose viewpoing has been neglected.
著者
丸山 友美
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, pp.143-162, 2019

<p>The purpose of this paper is to explore how television documentaries as a</p><p>particular mode of expression were formed through an investigation of the</p><p>composition of sound recording as a prehistory of television documentaries.</p><p> By tracing the genealogy of the radio programs Man on the Street, which</p><p>started broadcasting during the occupation of Japan at the end of World War</p><p>II, and Social Survey, one of its spinoffs, this paper examines the formation process</p><p>of television documentaries from the following three points. First, this</p><p>paper focuses on the fact that particular documentary aesthetics were imported</p><p>under the leadership of the General Headquarters (GHQ), and examine these</p><p>modes of expression within the dynamic of broadcast policy. Second, it examines</p><p>how Japanese staff who actually produced these programs merged their</p><p>ideas with the occupation army's to create a unique form of Japanese radio documentary.</p><p>Thirdly, it demonstrates how the democratic program ideas presented</p><p>by GHQ became sharply distinguished as what would be called Rokuon-</p><p>Kōsei. These points are investigated from a detailed technical, historical and</p><p>formal analysis.</p><p> This paper presents two concluding points: 1) that opinions of socially vulnerable</p><p>communities became newly accessible in radio broadcasting after</p><p>World War II and 2) that this was made possible by a brusque and minimalist</p><p>editing method that was developed with the intention of broadcasting these</p><p>subaltern opinions with little modification. This genealogically leads us to the</p><p>television documentary The Real Face of Japan, which was produced with a</p><p>new montage theory that until then had not been done in the documentaries</p><p>and culture films, and was subsequently highly praised by documentarists and</p><p>critics. Thus, this paper offers a new analytical point of view for reviewing</p><p>early television documentaries through describing the formation process of documentary</p><p>modes of expression called Rokuon-Kōsei in earlier radio documentaries.</p>
著者
喜多 満里花
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, pp.181-199, 2020

<p> Popular cultural content is transnational, as it is produced across national</p><p>borders. However, it is used as a tool to represent national image and identity</p><p>for branding, which is contradictory. Therefore, two issues will become the</p><p>subject of discussion: signifying the processes of policy makers and the</p><p>effects of these discourses on people's national identity. This study examines</p><p>these issues through document analysis of Korean government publications</p><p>concerning Korean popular music( K-Pop).</p><p> The study shows that K-Pop signifies two different things in these</p><p>documents.</p><p>Documents written in English say that it is "hybrid and transnational</p><p>music" for external branding, whereas those in Korean claim that it has</p><p>"original content, inheriting Korea-ness from traditional culture" for internal</p><p>branding.</p><p>In addition, the government's view of national identity and cultural</p><p>nationalism shown in internal branding is not considered by the Korean</p><p>people in their reactions to discourse about the Korean wave or change of</p><p>governance. This rejection of this reconstructed national identity differs from</p><p>the circumstances shown in previous studies.</p>
著者
金 イェジ
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, pp.203-219, 2019

<p> This paper focuses on the Korean "daily toon," a specific genre of webtoon</p><p>(a portmanteau of the words "web" and "cartoon"). In these toons, a character</p><p>appears as an avatar presenting the writer's perspective. Present research considers</p><p>the melancholic representation of youth in the early years of daily toons.</p><p>Daily toons featuring authors' experiences were often drawn quite frankly, as</p><p>one would write or sketch in a diary. Youths developed an affinity for these</p><p>toons, as their production and consumption reflected facets of young people's</p><p>everyday life. Focusing on these points, this research aims to examine: ⑴ relationships</p><p>between the three aspects of the melancholic motif appearing in early</p><p>daily toons; ⑵ the structure of feeling of the younger generation and ⑶ personal</p><p>homepages as private spaces online( where episodes were published serially).</p><p> In the early 2000s, young people shared ambivalent emotions arising from</p><p>social changes following the 1997 financial crisis. They were tasked with maintaining</p><p>the role of standard-bearers for social change, while also experiencing</p><p>feelings of self-pity and loss. In the early daily toons, depressive feelings are</p><p>represented by three themes, namely: ⑴ thinking and self-reflection; ⑵ loss and</p><p>loneliness and ⑶ emptiness and lethargy. Such melancholic motifs can be interpreted</p><p>as symbolizing youths' depression and sense of loss, utilizing the properties</p><p>of personal homepages as private spaces for self-expression. In real life,</p><p>young people's collective actions toward social change occur in spaces such as</p><p>public squares, where their behavior and practices represent emotions such as</p><p>anger and resistance. In contrast, the motifs in the early daily toons can be</p><p>interpreted as representing more personal emotional processes (such as fear</p><p>and pity) among youth.</p>
著者
李 津娥
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
no.85, pp.25-41, 2014-07-31

Political advertising plays a significant role in conveying campaign information and constructing images of parties and candidates more directly than the news, the contents of which they have little or no control over. Political parties have prioritized traditional political communication, such as personal contact campaigning and wayside speeches. However, parties have come to rely more on political advertising as a result of the termination of the long-standing dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the early 1990s. This paper outlines the historical development of political advertising from the emergence of political parties and their campaigning in the 1880s to the online campaigning during the 2013 House of Councilors election, focusing both on the change in the media environment and in election law. The current research also compares the contents and appeal of LDP and non-LDP political advertising in terms of issue presentation and image construction by analyzing political ads in newspapers and on television from 1960 to 2012. Overall, parties have placed emphasis on images over issues in their ads, and election campaigns have been dominated by governing parties. This tendency did not change at all in the online campaigns of the 2013 House of Councilors election. This paper also investigates issues in relation to online political campaigning, including concerns over targeted and tailored online political advertising and selective searches for information by voters that confirm their pre-existing political views, which in turn might decrease political tolerance.
著者
田辺 龍
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
no.68, pp.42-53, 2006

'2ch (2 channel)' is the most popular anonymous BBS in Japan. It consists of hundreds of categories called 'ita (board)', and each ita also consists of hundreds of threads. Occasionally many responses are noted on some threads instantaneously, but most of these phenomena are regarded as consummatory communications like so-called 'matsuri (festival)' not as public opinion. But some of these have possibility of becoming public opinion when these are referred by other web sites, covered by mass media. So the inter-media relations can make anonymous BBS rouse public opinion, when an argument in some thread is cited by other media one after another.
著者
焦 贇
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, pp.153-171, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-09-11)
参考文献数
9

With the spread of the Internet and the development of citizen journalism, women are no longer “victims” who are unable to speak out for themselves. Because of this, the word “nuhanzi” has become popular in Chinese cyberspace that positively affirms the non-feminine type of woman who had been hitherto criticized. A subculture surrounding the “nuhanzi” has emerged, shocking the dominant culture. The result of this is that the mainstream media has begun using the word “nuhanzi” in its reporting. Based on this point, a “struggle for signification” has emerged between the novel view of gender represented by the “nuhanzi” and the dominant view bound to the gender order in China, which has existed for a long time. However, as a result of the fact that reports in the mainstream media surrounding the “nuhanzi” gradually turned negative, online “activity” surrounding the term dwindled, the “struggle for signification” against the reports of mainstream media could not continue, and in many cases, the debate ceased.Based on the above facts, this study focuses on the “reproduction” of the dominant culture in the “struggle for signification” and the reasons behind excluding the new view of gender epitomized by the “nuhanzi” from the dominant culture. At the same time, we argue that in today’s information society, the existing mainstream media outlets still have a substantial influence on the reproduction of the dominant culture.