著者
竜 聖人
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.1_213-1_234, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)
参考文献数
53

Social hospitalization of the elderly people has said to be the biggest pathology in the Japanese medical supply system and it was the main policy problem to be solved for a long time. Although it was not completely solved, it is just in sight in the Ministry of Welfare (Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare) having promoted differentiation of medical function and promotion of coordination policy since 1980’s. The policy consists of three points; first one is to differentiate medical function between acute care and chronic care, second one is to promote discharge by Bundled payment in revision of medical fee, third one is to provide both facility and in-home care service. This report explores about the factors that the Ministry of Welfare could promote through the view point of “Policy Learning”. This report revealed that the Ministry of Welfare has learned the elements of European and American eldercare service formulated the policy by constraining it to existing institutions under the administrative reform since 1980’s.
著者
木部 尚志
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_60-1_80, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)
参考文献数
29

In recent work, Jürgen Habermas develops the idea of “postsecular society” to respond to the fact that religion continues to be influential, far from withering away. In order to reflect religious voices in public sphere while maintaining the principle of political secularism, he argues for the idea of “cooperative translation,” according to which religious and secular citizens work together on translating religious claims into secular ones. Critically examining Habermas's idea of “cooperative translation,” this article attempts to point out two problematic issues involved in this idea. First, by focusing on different requirements that the idea of “cooperative translation” imposes on religious and secular citizens respectively, it claims that those requirements are potentially detrimental to the polyphonic nature of public sphere. Second, it critically considers what Habermas means by “translation,” thereby showing that the idea of “cooperative translation” is based on the logic of convergence, but not on that of consensus, hence being in tension with the discourse-theoretic foundation of political legitimacy.
著者
寺田 晋
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1_225-1_245, 2014 (Released:2017-07-01)

While recent studies have emphasized the importance of colonial studies in the vein of Yanaihara Tadao as a discipline dealing with issues arising from international migration, this article suggests that studies of private international law addressed similar issues. Since private international law presupposes the coexistence of different sovereign states with their own legal systems and the movement of people among them, scholars of modern private international law had a strong interest in migration-related topics such as the admission of foreign nationals and the legal status of resident foreigners. This article focuses on one of the pioneering scholars of private international law in Japan, Yamada Saburô, and argues that his views on international migration, while based on Règles internationales sur l'admission et l'expulsion des étrangers adopted in 1892 by Institut de droit international, presented his original idea, kyôdô seizon (community life or simply community).
著者
山田 真裕
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.2, pp.2_52-2_69, 2011

This paper is a case study of organizational transformation in a prefectural party unit of Japans Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Ibaraki prefecture was one of the bulwarks of LDP dominance and the prefectural organization ("kenren") had been proud of own strength. But, at the defeat in the 2009 gubernatorial election, many conservative local politician and interest organizations were against the "kenren" and supported the incumbent governor, Masaru Hashimoto, and let him win. The defeat broke the previous regime at the "kenren", and the Ibaraki-kenren was forced to rebuild its organization and to try transforming itself from being a prefectural member-centered organization to becoming a more inclusive organization. <br>  The purpose of this article analyzes the process of the gubernatorial defeat and the organizational reformation in the kenren following that defeat, to claim the necessity of further accumulation of analysis about local organizations of political parties, not only from perspective of national level confrontation among parties, but also local conflict among local politicians and interest organizationswith a peculiar dynamism.
著者
宮下 豊
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.1_171-1_193, 2010 (Released:2016-02-24)

This paper proves that the kernel of Morgenthau's Scientific Man vs. Power Politics is not in defense of the pursuit for power but critique of modernity. In modernity, he thinks, normative ethics disappears under the reign of rationalism which substitutes “laws of causality” for “laws of morality” and as a consequence “the scientific approach” governs both politic sand ethics. Then it becomes clear that to focus only on his critique of liberalism in disregard of his critique of Marxism and Nazism is to misunderstand this normative concern. Lastly, it is argued that Morgenthau has gloomy prospect of man in modernity as “Scientific Man”, which is thought to be similar to Friedrich Nietzsche's “die letzten Menschen” and Max Weber's “Fachmenschen ohne Geist, Genußmenschen ohne Herz”, in that, according to Morgenthau, modern man cannot fail to aggravate the struggle for power by embracing the political religions which promise salvation from suffering of this world.
著者
村田 玲
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.2, pp.2_212-2_232, 2010 (Released:2016-02-24)

Today, Machiavellism is generally regarded as a specific rule of political action stemming from the necessity and autonomy of politics. In other words, the problem of Machiavellism is raised as one related to the tragic antinomy between politics and ethics. However, such an interpretation has its roots in 19th-century German Historicism. Here, it should be noted that the term Machiavellism itself was generated and spread in the mid-16th century. The word has its genesis in the old interpretation of Machiavelli's political science, which accused Machiavelli of being a teacher of evil. The purpose of this paper is to rediscover the essence of Machiavellism in terms of its original meaning. First, the fundamental character of the present-day interpretation of Machiavellism must be articulated by analyzing German Historicism. Then, intentionally avoiding ideas that are related to German Historicism, the original meaning of Machiavellism must be grasped by analyzing the interpretation of Machiavelli's political science as raised by his first readers in the 16th century.

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著者
大森 彌
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, pp.130-142, 1981-09-30 (Released:2009-12-21)
参考文献数
10
著者
近藤 康史
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.36-59,263, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
57

In the study of comparative politics, we need a theory that is applicable in analyzing of a ‘political change’ or ‘institutional change’. This article attempts to gain a view of such comparative politics theory, focusing on ‘ideational approaches’. Through the review of existing various ideational approaches in political science, this article argues the potential of ideational approaches for analysis of political change.First, for ideational approaches, it is necessary to highlight not only the existence of ideas per se but also the function of ideas in the political processes. Specifically, we need to focus on the process in which an idea gains wide support from various political actors and thereby coalitions for a political change are built. Second, in case of such coalition building, we need to specify the influences of an idea from the point of view of ‘preference formation’. Third, for more persuasiveness, it is important to take into account the interrelation between ideas and institutions. Finally, this article discusses the possibility of ideational approaches that mediate rationalists, culturalists, and structuralists in comparative politics.